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LIFE 


OP 


JOSEPH  BRANT-THAYENDANEGEA: 


INCLUDINO 


THE   BORDER  WARS 


OF  THE 


AMERICAN  REVOLUTION, 


AND 


SKETCHES  OP  THE  INDIAN  CAMPAIGNS  OP  GENERALS 
HARMAR,  ST.  CLAIR,  AND  WAYNE. 

AND  OTHER  HATTERS 


CONNECTED  WITH  THE  INDIAN  RELATIONS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 

AND  GREAT  BRITAIN,  FROiM  THE  PEACE  OF  1783  TO 

THE  INDIAN  PEACE  OF  1795. 


BY  WILLIAM  L.  STONE. 


IN  TWO  VOLUMES. 


VOL.  I. 


COOPERSTOWN : 
PUBLISHED  BY  H.  &  E.  PHINNEY. 

18  45. 


*• 


'j 


i  '    ;  ! 


Entered  according  to  the  Act  of  Congress  of  the  United  States  9f  America,  in  the 
year  1838,  byGEORQE  Dearborn  &Co.,  in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court 
ibr  the  Southern  District  of  New- York. 


^MH# 


TO  THE  iiONORABIiE 

STEPHEN  VAN  RENSSELAER, 

OF  ALBANY, 

These  volumes  are  most  respectfully  inscribed.  If 
the  efforts  of  the  writer  to  illustrate  more  fully  and 
minutely  than  has  hither' j  been  done,  the  most  inte- 
resting portion  of  American  history,  in  its  immediate 
connection  with  the  large  and  populous  State  of  which 
The  Patroon  has  so  long  been  one  of  the  most  distin- 
guished citizens,  shall  be  so  fortunate  as  to  merit  the 
regard,  and  receive  the  approbation,  of  one  so  excel- 
lently qualified  to  judge  of  its  interest  and  value,  there 
will  be  nothing  left  unsatisfied  to  the  ambition  and 

the  hopes  of 

His  friend  and  servant, 

THE  AUTHOR 


§ 


.>«ii 


Bi- 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Bi-th  and  parentage— DiscuBiion  of  the  doubts  cut  upon  hi«  origin— Visit  of  Mo- 
hawk ciiiofs  to  duoen  Anne — Evidence  of  Brant's  descent  from  one  of  those — 
Dii^rcssion  from  the  main  subject,  and  Extracts  from  the  private  and  official  jour- 
nail  of  Sir  William  Johnson— Connexion  between  Sir  William  and  the  family  of 
Brunt — Incidental  references  to  the  old  French  wor — Illustrations  of  Indian  pro- 
ccedinyis,  speeches,  &c. — Brant's  parentage  satisfactorily  established — Takes 
the  field  in  the  Campaign  of  Lake  Georoe  (1755.)— Is  cnj^agcd  at  the  conquest 
of  Niagara  (1759.) — Efforts  of  Sir  William  Johnaon  to  civilize  the  Indians — Brant 
IS  sontrwilh  other  Indian  youths,  totheMoorUhaniv  Hchool,  at  Lebanon — Leaves 
school — Anecdote — Is  engaged  on  public  business  by  Sir  William — As  an  Inter- 

Firctcr  for  the  Missionaries — Again  takes  th'>  field,  in  the  wars  against  Pontiac — 
nliMidod  massacre  at  Detroit — Ultimate  ovci  hrow  of  Pontiac — ^First  inarringo  of 
Brant — Entertains  the  Missionaries — Again  employed  on  public  business — Deatli 
of  his  wife — Engages  with  Mr.  Stewart  in  translating  the  Scriptures — Marries 
a!{ain — Has  serious  religious  impressions — Selects  a  bosom  friend  and  confidant, 
after  tlio  Indian  custom — Death  of  his  friend — His  grief,  and  refusal  to  choose 
another  friend. Page  1 

CHAPTER  II. 

Early  symptoms  of  disaffection  at  Boston — Origin  of  the  Revolutionary  War — First 
blood  shed  in  1770 — Stirring  eloquence  of  Joseph  Warren — Feelings  of  Sir  Wil- 
liam Johnson — His  influence  with  the  Indians  and  Germans,  and  his  unpleasant 
position — Last  vicit  of  Sir  William  to  England — His  death — Mysterious  circum- 
stances attending  it — Suspicions  of  suicide  unjust — His  son.  Sir  John  Johnson, 
succeeds  to  his  title  and  estates — His  son-in-law.  Col.  Guy  Johnson,  to  his  ofHcc 
as  Superintendant  General  of  the  Indians— Early  life  of  Sir  John — Joseph  Brant 
appointed  Secretary  to  Guy  Johnson — Influence  of  the  Johnson  family — Revolu- 
tionary symptoms  in  Tryon  County,  fomented  by  the  proceedings  in  New  Eng- 
land— First  meeting  of  Tryon  County  Whigs — Declaration  of  Riglits — First  meet- 
ing of  Congress — EfTect  of  its  proceedings — in  ETngland — Tardiness  of  Provincial 
legislature  of  New- York — Spirit  of  the  people — No»es  of  preparation  in  Massachu- 
sntts,  &c.— Overt  acts  of  rebellion  in  several  States — Indians  exasperated  by  the 
Virginia  borderers  in  1774 — Melancholy  story  of  Logan — Campaign  of  Lord  Dun- 
more  and  Colonel  Lewis — Battle  of  theKanhawa-^Speech  of  Logan — Its  authen- 
ticity questioned — Peace  of  Chilicothc — ^Unhappy  feeling  of  the  Indians.     -      20 

CHAPTER  in. 

Pnyiplding  course  of  the  parent  Government — Efforts  of  the  Earl  of  Chatham  una- 
vailing—Address to  the  Crown  from  New- York — Leslie's  Expedition  to  Salem— 
AfTair  of  Lexington — Unwise  movements  of  Tryon  County  loyalists — Reaction 
— Public  meetings — The  Sammona  family — ^Interference  of  the  Johnsons — 
Ctuarrel  at  Caughnawaga — Spirited  indications  at  Cherry  Valley — Counteracting 
efforts  of  the  Johnsons  among  their-  retainers — Intrigues  with  the  Indians — 
Massachusetts  attempts  the  same — Correspondence  with  the  Stockbridge  Indians 
— Letter  to  Mr.  KirKland— His  removal  by  Guy  Johnson — Neutrality  of  the 
Oneidas — Intercepted  despatch  from  Brant  to  the  Oneidas — Apprehensions  of 
Guy  Johnson — Corresponaencc — Farther  precautions  of  the  Committees — Re- 
verence for  the  Laws — Letter  of  Gqy  Johnson  to  the  Committees  of  Albany  and 
Schenectady — Substance  of  the  reply.    --.        .        ...49 


,%!« 


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II 


Vlll 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


Council  of  till!  Molmwk  chiefs  at  Quy  Park— A  «<tond  council  called  Uy  JolinRon 
nl  Coalij'n  Manor — Proceeds  thither  witii  his  retinue — First  lull  meeting  of  Tryon 
Comity  Coniniiltce — Corresnondenco  with  (iuy  Johnson — No  council  held— 
JiihiiHon  proeeedri  farther  West,  accotn|ianied  hy  his  family  and  nioxt  of  thi;  In* 
dians — Cunsefjuent  apprehensions  of  the  people — Conununieution  from  Muxxa- 
ehuitettsCoii<;reS!< — TiconderogttanH  Crown  Point  taken  by  Kthan  Allen — Skenet*- 
liornugh  and  St.  Johns  surprised — Farther  piocuedings  in  MassachuKotts — Battio 
of  Bunker  Hill — Death  of  Warren — Councd  with  tho  Oneith  s  and  Tuscaroras  at 
Gorman  Flatts — Speech  to  the  Indians — Subsequent  council  with  the  <^)neidttH — 
Conduct  of  the  people  toward  Quy  Johnson — Speech  to,  and  reply  of  Oncidas — ■ 
Quy  Johnson  moves  westwardly  to  Ontario — Ilis  letter  to  the  Provuu'ia!  Congresa 
of  ISTew-York — Uoldsagrcat  Indion  council  at  tho  West — Unfavourable  influence 
luion  tho  dispositions  of  tho  Indians— Causes  of  their  partiality  for  the  English — 
Great,  but  ^roufidiess  alarm  of  tho  peo|»le — Giiy  Johnson,  with  Brant  ond  tlio 
Indian  warriors,  descends  the  St.  Lawrence  to  Montreal — Council  there — Sir  Guy 
Carlcton  and  Gen.  Haldimand  complete  tho  work  of  winning  the  Indians  over  to 
the  cause  of  tho  Crown.   .........    Page  71 

CHAPTER  V. 

Meeting  of  tho  second  Continental  Congress — Measures  of  defence — Declaration- 
National  fast — Organization  of  an  Indian  departmtnt — Address  to  the  Six  Na- 
tions— Council  called  at  Albany — Pr.-liminary  consultation  at  German  Flatts — 
Speeches  of  tho  Oncidas  ond  others—  Adjourn  ^o  Albany — Brief  interview  with 
tho  cotuiniasioiiers — Conference  and  interchange  of  speeches  witli  the  Albanians — 
Procecdinss  of  tho  grand  council — Snocchosof  the  commissioners — Iteplies  of  tho 
Indians — Conclusion  of  tfo  grand  council — Resumption  of  the  conference  with 
the  Albanians — Speech  of  the  Albany  Committee — Reply  of  tho  Indians — Dis- 
closures  of  Quy  Johnson's  proceedings  at  Oswego — Close  of  the  proceedings — 
Epidemi(!  among  the  Indians— Small  benefit  resulting  from  the  council — Proceed- 
ings in  Tryon  County  resumed — Doubtful  position  oi  New- York — Symptoms  ot 
disaffection  to  tlie  cause  of  the  people— Sir  John  Johnson— Sherifl"  White  deposed 
by  the  people — Tho  royal  authorities  superseded  by  appointments  from  the  peo- 
ple— Affray  at  Johnstown — First  gun  fired  at  Sampson  Sammons — White  recom- 
tnissioncd  by  Tryon — His  flijiht — Labors  of  the  Committee— Opposition  of  tho 
Tories — Designs  of  Sir  John  Johnson  and  Sir  Guy  Carleton — Letter  and  depu- 
tation to  Sir  John — Prisoners  for  political  offinces  sent  to  gool — Let'^r  from  Pro- 
vincial Congress — Mohawks  commence  fighting  at  St.  Johns — Spei  i  of  the  Co- 
najoharies  in  explanation  — Indians  apply  for  release  of  prisoners — Review  of  tho 
progress  of  the  Revolution  in  other  parts  of  the  Colonies — Proceedings  of  Parlia. 
.nent— Burning  of  Falinoiith — Descent  upon  Canada — Eilian  Allen  taken — Ar- 
nold's expedition — Siege  of  Gluebec — Fall  of  Montgomery — Caughnawagn  and 
Delaware  Indians.        ..'.....  ..91 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Lord  Dunmore — Glance  ot  the  South— Suspicious  conduct  of  Sir  John  Johnson- 
Conduct  of  the  Tories  in  Tryon  County — Gen.  Schuyler  directed  by  Congress 
to  march  into  that  Coimty  and  disarm  the  Tories — Preliminary  mission  to  the 
Lower  Mohawks — Message  to  them — Their  displeasure  ond  reply — March  of 
Schuyler— Meets  the  Indians  at  Schenectady — Interview  and  spoedies — Advance 
of  Schuyler — Letter  to  Sir  John  Johnson — Interview — Negotiations  of  capitula- 
tion— Terms  proposed — Schuyler  advances  to  Caughnawogo — Joined  by  Tryon 
County  Militia — ^Farther  correspondence  with  Sir  John — Interview  with  the  In- 
dian mediators — ^Terms  of  surrender  adjusted — Schuyler  marche.<?  to  Johns- 
town— Sir  John,  his  household,  and  the  Highlanders,  disarmed — Troops  scour 
the  country  to  bring  in  the  loyalists— Disappointment  as  to  the  supposed  Tory 
Depot  of  warlike  munitions — Return  of  Scnuyler  to  Albany — Resolution  of  Con- 
gress— Additional  Trouble  with  Sir  .Tohn — Preparations  for  his  seizure — Expedi- 
tion of  Col.  Dayton — Flight  of  the  Baronet  and  his  partisans  to  Canada — Their 
sufferings — And  subsequent  conduct — How  the  violation  of  his  parole  was  con- 
sidered.       ----119 


¥» 


COICTENTt. 


CHAPTKIl  VII. 
Hiofory  of  Brnnt  roKumcd — Advnnci d  to  the  chicftnincy  of  tlio  Confrdernry— Mode 
of  ajipoititinj!  chii  fi^  iirul  (mtlu'iiis — Knilmrku  for  En<>laii(l — ArrivcH  in  Lonilon— 
Uoctivfci  willi  iiiiirkcd  coriHiilcrution— HctotiirH  aL'<|uaiiiti'(l  with  Jnnu-ii  UormcIi 
luid  olIuTs — AjjrecH  to  ruiMiiiJtc  tlii-Iloynl  rniisc,  and  n'tnma  to  Ann'ricn— Steals 
throiiuh  thn  coinitry  to  Canada— (iJurions  niipposud  lutttT  to  Prcsidtnt  Whiclotk 
— Hatllo  of  lln)  (;id«rs—(;o\vardi«j  of  Major  Buttcrfu'ld — OiilrogiJi  of  tlio  In- 
dianx— Story  of  Capt.  M'Kinslry,  who  was  navt'd  from  tho  stukt^  l)y  Brunt— In- 
di'nntion  ot  \Vn>thiiiij;ton,  tho  people,  and  CongrexH — Ile«olutioiig  of  ntoliation 
— Iviututtl  coniplttintM  of  treatment  of  j)ri8onurs — Murder  of  Gen.  Gordon— In- 
dignation Ql  iho  oiitrni;(> — Indian  deputation  ot  Philadelpliia — Speirh  to  them — 
Conuress  renoIveH  npon  t'lie  em|iioy!iient  of  an  Indian  force — Sehuyl.^r  oppoHcd — 
Revii'W  of  tho  incidents  of  the  war  elsewiiert — Destitution  of  llie  Army— Eva- 
cuation  of  Boston  hy  the  Englisli— Disastrous  t-jrmination  of  ine  Canachan  cam- 
pnign — Dcplorohio  condition  of  tlie  nrmy — Humanity  of  Sir  Guy  Carh'ton — 
—Glance  ut  tlic  South— Declaration  of  Independence— Spirit  of  Tryon  County 
— Cherry  Valley — Fortifications  at  Fort  Stanwix — American  army  movci  to 
New-York— Arrival  of  the  British  fleet  and  nrmy- Battle  of  Long-Islond— 
Washington  evacuates  New- York— Battle  of  White  Plains— Retreats  across 
New-Jti-sey- -Followed  l)y  Coriiwiillis — Defeat  of  Arnold  on  Lake  Champlain 
—Fall  of  Rhode  Island— Battle  of  I'renton. Page  147 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Continuation  of  movements  in  New  Jersey — Extinguishment  of  the  council-firc  at 
Onondaga — Tryon  County— Colonel  Harper's  mission  to  Ojihkwaga — The  Har- 
per fiirnily — Adventure  uttlie  Johnstone  si  tllement— Capture  of  Good  Pttcr  and 
nis  party — TluiyiMidanegea  crosses  front  Canada  to  Oglikwaga — Interview  with 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Johnstone — Doubtful  course  of  Brant — Kcivcrish  »ituu4ion  of  tho 
people— Expedition  of  General  Flerkimer  to  Unadilla — Remarkable  nieetin"  be- 
tween Herkimer  and  Brant — Meditaterl  act  of  treachery — Wariness  of  the 
chief— Meeting  obruptly  terminated — Ended  in  u  storm — Brant  draws  oflf  to  Os- 
wego— Grand  council  lliere— Tho  Indians  {>eneralU' join  the  Royal  standard — 
Approach  of  Brant  upon  Cherry  Valley — How  delcutcd — Death  of  Lieutenant 
Wormwood.        ...........        175 

CHAPTER  IX. 

British  preparations  for  the  prosecution  of  the  war — Indications  at  the  North — Doubt- 
ful position  and  conduct  of  General  Howe — Embarrassing  to  the  Americans — In- 
tercepted correspondence — General  Howe  sails  to  the  Chesopeake— Ent(TS  Phila- 
delphia in  triinnpli — Burgoyno  onproacbes  from  the  North — Indian  policy — Sir 
Guy  Corleton — False  estimates  of  the  strength  of  Ticondcroga — Burgoy  ne  arrives 
at  Crown  Point — Feasts  the  Indians — Invests  Ticondcroga — Carries  the  out- 
works— Fortifies  Sugar  Hill — The  fortress  evacuated  by  St.  Clair — Retreat  of  tho 
Americans — Battles  near  Skcnesborough  and  at  Fort  Ann — Burgoync  enters  the 
valley  of  the  Hudson — Schuyler,  without  means,  retreats  from  Fort  Edward — 
Terror  of  the  people — Cruelties  of  the  Indians— Story  of  Miss  M'Crea — General 
flight  of  the  poptilation— Mrs.  Ann  Eliza  Bleecker — tieroism  of  Mrs.  Schuyler — 
Attempted  assassination  of  General  Schuyler.       .        .        •        .        .        195 

CHAPTER  X. 

Expedition  against  the  Mohawk  Valley  from  Uswego — Despondency  of  the  people 
in  Tryon  County — Letter  of  John  Jay — Arrest  of  several  of  the  disaflTcctea — 
Flight  of  others  to  Canada — Schuyler's  complaints  of  the  cowardice  of  the  people 
— Great  discouragements — Proclamation  of  General  Herkimer — Letter  from 
Thomas  Spencer — St.  Leger's  approach — Caution  and  plan  of  his  march — Diary 
of  Lieut.  Bird — Fort  Stanwix  invested — Colonel  Gansevoort  takes  command — Its 
deplorable  condition — Gansevoort  joined  by  Willett — Story  of  Captain  Gregg — 
Situation  of  the  garrison — Arrival  of  St.  Leger — His  proclamation — Burgoyne's 
affairs  becoming  critical — Affair  of  Bennington — General  Herkimer,  with  the 
Tryon  County  militia,  advances  to  the  relief  of  Gansevoort — Battle  of  Oriskany — 
Bloody  upon  both  sides — Unexampled  bravery  of  Captuin  Gardenier — Major 
Watts — Dissatisfaction  of  the  1n<lian8 — Sortie  and  success  of  Colonel  Willett — 
Death  and  character  of  General  Herkimer.   •       •        .        -        •,■*■*      iW9 

2 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XI. 
Siege  of  Fort  Schuyler  continued — Forced  letter  from  prisontirs  to  Col.  Ganaevoort 
— St  Leger  srmmona  the  garrison  to  surrender — Relusalof  Gansevoort — Appeal 
of  Sir  John  Johmon  to  the  people  of  Tryon  County — Secret  expedition  of  Colonel 
Willett  and  Major  Stock  well — Schuyler  ordcra  Arnold  to  the  relief  of  Ganaevoort 
— Willett  proceeds  lo  Albany — Arrest  of  Walter  Butler,  and  others,  at  German 
Flatts — Tried  and  lonvicted  as  a  spy — Reprieved — Sent  to  Albany — Escapes — 
Arnold's  pruclamation — Advance  of  the  besiegtjrs — Uncsaainess  of  the  garrison — 
Sudden  fli^nt  of  St.  Leger  and  liia  forces — Stratagem  of  Arnold — Story  of  Hon- 
Yost  Schuyler — Merriment  and  mischief  of  the  Indians — Arrival  of  Arnold  at  the 
Fort — The  spoils  of  victory — Public  estimation  of  Gansevoort's  services — Ad- 
dress to  his  soldiers — His  promotion — Address  of  his  officers.  -        Page  249 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Recurrence  to  the  invasion  of  Burgoyne — Gonnrnl  Schuyler  again  superaeded  by 

Gates — Causes  of  this  injustice — Battle  of  Stillwater — Both  armies  entrench — 

Battle  and  victory  of  Behmus'a  Heights — Funeral  of  General  Frazer— Retreat  of 

Burgoyne — Difficulties  increasing  upon  him — His  capitulation — Meeting  of  Bur- 

foyneand  Gates — Deportment  of  Gates  toward  Gen.  Washington — Noble  con- 
uct  of  Gen.  Schuyler.         ....--..-        265 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton's  attempt  to  co-operate  with  Burgoyne — Storming  of  Forts  Clin- 
ton and  Montgomery — Burning  of  iEsopus — Review  of  military  operations  else- 
where— Expedition  to  Peekskill — Of  Gov.  Tryon  to  Danbury — Progress  of  Sir 
Willipm  Howe  in  Pennsylvania — Battle  of  Brandy  wine — Massacreof  thePuoli^ 
Battle  of  Germantown — Death  of  Count  Donop — Murder  of  Captain  Deitz  and 
family  at  Berne — John  Taylor — Lady  Johnson  ordered  to  leave  Albany — Exas- 
peration of  Sir  John — Attempts  to  abduct  Mr.  Taylor — An  Indian  and  white  man 
bribed  to  assassinate  General  Schuyler — Fresh  alarms  in  Tryon  County — Ad- 
dress of  Congress  to  the  Six  Nations — The  appeal  produces  no  effect— Articles 
of  confederation — Close  of  the  year.        -.--..-    280 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Treaty  of  alliance  with  France — Policy  of  France — Incidents  of  the  Winter — Pro- 
jected  expedition  against  St.  Johns — Lafayette  appointed  to  the  command  of  the 
North — Failure  of  the  enterprise  for  lack  of  means — Disappointment  and  chagrin 
of  Lafayette — Unpleasant  indications  respecting  the  Western  Indians — Indian 
council  at  Johnstown — Attendid  by  Lafiiyette — It«  proceedings — And  result — 
Reward  offered  for  Major  Carleton — Letter  of  Ijafayette — He  retires  from  tho 
Northern  Department — Return  of  tho  loyalists  for  their  families — Unopposed — 
Their  aggressions — Prisoners  carried  into  Canada — Their  fate — Re-appcaranco 
of  Brant  at  Oahkwaga  and  Unadilhi — Anecdote  of  Brant — Comparati"«  cruelty  of 
the  Tories  and  Indians — Murder  of  a  f\imily — Exposed  situation  of  f  people — 
Captain  McKean — Sends  a  challenge  to  Brant — Burning  of  Springiield — First 
battle  in  Schoharie. 298 

CHAPTER  XV. 

The  story  of  Wyoming — Glance  at  its  history — Bloody  battle  betvvccn  the  Shawa- 
nese  and  Delawares — Count  Zinzendorf— Conflicting  Indian  claims  and  titles — 
Rival  land  companies  of  Connecticut  and  Pennsylvania — Murder  of  Tadeusuhd 
—The  first  Connecticut  Colony  destroyed  by  the  Indians — Controversy  respecting 
their  titles — Rival  Co'onies  planted  in  Wyoming — The  civil  wars  of  Wyoming — 
Bold  adventure  of  Captain  Ogden — Fierce  pnssions  of  the  people — The  Connecti- 
cut settlers  prevail — Growth  of  the  settlements— Annexed  to  Connecticut — Break- 
ing out  of  the  Revolution — The  inhabitantSjStimulated  by  previous  hatred,take  sides 
— Arrest  of  suspected  persons  in  January — Sent  to  Hartford— Evil  consequences 
—The  enemy  appear  upon  tho  outskirts  of  the  settlements  in  the  Spring — Inva- 
sion by  Colonel  John  Butler  and  the  Indians — Colonel  Zeoulon  Butler  prepares 
to  oppose  them — Two  of  the  forte  token — Colonel  Z.  Butler  marches  to  encounter 
the  enemy — Ratile  of  Wyoming — Tho  Americans  defeated — The  flight  and  mas- 
sacre— Fort  Wyoming  besieged — Timidity  of  the  garrison — Zebulon  Butler's 
authority  not  sustained— He  escapes  from  the  fort — Colonel  Denniston  forced  to 


CONTENTS. 


Xi 


capitulate— Destruction  of  the  Valley— Barbarities  of  the  Tories— B.  ant  not  in  the 
expe.lition— Catharine  Montour— Flight  of  the  fugitives— Expedition  of  Colonel 
Hartley  up  the  Susquehanna— Colonel  Zcbulon  F  '  ler  repossesses  iiiinself  of  Wyo- 
ming, and  rebuilds  the  fort— Indian  skirmishes  lose  of  the  history  of  Wyo- 
ming.          PageilS 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

Evacuation  of  Philadelphia  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton— Followed  through  New  Jersey 
by  Washington— Battle  of  Monmouth— «Jonduct  and  arrest  of  General  Lee- 
Retreat  of  the  enemy — Arrival  of  the  French  fleet— Combined  attack  of  the  Ame- 
ricans and  French  upon  the  British  army  of  Rhode  Island— British  fleet  escapes 
from  Count  D'Estaing — Battle  of  Rhode  Island— Failure  of  the  expedition- 
Projected  campaigns  against  the  Indians — Captains  Pipe  and  White-Eyes— 
M'Kee  and  Girty— General  M'Intosh  ordered  against  the  Sandusky  towns- 
Irruption  of  Brant  into  Coblcskill— Of  M'Donald  into  tlje  Schoharie  settlements 
— Pusillanimity  of  Colonel  Vrooman — Bravery  of  Colonel  Harper— His  expedi- 
tion to  Albany— Captivity  of  Mr.  Sawyer — Slays  six  Indians  and  escapes — Colo- 
nel William  Butler  sent  to  Schoharie — Morgan's  rifle  corps— Daring  adventures 
of  Murphy  and  Elerson— Death  of  Service,  a  noted  Tory— Murphy's  subsequent 
adventures — Affairs  at  Fort  Schuyler — Alarming  lumber  of  desertions— Destruc- 
tion of  Andros-town  by  the  Indians— Conflagration  of  the  German  Flatts — Ex- 
pedition of  Colonel  William  Butler  from  Schoharie  to  Unadilla  and  Oghk- 
waga.        --         ....-.--..        343 

CHAPTER  XVII. 
Walter  N.  Butler — His  flight  from  Albany,  bent  on  revenge — The  Great  Tree — 
Hostile  indications  among  the  Senccos  and  Cayugas — Premonitions  of  an  attack 
by  Butler  and  Brant  upon  Cherry  Valley — Discrfidited  by  Colonel  Alden — Scouts 
sent  out  and  captured — Surprise  of  the  town — Massacre  and  burning — Death  of 
Colonel  Alden — Families  of  Mr,  Wells,  Mr.  Dunlop,  and  others — Brutality  of  the 
Tories — Family  of  Mr.  Mitchell — The  monster  Newberry — Departure  of  the 
enemy  with  their  captives — A  night  of  gloom — Women  and  children  sent  back — 
Letter  of  Butler  to  Gen.  Schuyler — Murder  of  Mrs.  Campbell's  mother — Vindi- 
cation of  Brant — Interesting  incident — Brant's  opinion  of  Capt.  M'Kcan — Colo- 
nel John  Butler  laments  the  conduct  of  his  son — Letter  of  General  James  Clinton 
to  Walter  Butler — Letter  of  Butler  in  reply — Molly  Brant — Particulars  of  Mrs. 
Campbell's  captivity — Feast  of  thanksgivmg  for  their  victory — The  great  feast  if 
the  White  Dogs — Return  of  Walter  Butler  from  Quebec — Col.  Butler  negotiates 
with  the  Indians  for  Mrs.  Campbell — She  goes  to  Niagara — Catharine  Montour 
and  her  sons — Mrs.  Catnpbell  finds  her  children — Descends  the  St.  Lawrence  to 
Montreal — Meets  Mrs.  Butler — Arrives  at  Albany,  and  is  joined  by  her  husband 
—Grand  campaign  projected — .Jacob  Helmer  and  others  sent  privately  to  Johns- 
town for  the  iron  chest  of  Sir  John — Execution  of  Heime-— Arrival  of  British 
Commissioners— Not  received — Exchange  of  Ministers  with  France — Incidents 
of  the  war  elsewhere  for  the  year.        ..._.-.        36J) 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 
Indian  siege  of  Fort  Laurens — Successful  stratajjems — Flight  of  the  pack-horses — 
The  fort  abandoned — Projected  enterprise  from  Detroit — Gov.  Hamilton  captured 
at  St.  Vincent  by  Col.  Clarke — Projects  of  Brnnt— Uneasiness  in  the  West  of 
New- York — Deliberations  of  the  Oneidas  and  Onondagas — Brant's  projects  de- 
feated— Treachery  of  the  Onondngas — Colonel  Van  Schaick  marches  to  lay  waste 
their  towns — Instructions  of  General  Clinton — Passage  of  Wood  Creek  and 
O.icida  Lake — Advance  upon  the  Indian  towns— Their  destruction— Return  of 
the  expedition  to  Fort  Schuyler — Mission  of  the  Oneidas  to  Fort  Schuyler  in  be- 
half of  the  Onondagas — Speech  of  Good  Peter — Reply  of  Colonel  Van  Schaick — 
Irruption  of  Tories  and  Indians  into  the  lower  Mohawk  country — Stone  Arabia — 
Defence  of  his  house  by  Captain  Richer — The  Indians  in  Schoharie— General 
Clinton  traverses  the  Mohawk  valley— M'Clellan's  expedition  to  Oswegatchie — 
Unsuccessful — Irruption  of  the  Onondagas  into  Coblcskill — Defeat  of  the  Ame- 
ricans—The setflemenl  destroyed — Murders  in  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Pitt — 
Irruptions  of  T  iries  into  Warwasing — Invasion  of  Minisink — Battle  near  the  Dela 
ware— Massacre  of  the  Orange  County  militia— Battle  with  the  Shawanese.   398 


.41^. 


Ml  MHa*M<*KM«*.VMwri|H 


t^iiiJil, 


INTRODUCTION. 


It  is  related  by  ^sop,  that  a  forester  onco  meeting  with  a  lion, 
they  travelled  together  for  a  time,  and  conversed  amicably  without 
much  differing  in  opinion.  At  length  a  dispute  happening  to  arise 
upon  the  question  of  superiority  between  their  respective  races,  the 
former,  in  the  absence  of  a  better  argument,  pointed  to  a  monument, 
on  which  was  sculptured,  in  marble,  the  statue  of  a  man  striding 
over  the  body  of  a  vanquished  lion.  «' If  this,"  said  the  lion,  "is 
all  you  have  to  say,  let  us  be  the  sculptors,  and  you  will  see  the 
lion  striding  over  the  vanquished  man." 

The  moral  of  this  fable  should  ever  be  borne  in  mind  when  con- 
templating the  character  of  that  brave  and  ill-used  race  of  men,  now 
meltii'g  away  before  the  Anglo-Saxons  like  the  snow  beneath  a  ver- 
tical sun — the  aboriginals  of  America.  The  Indians  are  no  sculp- 
tors. No  monuments  of  their  own  art  commend  to  future  ages 
the  events  of  the  past.  No  Indian  pen  traces  the  history  of  their 
tribes  and  nations,  or  records  the  deeds  of  their  warriors  and 
chiefs — their  prowess  and  their  wrongs.  Their  spoilers  have  been 
their  historians ;  and  although  a  reluctant  assent  has  been  awarded 
to  some  of  the  nobler  traits  of  their  nature,  yet,  without  yielding  a 
due  allowance  for  the  peculiarities  of  their  situation,  the  Indian 
character  has  been  presented  with  singular  uniformity  as  being  cold, 
cruel,  morose,  and  revengeful ;  unrelieved  by  any  of  those  varying 
traits  and  characteristics,  those  lights  and  shadows,  which  are 
admitted  in  respect  to  other  people  no  less  wild  and  uncivilized 
than  ihey. 

Without  pausing  to  reflect  that,  even  when  most  cruel,  they  have 
been  practising  the  trade  of  war — always  dreadful — as  mucli  in 
conformity  to  their  own  usages  and  laws,  as  have  their  more  civi- 
lized antagonists,  the  white  historian  has  drawn  them  with  the 
characteristics  of  demons.  Forgetting  that  the  second  of  the  He- 
brew monarchs  did  not  scruple  to  saw  his  prisoners  with  saws,  ancl 
harrow  them  with  harrows  of  iron ;  forgetful,  likewise,  of  the  scenes 
at  Smithfield,  under  the  direction  of  our  own  British  ancestors ;  the 


m 


\Vi4 


I 


..m 


xiv 


INTEODUCTION. 


i\\ 


f| 


historians  of  the  poor  untutored  Indians,  almost  with  one  accord, 
have  denounced  them  as  monsters  sui  generis — of  unparalleled  and 
unapproachable  barbarity ;  as  though  the  summary  tomahawk  were 
worse  than  the  iron  tortures  of  the  harrow,  and  the  torch  of  the 
Mohawk  hotter  than  the  faggots  of  Queen  Mary. 

Nor  does  it  seem  to  have  occurred  to  the  "  pale-faced  "  writers, 
that  the  identical  cruelties,  the  records  and  descriptions  of  which 
enter  so  largely  into  the  composition  of  the  ep.rlier  volumes  of  Ame. 
rican  history,  were  not  barbarities  in  the  estimation  of  those  who 
practised  them.  The  scalp-lock  was  an  emblem  of  chivalry.  Every 
warrior,  in  shaving  his  head  for  battle,  was  careful  to  leave  the 
lock  of  defiance  upon  his  crown,  as  for  the  bravado,  "  Take  it  if  you 
can."  The  stake  and  the  torture  were  identified  with  their  rude 
notions  of  the  power  of  endurance.  They  were  inflicted  upon  cap- 
tives of  their  own  race,  as  well  as  upon  the  whites ;  and  with 
their  own  braves  tliost.*  trials  were  courted,  to  enable  the  sufferer 
to  exhibit  the  courage  and  fortitude  with  which  they  could  be 
borne — the  proud  scorn  with  which  all  the  pain  that  a  foe  might 
inflict,  could  be  endured. 

But  they  fell  upon  slumbering  hamlets  in  the  night,  and  massacred 
defenceless  women  and  children  !  This,  again,  was  their  own  mode 
of  warfare,  as  honourable  in  their  estimation  as  the  more  courteous 
methods  of  committing  wholesale  murder,  laid  down  in  the  books. 

But  of  one  enormity  they  were  ever  innocent.  Whatever  degree 
of  personal  hardship  and  suffering  their  female  captives  were  com- 
pelled to  endure,  their  persons  were  never  dishonoured  by  violence ; 
a  fact  which  can  be  predicated,  we  apprehend,  of  no  other  victo- 
rious soldiery  that  ever  lived. 

In  regard,  moreover,  to  the  countless  acts  of  cruelty  alleged  to  have 
been  perpetrated  by  the  savages,  it  must  still  be  borne  in  mind  that 
the  Indians  have  not  been  the  sculptors — the  Indians  have  had  no 
writer  to  relate  their  own  side  of  the  story.  There  has  been  none 
"  to  weep  for  Lcgan  !"  while  his  wrongs  have  been  unrecorded. 
The  annals  of  man,  probably,  do  not  attest  a  more  kindly  reception 
of  intruding  foreigners,  than  was  given  to  the  Pilgrims  landing  at 
Plymouth,  by  the  faithful  Massassoit,  and  the  tribes  under  his  juris, 
diction.  Nor  did  the  forest  kings  take  up  arms  until  they  but  too 
clearly  saw,  that  either  their  visiters  or  themselves,  must  be  driven 
from  the  soil  which  was  their  own — the  fee  of  which  was  derived 
from  the  Great  Spirit.  And  the  nation  is  yet  to  be  discovered  that 
will  not  fight  for  their  homes,  the  graves  of  their  fathers,  and  their 
family  altars.     Cruel  they  were,  in  the  prosecution  of  their  contests ; 


K    i 


INTRODUCTION. 


XV 


th  one  accord, 
1  paralleled  and 
iomahawk  were 
e  torch  of  the 

faced  "  writers, 
•tions  of  which 
aluines  of  Ame. 
n  of  those  who 
ivalry.  Every 
il  to  leave  the 
Take  it  if  you 
ith  their  rude 
cted  upon  cap. 
tes ;  and  with 
tie  the  sufferer 
they  could  he 
it  a  foe  might 

I  and  massacred 
heir  own  mode 
nore  courteous 
n  the  books, 
hatever  degree 
ves  M'ere  com- 
1  by  violence ; 
10  other  victo. 

illeged  to  have 
!  in  mind  that 
i  have  had  no 
las  been  none 
1  unrecorded, 
idly  reception 
Tis  landing  at 
nder  his  juris, 
they  but  too 
ust  be  driven 
was  derived 
SCO ve red  that 
irs,  and  their 
heir  contests ; 


I 


but  it  would  require  the  aggregate  of  a  large  number  of  predatory 
incursions  and  isolated  burnings,  to  balance  the  awful  scene  of  con. 
ilagration  and  blood,  which  at  once  extinguished  the  power  of  Sas. 
sacus,  and  the  brave  and  indomitable  Narragansets  over  whom  he 
reigned.  No !  until  it  is  forgotten,  that  by  some  Christians  in  infant 
Mnssrachusetts  it  was  held  to  be  right  to  kill  Indians  as  the  agents 
and  familiars  of  Azazel ;  until  the  early  records  of  even  tolerant  Con. 
necticut,  which  disclose  the  fact  that  the  Indians  were  seized  by  the 
Puritans,  transported  to  the  British  West  Indies,  and  sold  as  slaves, 
arc  lost ;  until  the  Amazon  and  La  Plata  shall  have  washed  away 
the  bloody  history  of  the  Spanish  American  conquest ;  and  until 
the  fact  that  Cortez  stretched  the  unhappy  Guatimozin  naked  upon 
a  bed  of  burning  coals,  is  proved  to  be  a  fiction,  let  not  the  American 
Indian  be  pronounced  the  most  cruel  of  men  ! 

If,  then,  the  moral  of  the  fable  is  thus  applicable  to  aboriginal 
history  in  general,  it  is  equally  so  in  regard  to  very  many  of  their 
chiefs,  whose  names  have  been  forgotten,  or  only  known  to  be  detested. 
Peculiar  circumstances  have  given  prominence,  and  fame  of  a  cer. 
tain  description,  to  some  few  of  the  forest  chieftains,  as  in  the  in- 
stances of  Powhatan  in  the  south,  the  mighty  Philip  in  the  east,  and 
the  great  Pontiac  of  the  north.west.  But  there  have  been  many 
others,  equal,  perhaps,  in  courage,  and  skill,  and  energy,  to  the  dis- 
tinguished  chiefs  just  mentioned,  whose  names  have  been  steeped  in 
infamy  in  their  preservation,  because  "  the  lions  are  no  sculptors." 
They  have  been  described  as  ruthless  butchers  of  women  and  children, 
without  one  redeeming  quality  save  those  of  animal  courage  and  in. 
difference  to  pain  ;  while  it  is  not  unlikely,  that  were  the  actual 
truth  kn«wn,  their  characters,  for  all  the  high  qualities  of  the  sol. 
dier,  might  sustain  an  advantageous  comparison  with  those  of  halt 
tlie  warriors  of  equal  rank  in  Christendom.  Of  this  class  was  a 
prominent  subject  of  the  present  volume,  whose  name  was  terrible  in 
every  American  ear  during  the  war  of  Independence,  and  was  long 
afterward  associated  with  every  thing  bloody,  ferocious,  and  hateful! 
It  is  even  within  our  own  day,  that  the  name  of  Brant*  would 
chill  the  young  blood  by  its  very  sound,  and  cause  the  lisping 
child  to  cling  closer  to  the  knee  of  its  mother.  As  the  master  spirit 
of  the  Indians  engaged  in  the  British  service  during  the  war  of  the 
Revolution,  not  only  were  all  the  border  massacres  charged  directly 
upon  him,  but  upon  his  head  fell  the  public  maledictions  for  every 

*  Almost  invariably  written  Brandt  in  the  books,  even  in  despite  of  nis  own 
orthography,  which  was  uniformly  Brant. 


XVI 


INTRODUCTION. 


individual  act  of  atrocity  which  marked  that '  sr,nguinary  contest, 
whether  committed  by  Indians,  or  tories,  or  by  tho  exasperated 
regular  soldiery  of  the  foe.  In  many  instances  great  injustice  was 
done  to  him,  as  in  regard  to  the  affair  of  Wyoming,  in  connexion 
with  which  his  name  has  been  used  by  every  preceding  annalist  .vho 
has  written  upon  the  subject ;  while  it  has,  moreover,  for  tho  same 
cause,  been  consigned  to  infamy,  deep  and  foul,  in  the  deathless  song 
of  Campbell.  In  other  case*,  again,  the  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations, 
in  common  with  their  chief,  were  loaded  with  execrations  for  atro. 
cities  of  which  all  were  alike  innocent — because  the  deeds  recorded 
were  never  committed — it  having  been  the  policy  of  the  public 
writers,  and  those  in  authority,  not  only  to  magnify  actual  occur- 
rences,  but  sometimes,  when  these  were  wanting,  to  draw  upon  their 
imaginations  for  accounts  of  such  deeds  of  ferocity  and  blood,  as 
might  !<es;  serve  to  keep  alive  the  strongest  feelings  of  indigna. 
tion  against  the  parent  country,  and  likewise  induce  the  people  to 
take  the  field  for  revenge,  if  not  driven  thither  by  the  nobler  im- 
pulse  of  patriotism.* 

Such  deliberate  fictions,  for  political  purposes,  as  that  by  Dr 
Franklin,  just  referred  to,  were  probably  rare  ;  but  the  investigations 
into  which  the  author  has  been  led,  in  the  preparation  of  the  present 
work,  have  satisfied  him,  that  from  other  causes,  much  of  exaggera- 
tion  and  falsehood  has  obtained  a  permanent  footing  in  American 
history.  Most  historians  of  that  period,  English  and  American, 
wrote  too  near  the  time  when  the  events  they  were  describing  oc- 
curred, for  a  dispassionate  investigation  of  truth  ;  and  other  writers 
who  have  succeeded,  have  too  often  been  content  to  follow  in  tho 
beaten  track,  without  incurring  the  labour  of  diligent  and^calm  in- 
quiry.  Reference  has  been  made  above  to  the  afiair  of  Wyoming, 
concerning  which,  to  this  day,  tho  world  has  been  abused  with 
monstrous  fictions — with  tales  of  horrors  never  enacted.  The  ori- 
ginal  causes  of  this  historical  inaccuracy  are  very  obvious.  As 
already  remarked,  our  histories  were  written  at  too  early  a  day : 
when  the  authors,  or  those  supplying  the  materials,  had,  as  it  were, 
but  just  emerged  from  the  conflict.  Their  passions  had  not  yet 
become  cooled,  and  they  wrote  under  feelings  and  prejudices  which 
could  not  but  influence  minds  governed  ev  jn  by  the  best  intentions. 
The  crude,  verbal  reports  of  the  day — tales  of  hear-say,  coloured  by 
fancy  and  aggravated  by  fear, — not  only  found  their  way  into  the 
newspapers,  but  into  the  journals  of  military  officers.     These,  with 

♦  See  Appendix  A — thr,  well-known  scalp-story  of  Dr.  Franklin — long  believed, 
and  recently  revived  anrl.  included  in  sevsral  works  of  authontic  history. 


S'l 


INTRODUCTION. 


XVU 


all  the  disadvantages  incident  to  flying  rumors,  increasing  in  size 
and  enormity  with  every  repetition,  were  used  too  often,  it  is  ap- 
prehended,  without  farther  e.  amination,  as  authentic  materials  for 
history.     Of  this  class  of  works  was  the  Military  Journal  of  Dr. 
James  Thatcher,  first  published  in  1823,  and  immediately  recog. 
n-zeti  as  historical  authority.     Now,  so  far  as  the  author  speaks  of 
events  occurring  within  his  own  knowledge,  and  under  his  own  per- 
sonal observation,  the  authority  is  good.     None  can   be  better. 
But  the  worthy  army  surgeon  did  not  by  any  means  confine  his 
diary  to  facts  and  occurrences  of  that  description.     On  the  contrary, 
his  journal  is  a  general  record  of  incidents  and  transactions  occur- 
ring in  almost  every  camp,  and  at  every  point  of  hostilities,  as  the 
reports  floated  from  mouth  to  mouth  through  the  division  of  the 
army  where  the  journalist  happened  to  be  engaged,  or  as  they  reached 
him  through  the  newspapers.     Hence  the  present  author  has  found 
the  Doctor's  journal  a  very  unsafe  authority  in  regard  to  facts, 
of  which  the  Doctor  was  not  a  spectator  or  directly  cognizant. 
Even  the  diligent  care  of  Marshall  did  not  prevent  his  measurably 
falling  into  the  sam>)  errors,  in  the  first  edition  of  his  Life  of  Wash- 
ington, with  regard  to  Wyoming ;  and  it  was  not  until  more  than  a 
quarter  of  a  century  afterward,  when  his  late  revised  edition  of  that 
great  work  was  about  to  appear,  thal»  by  the  assistance  of  Mr. 
Charles  Miner,  an  intelligent  reradent  of  Wilkesbarrc,  the  readers 
of  that  eminent  hi.' torian  were  correctly  informed  touching  the  revo- 
lutionary  tragedy  n  that  valley.     Nor  even  then  was  the  correction 
entire,  inasmuch  as  the  name  of  Brant  was  still  retained,  as  the 
leader  of  the  Indians  ou  that  fearful  occasion.     Nor  were  the  ex- 
aggerations in  regard  to  the  invasion  of  Wyoming  greater  than 
were  those  connected  with  the  irruption  into,  and  destruction  of. 
Cherry  Valley,  as  the  reader  will  discover  in  the  course  of  the  en- 
suing pages.     Indeed,  the  writer,  in  the  preparation  of  materials  for 
this  work,  has  encountered  so  much  that  is  false  recorded  in  history 
as  sober  verity,  that  he  has  at  times  been  disposed  almost  to  univer- 
sal scepticism  in  regard  to  uninspired  narration. 

In  conclusion  of  this  Introduction,  a  short  history  of  the  origin  of 
the  present  work  may  not  be  impertinent.  It  was  the  fortune  of 
the  author  to  spend  several  of  his  early  years,  and  commence  his 
public  life,  in  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk—than  which  the  country 
scarce  afibrds  a  more  beautiful  region.  The  lower  section  of  this 
valley  was  entered  by  the  Dutch  traders,  and  settlements  were  com- 
menced, originally  at  Schenectady,  very  soon  after  the  first  fort  was 
built  at  Albany,  then  called  Fort  Orange,  by  Henry  Christiaens  in 

3 


-  ^-  n 

'■4 


XV:11 


INTRODUCTION. 


h"  !  ■ 


1614.  The  Dutch  gradually  pushed  their  settlements  up  the  Mo« 
hawk  on  the  rich  bottom  lands  of  the  river,  as  far  as  Caughnawaga. 
Beyond  that  line,  and  especially  in  the  upper  section  of  the  valley 
west  of  the  Little  Falls,  and  embracing  the  broad  and  beautiful  gar< 
den  of  the  whole  district  known  as  the  German  Flatts,  the  first 
white  settlers  introduced  were  Germans — being  a  division  of  the  Pa- 
latinates,  who  emigrated  to  America  early  in  the  eighteenth  century, 
under  the  patronage  of  Queen  Anne.  Three  thousand  Germans 
•came  over  at  the  time  referred  to,  about  the'year  1709,  o  portion 
of  whom  settled  in  Pennsylvania.  The  residue  ascended  the  Hud- 
son to  a  place  called  East  Camp,  now  in  the  county  of  Cohuubia. 
From  thence  they  found  their  way  into  the  rich  valley  of  the  Scho- 
harie-kill,  about  the  year  1713,  and  thence  to  the  German  Flatts,  of 
which  they  were  in  possession  as  early  as  1720.  The  first  colony, 
planting  themselves  in  Schoharie,  consisted  of  between  forty  and 
fifty  families.  Some  disagreements  soon  after  arising  among 
them,  twelve  of  these  families  separated  from  their  companions ;  and, 
pushing  farther  westward  beyond  the  Little  Falls,  planted  themselves 
down  upon  the  rich  alluvial  flatts  at  the  confluence  of  the  West  Ca- 
nada Creek  and  the  Mohawk. 

At  the  time  of  its  discovery,  that  valley  was  occupied  by  the  Mo- 
hawk  Indians,  the  head  of  the  extended  confederacy  of  the  Five 
Nations — the  Iroquois  of  the  French,  and  the  Romans,  as  Doctor 
Colden  has  denominated  them,  of  the  New  World.  Gf  this  confe- 
deracy,  the  Mohawks  were  the  head  or  leading  nation,  as  they  were 
also  the  fiercest.*    The  Five  Nations  early  attached  theR".aelvcs  to 


.;    . 


:  il' 


'<'  "  I  havo  been  told  by  old  men  in  New  England,  who  remembered  the  time 
when  the  Mohawks  made  war  on  their  Indiana  (the  Mohicans),  that  as  soon  as  a 
single  Mohawk  was  discovered  in  their  country^  their  Indians  raised  a  cry  from 
hill  to  hill,  .4  Mohawk!  ^Mohawk!  upon  which  they  all  fled,  like  sheep  before 
wolves,  without  attempting  to  make  the  least  n-sistance  or  defence  on  their  side ; 
and  that  the  poor  New  England  Indian  immediately  ran  to  the  Cnristian 
houses,  and  the  Mohawks  often  pursued  them  so  closely,  that  they  entered  along 
with  them,  and  knocked  their  brains  out  in  the  presence  of  the  people  of  the  house." 
[Coldeii's  Six  Notions.]  The  excellent  HecVewelder,  in  his  paramount  affection 
for  the  Lenni  Lenape,  enters  into  a  long  argument  to  disprove  Colden  upon  this 
point;  maintaining  that  the  Mohawks  were  never  of  more  tcrificfame  than  the 
Dclawares.  The  authorities,  however,  are  against  the  good  Moravian  missionary, 
to  which  the  writer  may  add  the  weight  of  the  following  incident,  of  cor.iparat"vely 
recent  occurrence : — Some  ten  or  twelve  years  ago,  a  wandering  Mohawk  had 
straggled  away  from  the  ancient  home  of  his  tribe,  as  far  as  the  State  of  Maine,  and 
presented  himself,  one  day,  in  the  streets  of  a  small  t'>wn  not  far  from  the  Penobscot 
river.  Indian  forms  and  faces  were  not  stangers  in  this  litt'e  community,  there 
being  a  remnant  of  the  PenobBOots  yet  existing  in  die  neighbourhood,  who  were  in 


X  • 


INTKODUCTION. 


six 


Dtits  up  the  Mo> 
i  Caughnawaga. 
on  of  the  valley 
nd  beautiful  gar- 
Flatts,  the  first 
vision  of  the  Pa- 
hteenth  centurv, 
tusand  Germans 

1709»  0  portion 
cended  the  Hud- 
ty  of  Coliuiibia. 
Iley  of  the  Scho- 
rerman  Flatts,  of 
The  first  colony, 
tween  forty  and 

arising  among 
)mpanions;  and, 
anted  themselves 
of  the  West  Ca- 

ipicd  by  the  Mo- 
icy  of  the  Five 
mans,  as  Doctor 
Of  this  confe- 
on,  as  they  were 
ud  then".aelvcs  to 

imembered  the  time 
),  that  as  soon  as  a 
8  raised  a  cry  from 
d,  like  sheep  before 
efence  on  their  side ; 
to  the  Cnristian 
it  they  entered  along 
people  of  the  house." 

paramount  affection 
ve  Golden  upon  this 

rific  fame  than  the 
[oravian  missionary, 
int,  of  coKiparafvely 
ering  Mohawk  had 

State  of  Maine,  and 
•  from  the  Penobscot 
e  community,  there 
iirhood,  who  were  in 


4 


.f 


the  English,  anu  ffere  consequently  often  engaged  in  hostilities  with 
the  French  of  Canada,  and  especially  with  the  Hurons  and  Adiron- 
dacks  or  Algonquins — powerful  nations  in  alliance  with  the  Cana- 
dians. Another  consequence  was,  that  the  Mohawk  valley,  and  in- 
deed the  whole  country  inhabited  by  the  Five  Nations,  were  the 
theatre  of  successive  wars,  from  the  discovery  down  to  the  close  of  the 
war  of  the  American  Revolution.  There  is,  therefore,  no  section  of 
the  United  States  so  rich  in  historical  incident,  as  the  valley  of  the 
Mohawk  and  the  contiguous  territory  at  the  west. 

At  the  time  of  the  author's  res.  lina  in  the  Mohawk  country,  the 
materials  uf  that  history,  especially  that  portion  of  them  connected 
with  events  cubssquent  to  the  conquest  of  Canada  by  Great  Britain, 
were  for  the  most  part  ungathered.  The  events  of  the  war  of  the 
Revolution,  which  nowhere  else  raged  so  furiously,  and  wa^  no- 
where  else  marked  with  such  bitter  and  entire  desolation,  were  then 
fresh  in  the  recollections  of  the  people  ;  and  many  a  time  and  oft 
were  the  recitals  listened  to  with  thrilling  interest,  and  laid  up  in 
the  store-houKie  of  memory,  as  among  the  richest  of  its  traditionary 
t.-easures.  Nor  was  the  interest  of  these  verbal  narratives  diminished 
by  visiting  the  sites  of  the  old  fortifications,  strolling  over  the  bat- 
tle-fields, and  noting  the  shot-holes  in  the  walls  of  such  houses  as  had 
stood  out  the  contest,  and  the  marks  of  cannon  bulls  upon  the  trunks 
of  trees  yet  remaining  on  fields  which  had  been  scenes  of  bloody 
strife. 

Several  years  afterward  it  occurred  to  the  author  to  undertake 
a  task  which  he  ought  to  have  commenced  years  before,  viz.  the 
composition  of  a  historical  memoir  of  the  Mohawk  Valley,  which 
would  embody  those  written  and  unwritten  materials  of  history,  now 
fast  disappearing  by  the  death  of  the  actors  in  the  scenes  to  be  de- 
scribed, and  the  loss  of  papers  and  manuscripts,  of  which  such 
reckless  destruction  is  allowed  in  this  country.     In  the  progress  of 

the  habit  of  visiting  the  place,  four  or  five  times  a  year,  for  the  purchase  of  such 
necessaries  as  their  means  could  command.  It  happened  that  a  party  of  them  had 
come  in  on  the  very  day  of  the  Mohawk's  arrival ;  and  as  he  was  loun^ng  through 
the  street,  he  rame  suddenly  upon  them  in  turning  a  corner.  The  recognition,  on 
their  part,  was  instantaneous,  and  was  evidently  accompanied  by  emotions  of  alarm 
and  distrust  "  Mohawk,  Mohawk,"  was  muttered  by  one  and  another,  and  so 
long  as  he  remained  in  sight,  their  p"°b  were  fixed  upon  him  with  an  evident  expres- 
sion of  uneasiness.  As  for  the  Mohawk,  he  condescended  only  to  give  them  a  pass- 
ing glance,  and  went  oahls  way  with  the  same  lounging,  indifferent  step  that  he  had 
exhibited  from  the  first.  He  was  a  superb-looking  fellow,  of  about  25,  full  six  feet 
in  height,  and  could  easily  have  demolished  three  or  four  of  tfie  dwarfish  and  effemi- 
nate Penobseots. 


j-'i 


•!':'.S-"^-^ 


XX 


INTRODUCTION. 


thnught  and  investigation  upon  tiio  r.abjocf,  it  was  soon  determined 
to  embrace  in  the  proposed  mcm'^'**  nome  biographical  account  of  the 
Groat  Chief  of  the  Six  Nuti  em  Brant — Thayendanbuba  , 

but  there  was  yet  another  distinguished  name,  whose  history  and 
fame  were  intimately  connected  with  thu  Mohawks,  and  whose 
character  has  neither  been  justly  described  nor  well  understood. 
The  reader  will  probably  anticipate  the  name,  Sir  William  John. 
SON.  By  this  time  it  was  apparent  that  the  work,  if  executed, 
must  be  more  extended  than  had  originally  l)een  contemplated  ;  and  a 
few  slight  preparations  were  made  for  its  commencement  ten  years 
ago. 

It  was  some  time  in  the  year  1829  that  the  design  was  abandoned. 
Calling  upon  his  venerable  friend  Chancellor  Kent,  one  morning,  for 
the  piirpose  of  borrowing  a  rare  volume  of  a  still  rarer  history  ol 
the  old  French  war  ofl755--'63,  the  author  was  informed  that  his  de. 
sign  had  been  anticipated  by  William  W.  Campbell,  Esq.,  a  young 
gentleman  of  promise  who  was  just  coming  to  the  bar — a  native  of 
the  country  to  be  occupied  as  historic  ground — and  whose  work  was 
then  nearly  ready  for  the  press.  Under  these  circumstances,  tho 
project  of  the  author  was  at  once  relinquished. 

Mr.  Campbell's  book — "Annals  of  Tryon  County," — made  its 
appearance  in  1831 ;  and  was  at  once  found  valuable  for  its  facts, 
and  creditable  alike  to  the  industry  and  talents  of  an  author,  who, 
although  then  so  young,  possessed  the  enterprise  to  undertake  the  ne- 
cessary  labour,  and  the  ambition  to  inscribe  his  name  upon  the  roll 
of  American  historians.  Still,  the  work  was  not  a  substitute  for  that 
which  the  author  had  proposed  ;  its  object  was  a  more  limited  hid< 
tory,  both  of  time  and  territory,  than  had  been  entertained  in  respect 
of  the  present  work.  Mr.  Campbell's  Annals,  with  the  exception  of 
a  very  few  brief  and  partial  sketches,  embraced  the  history  only  of 
the  war  of  the  Revolution  in  that  particular  section  of  country,  and 
had  little  to  do  with  biography.  The  design  of  the  author,  enlarged 
by  reflection  and  research,  now  began  to  comprehend  a  history  ot 
the  Six  Nations,  and  their  wars  with  the  French,  Hurons,  or  Wyan- 
dots,  and  Adirondacks  ;  the  settlement  of  the  country  by  the  pale 
faces ;  a  history  of  the  French  War,  so  far  as  that  memorable  con- 
test  was  connected  with  the  Indians  and  colony  of  New.York  ;  to- 
gether,  or  rather  blended,  with  the  Lives  of  Sir  William  Johnson 
and  Joseph  Brant.  A  work  of  this  description  seemed  to  be  a  desi. 
deratum  in  American  history  ;  and  in  the  autumn  of  1832,  prepa. 
rations  for  the  undertaking  were  resumed,  with  what  success  will  in 
part  be  seen  in  the  sequel. 


INTUODUCTION. 


xxi 


In  the  prosecution  of  the  preliminary  labour,  eflbrts  were  miule  to 
procure  materials  from  the  survivors  of  the  family  of  Sir  William 
Johnson,  residing  in  the  Canadns.  These  eflbrts  have  thus  far  Iwen 
attended  with  but  partial  success.  From  one  of  the  grandsons, 
however,  Mr.  Archibald  Johnson,  a  valuable  manuscript  volume  has 
been  procured,  containing  the  private  diary  of  Sir  William  during 
the  Niagara  campaign  of  1759,  ii  which  General  Prideaux  fell, 
leaving  the  command  of  the  army  to  the  baronet,  whose  eflforts  were 
crowned  with  brilliant  success.  From  among  the  papers  of  the  late 
Liout.  Governor  of  New<York,  John  Taylor,  in  possession  of  his 
daughter,  Muh.  Cooi'ku,  the  author  has  fortunately  obtained  the 
manuscript  of  Sir  Williiiin's  oflicial  diary  for  the  years  1757,  1759, 
and  a  part  of  the  year  1759,  together  with  a  small  parcel  of  other 
papers  and  letters.  A  few  of  the  baronet's  letters  and  papers  aro 
also  yet  cxtunt,  in  the  archives  of  the  state  at  Albany.  All  those 
will  alTord  materials  for  his  proposed  biography,  and  for  other 
historical  illustrations,  of  high  \alue.  Many  of  tiic  baronet's  pa« 
pers  were  destroyed  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution  ;  and  many  others, 
it  is  ascertained,  are  only  to  be  found  in  England — to  which 
country  a  special  visit  will  probably  be  necessary  for  their  consulta- 
tion. 

It  will  readily  be  perceived,  that  the  proposed  work  emL  iea 
two  epoclis,  between  which  there  is  a  very  natural,  and  even  r  ices. 
sary,  division.  The  first  embraces  the  early  history  referred  to,  with 
a  history  of  the  French  war,  and  the  country,  to  tlic  death  of  Sir 
William  Johnson.  The  second  division  embraces  the  life  of  Jo> 
seph  Brant,  and  the  revolutionary,  Indian,  and  Tory  wars  of  the 
northern  and  western  part  of  the  State  of  New-York  ;  and  although 
anticipated,  to  a  considerable  extent,  by  Mr.  Campbell,  still  the  au> 
thor  entered  the  field  of  investigation  with  as  much  spirit  as  though 
it  had  not  been  historically  traversed  befoie.  In  the  course  of  his 
labours  he  has  visited  the  Mohawk  Valhy  three  several  times  with 
no  other  object.  Ascertaining,  moreover,  that  the  venerable  Major 
Thomas  Sammons,  of  Johnstown,  himself,  with  his  father  and  two 
brothers,  an  efficient  actor  in  the  scenes  of  the  Revolution,  had  for 
many  years  been  collecting  historical  materials  in  that  region,  this 
author  applied  to  him  ;  anc*  was  so  fortunate  as  not  only  to  procure 
his  collections,  but  to  induce  the  old  gentleman  to  re-enter  the  field 
of  inquiry.  By  his  assistance  a  large  body  of  facts  and  state- 
ments,  taken  down  in  writing  during  the  last  thirty  years,  from  the 
lips  of  surviving  officers  and  soldiers,  has  been  obtained  for  the 
present  work.     These  documents  have  added  largely  to  the  most 


:'iii 


■^y  I'liw  win 


XXll 


INTRODUCTION. 


Hii 


;i!l 


<i    I 


authontic  materials  of  history,  enabling  the  aiitltor  to  bring  out 
many  new  and  interesting  facts,  ami  to  correct  divers  errors  in  the 
works  of  preceding  writers,  who  have  superficially  occupit-d  the 
snme  ground.  In  addition  to  these,  tjie  few  remaining  pi\p(vs  of 
the  bravo  General  Heiikimer,  who  fell  at  Oriskony  in  1777,  have 
been  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  author,  by  his  nephew,  John 
Herkimer,  Esq.  Still  the  work  of  Mr.  Campbell  has  been  found  of 
great  use,  and  by  consent  has  been  liberally  drawn  upon.  In  re. 
gard  to  some  transactions,  it  waa,  indeed,  nlinost  the  only  authority; 
as  in  the  cases  of  Cherry  Valley,  some  of  the  transactions  in  the 
Schoharie  Volley,  and  the  exploits  of  Colonel  Harper. 

But  this  is  not  all.  The  author  has  visited  Upper  Canada,  and 
Montreal  and  Quebec,  in  search  of  materials.  Most  luckily  for  the 
cause  of  historic  truth,  and  the  reputation  of  Joseph  Rrant,  during  his 
Canadian  researches  he  became  apprised  of  the  fact,  that  the  old 
Mohawk  chief,  himself  a  man  of  a  pretty  good  English  education, 
had  left  a  large  mass  of  manuscripts,  consisting  of  his  own  speeches, 
delivered  on  many  and  various  occasions,  and  a  great  number  of 
letters  addressed  to  him  ;  together  with  copies  of  his  own  letters  in 
rejdy,  which  he  had  preserved  with  equal  industry  and  care.  These 
papers  were  in  the  keeping  of  his  youngest  daughter,  a  lady  of  high 
respectability,  aboriginal  though  slio  be,  and  eligibly  married  to 
William  Johnson  Kkrr,  Esq.  of  Wellington  Square,  Upper  Ca 
nada.  It  was  obvious  that  those  papers  must  prove  a  rich  mine  for 
exploration ;  and  an  application  from  the  author,  through  his  friend 
the  Hon.  Maushall  S.  Bidwell,  of  Toronto,  was  most  readily 
responded  to  by  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Kerr.  The  papers,  it  is  true,  were 
less  connected  than  had  been  hoped  ;  and  by  hundreds  of  references 
and  allusions  contained  therein,  it  is  obvious  tiiat  large  numbers  of 
letters,  journals,  and  speeches  have  been  lost — past  recovery.  Still, 
those  which  remain  have  proved  of  great  assistance  and  rare  value. 

To  the  kindness  of  Charles  A.  Clinton,  Esq.  the  author  has 
been  indebted  for  access  to  the  private  papers  of  General  James 
Clinton,  his  grandfather.  In  the  composition  of  one  portion  of  the 
present  volume,  these  papers  have  been  found  of  vast  importance. 
General  James  Clinton  was  the  father  of  the  late  illustrious  De  Witt 
Clinton,  and  the  brother  of  Governor  George  Clinton.  He  was 
much  in  command  in  the  northern  department,  and  it  was  under  his 
conduct  that  the  celebrated  descent  of  the  Susquehanna  was  per- 
formed in  1779.  His  own  letters,  and  those  of  his  correspondents, 
have  been  of  material  assistance,  not  only  in  relation  to  that  cam* 
paign,  but  upon  various  other  points  of  history.     It  was  among  these 


..If 


INTRODUCTION. 


X'XUl 


papers  that  the  letters  of  Walter  N.  Butler,  respecting  the  ufiuirs  of 
Cherry  Valley  and  Wyoming,  were  discovered. 

In  connexion  with  the  history  of  the  expedition  of  Sullivan  and 
Clinton,  just  referred  to,  the  author  has  likewise  been  favoured  with 
the  manuscript  diary  of  the  venerable  Captain  Tubodosi us  Fowi.kb 
of  this  city,  who  was  an  active  ofRcer  during  the  whole  campaign. 
In  addition  to  the  valuable  memoranda  contained  in  this  diary,  Capt. 
Fowler  has  prcHcrvcd  a  drawing  of  the  order  of  march  adopted  in 
ascending  the  Chemung,  after  the  junction  of  the  two  arniies,  and 
also  a  plan  of  the  great  battle  fought  at  Newtown  by  Sullivan,  against 
tiic  Indians  and  Tories  commanded  by  Brant  and  Sir  John  Johnson  ; 
both  of  which  drawings  have  been  engraved,  and  will  be  found  in  the 
second  volume. 

In  the  winter  of  1775 — '76,  an  expedition  was  conducted  from 
Albany  into  Tryon  County,  for  the  purpose  of  disarming  the  Tories 
and  arresting  Sir  John  Johnson,  of  the  particulars  of  which  very 
little  has  hitherto  been  known.  On  application  to  the  Aimily  of 
General  Schuyler,  it  was  ascertained  that  his  letter  books  for  that 
period  were  lost.  After  much  inquiry,  the  necessary  documents  wore 
obtained  from  Peter  Force,  Esq.  at  Washington. 

The  author  has  likewise  been  indebted  to  General  Peter  B.  Por- 
ter, of  Black  Rock,  for  some  valuable  information  respecting  the 
character  and  some  of  the  actions  of  Brant.  General  Porter  was 
an  early  emigrant  into  the  western  part  of  the  State,  a9  an  agent  for 
the  great  landholder,  Oliver  Phelps;  and  the  execution  of  his  duties 
brought  him  into  frequent  intercourse  with  many  of  tlie  chiefs  anc^ 
sachems  of  tlie  Indians.  Among  these  he  became  intimately  ac- 
quainted with  the  Mohawk  chief,  between  whom  and  himself  a  written 
correspondence  was  occasionally  maintained  for  several  years. 
Unfortunately,  however,  that  correspondence,  with  other  communi- 
cations in  his  hand-writing,  which  Gen.  Porter  had  taken  some 
pains  to  preserve,  was  destroyed  by  one  of  the  incursions  of  the 
enemy  across  the  Niagara  during  the  last  war.  Still,  the  General 
has  supplied  the  author  with  several  important  reminiscences  re- 
specting the  old  chief,  and  one  transaction  of  thrilling  interest,  here- 
tofore entirely  unknown. 

A  friend  of  the  author,  a  highly  respectable  and  intelligent  octo- 
genarian, Samuel  Woodruff,  Esq.,  of  Windsor,  Connecticut,  made 
a  visit  to  Brant  at  the  Grand  River  Settlement,  in  the  summer  of 
1797,  and  remained  with  him  several  days,  in  the  enjoyment  of 
frequent  and  full  conversations  upon  many  subjects.  Mr.  Woodruff 
has  obligingly  furnished  a  dozen  pages  or  more  of  instructive  notes 


m 


S.i' 


■rtl 


il 


II 


XXIV 


INTRODUCTION. 


and  memoranda  of  those  conversations,  which  have  been  freely  used. 
The  author  is  likewise  under  obligations  to  Professor  Marsh  of  Bur- 
lington  College,  (Vt.)  a  connexion,  by  marriage,  of  the  Wheelock 
family,  for  several  of  Brant's  original  letters ;  and  also  to  Tho- 
mas Morris,  Esq.,  of  New-York,  who  knew  the  chief  well,  and  was 
several  years  in  correspondence  with  him,  for  the  same  favour.  Mr. 
Campbell  has,  moreover,  supplied  several  documents  of  value,  ob- 
tained by  him  after  the  publication  of  his  own  book. 

Having,  by  the  acquisition  of  these  and  other  papers,  procured  all 
the  materials  that  appeared  to  remain,  or,  at  least,  all  that  were  ac- 
cessible, while  the  documentary  papers  for  the  first  division  of  the 
work  were  yet  very  incomplete,  the  author,  like  Botta,  in  his  pro- 
mised complete  history  of  Italy,  has  been  compelled  to  write  the  lat- 
ter portion  of  the  work  first.     In  the  execution  of  this  task,  he  had 
supposed  that  the  bulk  of  his  labour  would  cease  with  the  close 
of  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  or  at  most,  that  some  fifteen  or 
twenty    pages,   sketching  rapidly  the  latter  years   of  the  life  of 
Thayendanegea,  would  bo  all  that  was  necessary.     Far  otherwise 
was  the  fact.     When  the  author  came  to  examine  the  papers  of 
Brant,  nearly  all  of  which  were  connected  with  his  career  subse- 
quent  to  that  contest,  it  was  found  that  his  life  and  actions  had  been 
intimately  associated   with  the  Indian   and  Canadian   politics  of 
more  tlian  twenty  years  after  the  treaty  of  peace;  that  a  succession 
of  Indian  Congresses  were  held  by  the  nations  of  the  great  lakes,  in 
all  which  he  was  one  of  the  master  spirits  ;  that  he  was  directly  or 
inuirectly  engaged  in   the  wars  between  the  United  States  and  In- 
dians  from  1789  to  1795,  during  "hich  the  blood)'  campaigns  of 
Harmar,  St.  Clair,  and  Wayne,  took  place;  and  that  he  acted  an 
important  part  in  the  affair  of  the  North-Wcstern  posts,  so  long  re- 
tained by  Great  Britain  after  the  treaty  of  peace.     This  discovery 
compelled  the  writer  to  enter  upon  a  new  and  altogether  unexpected 
field  of  research.     Many  difficulties  were  encountered  in  the  compo- 
sition of  this  branch  of  the  wrrk,  arising  from  various  causes  and 
circumstances.     The  conflicting  relations  of  the  United  States,  the 
Indians,  and  the  Canadians,  together  with  the  peculiar  and  sometimes 
apparently  equivocal  position  in  which  the  Mohawk  chief—the  subject 
of  the  biography — stood  in  regard  to  them  all ;  the  more  than  di- 
plomatic  caution  with  which  the  British  officers  managed  the  double 
game  which  it  suited  their  policy  to  play  so  long  ;  the  broken  cha- 
racter of  the  written  materials  obtained  by  the  author ;  and  the  ne- 
cessity of  supplying  many  links  in  the  chain  of  events  from  circum. 
Btantial  evidence  and  the  unwritten  records  of  Indian  diplomacy  ; 


s 

all 

■  1  ' 

CO 

gl« 

'■ry 

ml 

s 

T 

the 


3n  freely  used. 
If  AKSH  of  Bur- 
the  Wheelock 
also  to  Tho- 
well,  and  was 
favour.  Mr. 
of  value,  ob- 

8,  procured  all 
that  were  ac- 
llvision  of  the 
a,  in  his  pro- 
write  the  lat. 
i  task,  he  had 
'ith  the  close 
me  fifteen  or 
>f  the  life  of 
■"ar  otherwise 
the  papers  of 
career  subse- 
ions  had  been 
n   politics  of 
t  a  succession 
reat  lakes,  in 
IS  directly  or 
tates  and  In- 
:ampaigns  of 
he  acted  an 
s,  so  long  re- 
is  discovery 
r  unexpected 
n  the  coinpo- 
causes  and 
d  States,  the 
id  sumetirncs 
'■ — the  subject 
lore  than  di. 
cd  the  double 
broken  cha- 
and  the  ne- 
rom  circum. 
diplomacy ; 


INTRODUCTION. 


XXV 


% 

•I 

.i.'.ls 


I:fi5i- 


all  combined  to  render  the  matters  to  be  elucidated,  exceedingly 
complicated,  intricate,  and  difficult  of  clear  explanation.  But  tan- 
gled  as  was  the  web,  the  author  has  endeavoured  to  unravel  the 
materials,  and  weave  them  into  a  narrative  of  consistency  and  truth. 
The  result  of  these  labours  is  embodied  in  the  second  part  of  the 
present  work ;  and  unless  the  author  has  over-estimated  both  the  in- 
terest and  the  importance  of  this  portion  of  American  history,  the 
contribution  now  made  will  be  most  acceptable  to  the  reader. 

In  addition  to  the  matters  here  indicated,  a  pretty  full  account  of 
the  life  of  Brant,  after  the  close  of  the  Indian  wars,  is  given,  by  no 
means  barren  either  of  incident  or  anecdote ;  and  the  whole  is  con- 
cluded by  some  interesting  particulars  respecting  the  family  of  the 
chief,  giving  their  personal  history  down  to  the  present  day. 

It  may  possibly  be  objected  by  some — those  especially  who  are  apt 
to  form  opinions  without  much  reflection — that  the  author  has  in- 
dulged rather  liberally,  not  only  in  the  use  of  public  speeches  and 
documents,  but  also  in  the  tianscription  of  private  letters.  To  this 
he  would  reply,  that  in  his  view,  his  course  in  that  respect  adds  es- 
sentially to  the  value  of  the  work ;  and  had  it  not  been  for  the  un- 
expected  size  to  which  the  volumes  have  attained,  those  quotations 
would  liave  been  made  with  still  greater  freedom.  For  instance,  in 
regard  to  the  interesting  proceedings  at  the  last  Grand  Council  of 
the  Six  Nations  held  in  Albany,  it  was  the  original  intention  of  the 
author,  long  as  they  are,  to  insert  them  in  the  text ;  and  so  the  mat- 
ter was  at  first  arranged.  The  ancient  Council  Fire  of  the  Six  Na- 
tions was  always  kept  burning  at  Onondaga,  the  central  nation  of 
the  confederacy.  But  from  the  time  of  the  alliance  between  the  Six 
Nations  and  the  English,  the  fires  of  the  united  councils  of  the  two 
powers  were  kindled  at  Albany.  There,  according  to  the  Indian 
figure  of  speech,  the  big  tree  was  planted,  to  which  the  clmin  of 
friendship  was  made  fast.  But  with  the  close  of  the  Great  Council 
held  there  in  the  summer  of  1775,  that  fire,  which  had  so  long  been 
burning,  was  extinguished.  It  was  thi:  last  Indian  congress  ever 
held  at  the  ancient  Dutch  capital.  It  took  place  at  a  most  import- 
ant cridis,  and  its  proceedings  were  both  of  an  important  and  an 
interesting  character.  Nor,  until  now,  have  those  proceedings  ever 
been  published  entire.  Indeed,  it  is  believed  that  no  part  of  them 
was  ever  in  print,  until  very  recently  a  portion  of  the  manuscript 
was  discovered,  and  inserted  in  that  invaluable  collection,  the  papers 
of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society.  That  manuscript,  however, 
was  very  defective  and  incomplete,  and  chance  alone  has  enabled 
the  author  lO  supply  the  deficiency.    It  happened,  durin^r  one  of  his 


1  ,y  i 

iL 


\ 


1 


XXVI 


INTRODUCTION. 


!  :i 


H 


nl 


'11 


visits  to  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  State  last  year,  in  search  oi 
documents,  that  he  discovered,  among  some  ancient,  loose,  and  ne- 
glected papers,  several  sheets  of  Indian  treaty  proceedings,  which 
were  of  themselves  very  imperfect.  Supposing,  however,  that  they 
might  possibly  be  of  use  at  some  time,  he  caused  them  to  be  tran- 
scribed.  Most  luckily,  en  examining  them  in  connexion  with  the 
publication  of  the  Massachusetts  collection,  they  were  found  exactly 
to  supply  the  deficiencies  of  the  latter.  The  result  is,  that  the  pa- 
pers  appear  now  for  the  first  time  entire ;  a  portion  of  them,  how. 
ever,  from  their  great  length,  having  been  transferred  to  the  Appen. 
dix. 

In  regard  to  the  use  of  speeches  and  letters,  moreover,  the  author, 
after  much  consideration,  has  adopted  the  plan,  as  far  as  possible,  of 
allowing  the  actors  in  the  scenes  described  to  tell  their  own  stories. 
This  is  a  method  of  historical,  and  especially  of  biographical,  writing, 
which  is  coming  more  into  favour  than  formerly.  Marshall  adopts  it 
to  a  considerable  extent,  and  very  effectively,  in  the  Life  of  Washing- 
ton. The  instructive  and  admirable  life  of  that  noblest  of  England's 
naval  warriors.  Lord  Collingwood,  was  constructed  upon  this  plan. 
So,  also,  with  Moore's  Life  of  Byron.  Taylor's  Life  of  Cowper,  one  of 
the  most  useful  as  well  as  interesting  lives  that  have  been  written  of 
that  most  melancholy  and  yet  most  delightful  of  English  bards,  is  com- 
posed almost  entirely  from  the  poet's  own  correspondence.  Lock- 
hart's  captivating  Memoirs  of  the  peerless  Scott,  now  in  course  of 
publication,  have  been  constructed  upon  the  basis  of  the  mighty 
minstrel's  own  letters.  And  it  is  upon  the  same  principle  that  the 
author  has  quoted  so  largely  from  the  letters  and  speeches  of  Joseph 
Brant,  and  several  of  his  distinguished  correspondents ;  among  whom, 
the  reader  who  has  only  heard  of  '*  the  monster  Brant"  as  a  savago 
once  leading  the  Mohawks  abroad  upon  scalping  parties,  will  proba- 
bly be  surprised  to  learn,  were  nitmbered  many  gentlemen  of  rank 
and  standing  in  Church  and  State,  both  in  England  and  America. 

An  able  English  writer*  has  recently  opened  a  very  interefting 
discussion,  upon  the  great  advantages  jf  thus  using  letters  and  ma- 
nuscripts in  the  composition  of  history.  Speaking  of  the  maxim  that 
"  history  is  philosophy  teaching  by  example,"  he  remat'  > : — "  In 
morals,  all  depends  upon  circumstances.  An  example,  whether  real 
or  fictitious,  can  teach  us  nothing,  if  it  contains  only  dry  facts. 
The  mischief  of  a  great  many  histories,  and  those  of  no  mean  ac- 
count, is,  that  they  are  quite  contented  with  giving  an  agreeable 

*  London  Gluartcrly  Review,  No.  cxvi. — Art.  on  Upcott's  Collection  of  Original 
Letters,  Manuscripts,  and  State  Papers. 


/ 


f 


INTRODUCTION. 


XXVII 


ir,  in  search  ot 
loose,  and  ne- 
eedings,  which 
3ver,  that  they 
im  to  be  tran. 
jxion  with  the 
5  found  exactly 
i,  that  the  pa- 
of  them,  how. 
to  the  Appen- 

'er,  the  author, 
p  as  possible,  of 
ir  own  stories. 
>hical,  writing, 
rshall  adopts  it 
'e  of  Washing. 
it  of  England's 
pon  this  plan, 
l^owper,  one  of 
een  written  of 
bards,  is  com. 
ence.  Lock- 
IV  in  course  of 

the  mighty 
iciple  that  the 
:hes  of  Joseph 
among  whom, 

as  a  savago 
es,  will  proba. 
emen  of  rank 
nd  America, 
ry  interesting 
ters  and  ma- 
le maxim  that 
mat'  > : — "  In 

whether  real 

ily  dry  facts. 

no  mean  ac- 

an  agreeable 

stion  of  Orijpnat 


a 

■''is 

I 


t 


I 


narration  of  naked  facts,  from  which  we  can  gather  nothing  heyond 
the  facts  themselves.  To  the  chronicler,  the  murder  of  Thomas  A' 
Becket  is  the  murder  of  Becket,  and  it  is  nothing  more.  To  what 
quarter,  then,  are  we  to  look  for  the  magic  by  which  y-e  may  make 
the  dry  bones  live  again  ?  We  answer,  unhesitatingly,  to  tho  letters 
of  the  day,  if  there  be  any.  We  say  so,  not  because  they  will  con- 
tain any  elaborate  description  of  the  feelings,  or  expose  of  the  views, 
of  the  age  to  which  they  belong,  but  because  they  must  bo  written, 
to  a  great  extent,  in  the  spirit  of  the  age  in  which  their  writers  lived. 
The  events  of  the  day — the  writers'  feelings  toward  their  neighbours, 
and  their  neighbours'  feelings  toward  them — their  comments  on  the 
ordinary  course  of  things  around  them ;  these  are  precious  records 
for  all  who  wish  to  study  mankind  and  morals  in  history  ;  for  these 
things,  and  these  alone,  can  enable  us  fully  to  appreciate  the  tern- 
per  and  spirit  in  which  the  acts  commemorated  in  history  were  done. 
*  *  *  *  It  is  very  true  that  some  historians  profess  to  use  letters, 
and  that  some  have  actually  used  them  in  a  small  degree ;  hut,  con- 
sidering their  great  value,  they  have  never  been  used  as  they  de- 
served ;  and,  in  very  many  cases,  their  existence  seems  to  be  hardly 
known  to  historians  themselves."  It  is  in  accordance  with  these 
views,  that  letters  and  speeches  have  been  so  copiously  used  in  the 
present  work  ;  although  it  is  not  supposed  that  the  correspondence 
of  a  burly  chieftain  of  the  forest,  or  the  bluff  parti^n  officers  of  a 
wilderness  border,  can  in  any  respect  be  compared  with  Cowper's 
polished  models  of  epistolary  writing,  or  with  those  of  Scott  or 
Byron,  or  those  of  Lady  Mary  Wortley  Montague,  of  Peter  of  Blois 
or  John  of  Salisbury.  They  are  nevertheless  valuable  in  themselves, 
both  as  historical  records  and  as  illustrations  of  character.  Of 
the  speeches,  and  sketches  of  speeches,  embodied  in  this  work,  to- 
gether  with  the  narratives  given  of  the  occasions  which  called  them 
forth,  it  may  be  added  that  they  are  all  memorials  of  a  people, — once 
a  noble  race — numerous  and  powerful— now  fast  disappearing  from 
the  face  of  tho  earth — a  beautiful  portion  of  the  earth — once  their 
own  !  These  memorials  it  was  one  of  the  chief  purposes  of  the  au. 
thor  to  gather  up  and  preserve. 

iC  plan  of  the  work,  especially  of  the  first  and  larger  portion  of 
it,  may  perhaps  in  some  respects  disappoint  the  reader,  though,  it  is 
hoped,  not  unfavourably.  It  has  been  the  object  of  the  author  to  ren- 
der it  not  only  a  local,  but,  to  a  certain  extent,  a  brief  general  his- 
tory of  the  War  of  the  Revolution.  Thus,  while  it  is  a  particular 
history,  ample  i  its  details,  of  the  belligerent  events  occurring  at 
the  west  of  Albany,  the  author  has  from  time  to  time  introduced 


xxviii 


rNTBODUCTION. 


till 


;i  I 


brief  sketches  of  contemporaneous  events  occurring  in  other  parts  of 
the  country.  By  tliis  means,  bird's-eye  glimpses  have  been  present, 
ed,  for  the  most  part  in  the  proper  order  of  time,  of  all  the  principal 
military  operations  of  the  whole  contest.  In  order,  moreover,  to 
the  better  understanding  of  the  incipient  revolutionary  movements 
in  the  Mohawk  country,  (then  Tryon  County,)  a  rapid  view  is  given 
of  the  same  description  of  movements  elsewhere.  The  proceedings 
of  that  county  were,  of  course,  connected  with,  and  dependent  upon, 
those  of  New  England,  especially  of  Boston — the  head,  and  heart,  and 
soul  of  the  rebellion,  in  its  origtrt  and  its  earlier  stages.  Hence  a 
summary  review  of  the  measures  directly,  though  by  degrees,  lead, 
ing  to  the  revolt  of  the  Colonies,  has  not  been  deemed  out. of  place, 
in  its  proper  chronological  position.  And  as  all  the  Indian  history 
of  tlie  Revolutionary  war  at  the  north,  the  west,  and  the  south,  has 
been  written  out  in  full,  by  tlie  incidental  sketches  of  other  events 
and  campaigns  marking  the  contest,  the  work  may  be  considered  ia 
the  three-fold  view  of  local,  general,  and  biographical ;  the  whole 
somewhat  relieved,  from  time  to  time,  if  not  enlivened,  by  individual 
narratives — tales  of  captivity  and  suffering — of  daring  adventures 
and  bold  exploits. 

Several  weeks  after  the  preceding  pages  had  been  stereotyped, 
but  before  any  considerable  progress  had  been  made  in  printing  the 
body  of  the  work,  the  author  was  so  fortunate  as  to  obtain  a  large 
accession  of  valuable  materials  from  General  Pktkr  Gansevoort, 
of  Albany,  embracing  the  extensive  correspondence  of  his  father, 
the  late  General  Gansevoort,  better  known  in  history  as  "  the  hero 
of  Fort  Stanwix."  These  papers,  embracing  those  captured  by  him 
from  the  British  General  St.  Leger,  have  been  found  of  great  im. 
portance  in  the  progress  of  the  work,  and  will  add  materially  to  its 
Completeness  and  its  value. 

A  few  words  respecting  the  embellishments  of  these  volumes.  The 
frontispiece  of  each  volume  presents  an  elegantly  engraved  port-ait 
of  the  brave  and  wary  Mohawk,  who  forms  the  principal  biographi. 
cal  figure  of  the  work,  taken  at  different  periods  of  his  life.  The 
Chief  sat  for  his  picture  sev»,ral  times  in  England;  once,  at  the  re- 
quest  of  Boswell,  in  1776,  but  to  what  artist  is  not  mentioned. 
He  likewise  sat,  during  the  same  visit,  to  the  celebrated  portrait  and 
historical  painter,  Georoe  Romney,  for  the  Earl  of  Warwick.  He 
was  again  painted  in  England,  in  1786,  for  the  Duke  of  Northumber. 
land ;  and  a  fourth  time,  during  the  same  visit,  in  order  to  present 
his  likeness  in  miniature  to  his  eldest  daughter*.  His  last  sitting 
waa  to  the  late  Mr.  Ezra  Ames  of  Albany,  at  the  request  of  the 


INTRODUCTION. 


XSIX 


)ther  parts  of 
been  present- 
the  principal 
moreover,  to 
y  movements 
view  is  given 
!  proceedings 
lendent  upon, 
nd  heart,  and 
!s.  Hence  a 
Jegrees,  lead- 
out. of  place, 
ndinn  liistory 
he  south,  has 
other  events 
considered  iu 
l1  ;  the  whole 
by  individual 
g  adventures 

stereotyped, 
printing  the 
btain  a  large 
jansevoort, 
)f  his  father, 
as  "the  hero 
tured  by  him 
of  great  im. 
terially  to  its 

lumes.  The 
ived  port -lit 
il  biographi- 
is  life.  The 
;e,  at  the  re- 
;  mentioned, 
portrait  and 
irwick.  He 
S^orthumber. 
r  to  present 
last  sitting 
quest  of  the 


■,.'uf 


:!i 


late  James  Caldwell,  Esq.  of  that  city.  This  was  about  the  year 
1805,  and  the  likeness  io  pronounced  the  best  ever  taken  of  Captain 
Brant.  The  author's  valued  friend  Catlin  has  made  a  very  faith- 
ful copy  of  this  portrait,  which  has  beer  beautifully  engraved  by 
Mr.  A.  Dick,  a  well-known  and  skilful  artist  of  New."York. 
This  picture,  as  latest  in  the  order  of  time,  wiil  be  found  at  the  head 
of  the  second  volume.  The  inscription  of  this  plate  is  a  fac 
simile  of  the  old  chief's  signature,  from  a  letter  written  by  him  to 
the  Duke  of  Northumberland  not  long  before  his  death.  The  au 
thor  has  another  picture  of  the  elder  Brant,  of  which  he  may  be 
pardoned  for  giving  some  account.  Being  at  Catskill,  in  the  Sum- 
mer of  1833,  the  author  discovered,  in  the  possession  of  his  friend, 
Mr.  Van  Beuokn,  some  odd  volumes  of  the  London  Magazine  of 
1776,  in  one  of  which  he  accidentally  found  an  engraving  of  Brant, 
from  the  portrait  taken  for  Boswell,  in  the  gala  costume  of  the 
Chief  as  he  appeared  at  Court.  The  countenance  of  this  picture, 
however,  was  dull,  and  comparatively  unmeaning.  On  his  visit  to 
Upper  Canada,  in  September,  1836,  the  chieftain's  daughter,  Mrs. 
Kerr,  showed  him  a  head  of  her  father  in  a  gold  locket,  which  was 
full  of  character  and  energy — with  an  eye  like  the  eagle's.  Having 
procured  thislocket,  and  placed  it,  together  with  theengraving  referred 
to,  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  N.  Rogers,  that  eminent  artist  has  produced 
a  very  spirited  and  beautiful  picture,  wliich  was  painted  expressly 
to  be  engraved  for  this  work.  Before  it  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  the 
artist,  however,  Mr.  Chapman,  an  artist  of  New-York,  returning 
from  a  visit  to  England,  brought  with  him  a  superb  print  of  Brant, 
taken  from  the  Earl  of  Warwick's  picture  by  Romney.  As  this  print 
not  only  presents  more  of  the  figure  of  the  chief  than  either  of  the 
others,  and  possesses  withal  more  character  and  spirit,  it  has  been 
adopted  for  the  work  in  lieu  of  that  painted  by  Mr.  Rogers.  The 
engraving  has  also  been  well  executed  by  Dick,  and  stands  in 
front  of  the  first  volume.  The  picture  by  Catlin  is  the  war-chief  of 
the  forest  in  the  full  maturity  of  years.  The  other  is  the  Indian  cour- 
tier in  London.  This  first  volume  also  contains  a  finely  engraved 
portrait  of  General  Gansevoort,  by  Prudhommk,  from  a  portrait  by 
Stuart.  It  is  a  fine  specimen  of  the  gentleman  of  the  Revolutiona- 
ry era. 

But  these  are  not  all  the  pictorial  illustrations.  In  the  completion 
of  the  life  of  Brant,  it  has  been  deemed  proper  to  add  some  account 
of  his  family  subsequent  to  his  decease.  The  law  of  official  inherit- 
ance among  the  Six  Nations  will  be  found  peculiar  to  that  people, 
the  descent  being  through  the  female  line.     Joseph  Brant  was  him- 


'i  11 


I 


XXX 


INTBOOUCTION. 


i  If  f 


I     'li 


:  ill!  I 


self  the  principal  War-chief  of  the  Six  Nations ;  and  his  third  wife, 
who  at  his  decease  was  lefl  a  young  widow,  was,  in  her  own  right, 
the  representative  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  Confederacy,  in  whom 
alone  wns  vested  the  power  of  naming,  from  among  her  own  children, 
or,  in  default  of  a  child  of  her  own,  from  the  next  of  kin,  a  principal 
civil  nnd  military  chief.  On  the  death  of  her  husband,  therefore, 
she  selected  as  his  successor  her  youngest  son,  John  Brant,  then  a 
lad  of  seven  years  old.  He  grew  up  a  noble  fellow,  both  in  courage 
and  character,  as  the  reader  will  ascertain  before  he  closes  the  se- 
cond volume.  During  the  author's  visit  to  the  Brant  House  in 
Upper  Canada,  he  saw  a  portrait  of  the  young  chief,  then  recently 
deceased,  which,  though  painted  by  a  country  artist,  and,  as  a  whole, 
a  very  bad  picture,  was  nevertheless  pronounced  by  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Kerr  to  be  very  correct,  so  far  as  the  figure  and  likeness  were  con- 
cerned. Obtaining  this  portrait  from  Canada  last  Autumn,  it  was 
placed  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Hoxik,  who  has  produced  the  excellent 
picture  which  has  been  well  engraved  by  Mr.  Pakker,  and  will  be 
found  in  the  second  volume.  As  the  young  chief  went  iirst  upon 
the  war-path  in  the  Niagara  campaigns  of  1812 — 15,  the  idea  of 
embodying  a  section  of  the  great  cataract  in  the  back-ground  of  the 
picture  was  exceedingly  appropriate. 

As  the  name  of  the  celebrated  Red  Jacket  appears  frequently  in 
the  second  volume,  a  likeness  of  him  has  been  added,  from  a  paint- 
ing by  Weih,  beautifully  engraved  by  Hatch.  In  addition  to  all 
which  is  the  finely  engraved  title-page,  designed,  engraved,  and 
presented  to  the  author,  by  his  estimable   friend  Mr.  A.  Rawuon. 

In  addition  to  these  illustrations,  another  has  been  added,  the 
character  of  which  is  striking  and  its  history  curious.  It  is  the 
sketch  of  a  scene  at  a  conference  with  the  Indians  at  Buffalo  Creek, 
in  the  year  1793,  held  by  Beverley  Randolph,  General  Benjamin 
Lincoln,  and  Colonel  Timothy  Pickering,  in  the  presence  of  a  num- 
ber of  the  British  officers  then  stationed  upon  that  frontier.  Messrs. 
Randolph,  Lincoln,  and  Pickering  were  on  a  pacific  mission,  ac- 
companied, at  the  request  of  the  Indians,  by  a  number  of  Quakers. 
The  sketch  of  that  conference  was  drawn  by  a  British  officer.  Col. 
Pilkington,  and  taken  to  Europe.  In  1819  it  was  presented  to  an 
American  gentleman  of  the  name  of  Henry,  at  Gibraltar,  and  by 
him  given  to  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society.  The  sketch 
is  drawn  with  the  taste  and  science  of  a  master  of  the  art ;  thd 
grouping  is  fine,  and  the  likenesses  are  excellent.  As  the  history  of 
the  mission  of  those  gentleman  forms  an  interesting  chapter  in  the 


f 


INTRODUCTION. 


XXXI 


his  third  wife, 
her  own  right, 
racy,  in  whom 
'  own  children, 
in,  a  principal 
and,  therefor^, 

Brant,  then  a 
r>th  in  courage 
i  closes  the  sc* 
rant  House  in 

then  recently 
id,  as  a  whole, 
Mr.  and  Mrs. 
ness  were  con. 
Lutumn,  it  waa 
I  the  excellent 
SR,  and  will  be 
'ent  first  upon 
15,  the  idea  of 
(•ground  of  the 

frequently  in 
from  a  paint- 
addition  to  all 
mgraved,  and 
A.  Rawuon. 
en  added,  the 
us.  It  is  the 
Buffalo  Creek, 
iral  Benjamin 
;nce  of  a  num- 
itier.  Messrs. 
mission,  ac- 
?r  of  Quakers, 
ih  officer.  Col. 
resented  to  an 
raltar,  and  by 
The  sketch 
■  the  art;  thS 
the  history  of 
chapter  in  the 


-.1 


;* 


'I 

I 


present  work,  this  sketch  has  been  deemed  an  appropriate  accompa 

niment. 

In  addition  to  the  acknowledgments  already  made  in  the  preced. 
ing  pages,  the  author  is  under  obligations,  to  a  greater  or  less  ex. 
tent,  to  many  other  individuals,  for  hints,  suggestions,  and  the  col. 
lection  of  materials.  Among  these  he  takes  pleasure  in  naming  the 
Hon.  Lewis  Cass,  late  Secretary  of  War,  and  now  Envoy  Extraor 
dinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  near  the  Court  of  St.  Cloud  , 
General  Dix,  Secretary  of  the  State  of  New-York,  and  Mr.  Archi- 
bald Campbell,  his  deputy ;  General  Morgan  Lewis  ;  Major 
James  Cochran,  of  Oswego,  and  also  his  Lady,  who  was  the  young- 
est daughter  of  General  Schuyler ;  Major  William  Popham,  who 
was  an  aid-de-camp  to  General  James  Clinton  ;  Samuel  S.  Lush, 
Esq.,  and  S.  Dg  Witt  Bloodoood,  Esq.  of  Albany ;  James  D.  Be- 
Mis,  Esq.  of  Canandaigua ;  Lauren  Ford  and  George  H.  Feeter, 
Esquires,  of  Little  Falls ;  Giles  F.  Yates,  Esq.  of  Schenectady ; 
William  Forsyth,  Esq.  of  Quebec;  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Lape, 
formerly  of  Johnstown,  and  now  of  Athens,  N.  Y. 

With  these  preliminary  explanations,  the  work  is  committed  to  the 
public,  in  the  belief  that,  although  it  might,  of  course,  have  been 
better  executed  by  an  abler  hand  with  a  mind  less  distracted  by 
other  pressing  and  important  duties,  it  will,  nevertheless,  be  found  a 
substantial  addition  to  the  stock  of  American  history. 


WILLIAM  L.  stone 


New-York,  March,  1838. 


■I 


i 


LIFE 


Of 


JOSEPH  BRANT— THAYENDANEGEA,  &c. 


M 


CHAPTER  I. 

Birth  and  parentage — Discussion  of  the  doubts  cast  upon  his  origin — ^Visit  of  Mo- 
hawk cniefs  to  Clueen  Anne — Evidence  of  Brant's  descent  from  one  of  lliose — 
Digression  from  the  main  subject,  and  Extracts  from  the  private  and  official  Jour- 
nals of  Sir  William  Johnson— Connexion  between  Sir  William  and  the  family  of 
Brant — Incidental  references  to  the  old  French  war — Illustrations  of  Indian  pro- 
ceedings, speeches,  &c. — Brant's  parentage  satisfactorily  established — Takes 
the  field  in  the  Campai^  of  Lake  George  (1755.)— Is  engaged  at  the  conquest' 
of  Niagara  (1759.) — Efforts  of  Sir  William  Johnson  to  civilize  the  Indians — Brant, 
is  sent,  with  other  Indian  youths,  to  the  Moor  Charity  School,  at  Lebanon — Leaves 
school — Anecdote — Is  engaged  on  public  business  by  Sir  William — As  an  Inter- 

Fireter  for  the  A^issionaries — Again  takes  the  Held,  in  the  wars  against  Pontiac — 
ntended  massacre  at  Detroit — Ultimate  overthrow  of  Pontiac— First  inuiriageof 
Brant — Entertains  the  Missionaries — Again  employed  on  public  business — Death 
0('  his  wife — Engages  with  Mr.  Stewart  in  translating  the  Scriptures — Marries 
aoain — Has  serious  religious  impressions — Selects  a  bosom  friend  and  confidant,, 
alter  the  Indian  custom — Dcat^  '*  his  friend — His  grief,  and  refusal  to  choose 
another  friend. 

The  birth  and  parentage  of  Joseph  Brant,  or,  more  cor- 
rectly, of  Thayendanegea — for  such  was  his  real  name — have 
been  involved  in  uncertainty,  by  the  conflicting  accounts  that 
have  been  published  concerning  him.  The  Indians  have  no- 
herald's  college  in  which  the  lineage  of  their  great  men  can.be 
traced,  or  parish  registers  of  marriages  and  births,  by  which  a- 
son  can  ascertain  his  paternity.  Ancestral  glory  and  shame 
are  therefore  only  reflected  darkly  through  the  dim  twilight  of 
tradition.  By  some  authors,  Thayendanegea  has  been  called 
a  half-breed.  By  others  he  has  been  pronounced  a  Shawanese 
by  parentage,  and  only  a  Mohawk  by  adoption.  Some  histo- 
rians have  spoken  of  him  as  a  son  of  Sir  "William  Johnson  ;  * 

•  Several  authors  have  suggested  that  Brant  was  the  son  of  the  Baronet.  Drake, 
in  his  useful  compilation,  ••  The  Book  of  the  Indians,"  states  that  he  had  been  so 
informed  by  no  less  an  authority  than  Jared  Sparks.  Drake  himself  calls  him  an 
Onondaga  of  the  Mohawk  Tribe  !  The  signification  of  the  name  Thayendanegea, 
cannot  be  well  expressed  in  English.  The  meaning  of  the  word  is,  ttoo-atiekt. 
of.uood.bound.together,  denoting  strength. 

3 


9 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1742 


while  others  again  have  allowed  him  the  honour  of  Mohawk 
blood,  but  denied  that  he  was  descended  from  a  chief. 

Nearly  twenty  years  ago,  a  brief  account  of  the  life  and  cha- 
racter of  this  remarkable  man  was  published  in  the  Christian 
Recorder,  at  Kingston,  in  the  province  of  Upper  Gfinada.  In 
that  memoir  it  was  stated  that  Thayendanegea  was  born  on  the 
banks  of  the  Ohio,  whither  his  parents  had  emigrated  from  the 
valley  of  the  Mohawk,  and  where  they  are  said  to  have 
sojourned  several  years.  "  His  mother  at  length  returned  with 
"  two  children — Mary,  who  lived  with  Sir  William  Johnson,  and 
"  Joseph,  the  subject  of  this  memoir.  Nothing  was  known  of 
"  Brant's  father  among  the  Mohawks.  Soon  after  the  return  of 
"  this  family  to  Canajoharie,  the  mother  married  a  rcspectabh 
"  Indian  called  Carrihogo,  or  News-Carrier,  whose  Christian 
"  name  was  Barnet  or  Bernard ;  but,  by  way  of  contraction,  he 
"  went  by  the  name  of  Brant."  Hence  it  is  argued  that  the  lad, 
who  was  in  future  to  become  not  only  a  distinguished  war-chief, 
but  a  statesman,  and  the  associate  of  the  chivalry'  and  nobility 
of  England,  having  thus  been  introduced  into  the  family  of  that 
name,  was  first  known  by  the  distinctive  appellation  of 
" Brands  Joseph"  and  in  process  of  time,  by  inversion,  "  Jo- 
seph Brant."  * 

There  is  an  approximation  to  the  truth  in  this  relation,  and 
it  is  in  part  sustained  by  the  existing  family  tradition.  The 
facts  are  these  :  the  Six  Nations  had  carried  their  arms  far  to 
the  west  and  south,  and  the  whole  country  south  of  the  lakes 
was  claimed  by  them,  to  a  certain  extent  of  supervisory  juriss- 
diction,  by  the  right  of  conquest.  To  the  Ohio  and  Sandusky 
country  they  asserted  a  stronger  and  more  peremptory  claim, 
extending  to  the  right  of  soil — at  least  on  the  lake  shore  as  far 
as  Presque  Isle.  From  their  associations  in  that  country,  it 
had  become  usual  among  the  Six  Nations,  especially  the  Mo- 
hawks, to  make  temporary  removals  to  the  west  during  the 
hunting  seasons,  and  one  or  more  of  those  families  would  fre- 

■•■  Christian  Register,  1819,  Vol.  I.  Na  3,  published  at  Kingston,  (U.  C.)  and 
edited  by  the  Rev.  Doctor,  now  the  Honourable  and  Venerable  Archdeacon  Strachan, 
of  Toronto.  The  sketches  referred  to  were  written  by  Dr.  Strachan,  upon  infor- 
mation received  by  him  many  years  before,  from  the  Rev.  Dr.  Stewart,  formerly  a 
missionary  in  the  Mohawk  Valley,  and  father  of  the  present  Archdeacon  Stewart 
of  Ktiigston. 


I ;  ; ' 


[1742 

ir  of  Mohawk 

chief. 

e  life  and  cha- 

the  Christian 
r  Canada.  In 
as  born  on  the 
rated  from  the 

said  to  have 

returned  with 
1  Johnson,  and 
was  known  of 
r  the  return  of 

a  rcspectabls 
lose  Christian 
ontraction,  he 
id  that  the  lad, 
hed  war-chief, 
y'and  nobihty 

family  of  that 
ippellation  of 
iversion,  "  Jo- 

I  relation,  and 
adition.  The 
jir  arms  far  to 
li  of  the  lakes 
jrvisory  juris>. 
md  Sandusky 
mptory  claim, 
:e  shore  as  far 
at  country,  it 
ially  the  Mo- 
st during  the 
ies  would  fre- 

gstoD,  (U.  C.)  and 
hdeacon  Kjtrachan, 
achan,  upon  infor- 
tewart,  formerly  a 
rchdeacon  Stewart 


I 

J 


$ 


1742.]  BIRTH   AND   PARENTAGE.  • 

quently  remain  abroad,  among  the  Miamis,  the  Hurons,  or 
Wyandots,  for  a  longer  or  shorter  period,  as  they  chose.  One 
of  the  consequences  of  this  intercommunication,  was  the  nu- 
merous family  alliances  existing  between  the  Six  Nations  and 
others  at  the  west — the  Wyandots,  in  particular. 

It  was  while  his  parents  were  abroad  upon  one  of  those 
hunting  excursions,  that  Thayendanegea  was  born,  in  the  year 
1742,  on  the  banks  of  the  Ohio.  The  home  of  his  fomily  was 
at  the  Canajoharie  Castle— the  central  of  the  three  Castles  of 
the  Mohawks,  in  their  native  valley.  His  father's  name  was 
Tehowaghwengaraghkwin,  a  full-blooded  Mohawk  of  the  Wolf 
Tribe.*  Thayendanegea  was  very  young  when  his  father 
died.  His  mother  married  a  second  time  to  a  Mohawk ;  and 
the  family  tradition  at  present,  is,  that  the  name  of  Brant  was 
a":quired  in  the  manner  assumed  by  the  publication  already 
cited.  There  is  reason  to  doubt  the  accuracy  of  this  tradition, 
however,  since  it  is  believed  that  there  was  an  Indian  family, 
of  some  consequence  and  extent,  bearing  the  English  name  of 
Brant.  Indeed,  from  the  extracts  presently  to  be  introduced 
from  the  recently  discovered  manuscripts  of  Sir  William  John- 
son, it  may  be  questioned  whether  Tehowaghwengaraghkwin, 
and  an  old  chief,  called  by  Sir  William  sometimes  Brant,  and 
at  others  Nickus  Brant,  were  not  one  and  the  same  person. 

The  denial  that  he  was  a  born  chief,  is  likewise  believed  to 
be  incorrect.  It  is  very  true,  that  among  the  Six  Nations, 
chieftainship  was  not  necessarily  obtained  by  inheritance.  But 
in  regard  to  Thayendanegea,  there  is  no  doubt  tha*  he  was  of 
noble  blood.  The  London  Magazine  for  July,  1776,  contains 
a  sketch  of  him,  probably  furnished  by  Boswell,  with  whom  he 
was  intimate  during  his  first  visit  to  England  in  1775 — '76. 
In  that  account  it  is  affirmed  as  a  fact  without  question,  that 
he  was  the  grandson  of  one  of  the  five  sachems  who  visited 
England,  and  excited  so  much  attention  in  the  British  capital, 
in  1710,  during  the  reign  of  dueen  Anne.  Of  those  chiefs, 
two  were  of  the  Muhhekaneew,  or  River  Indians,  and  three 

*  Each  of  the  original  Fivo  Nations  was  divided  into  three  tribes — the  Tortoise, 
the  Bear,  and  the  Wolf.  The  subject  of  the  present  memoir  was  of  the  latter.  Ao> 
cording  to  David  Cusick,  a  Tuscarora,  who  has  written  a  tract  respecting  the  history 
of  the  ancient  Five  Nations,  the  laws  of  the  confederation  required  that  the  Ouond»i 
gu  aboatd  provide  the  King  snd  the  Mohawks    the    War^Chief. 


11 


,.J< 


LIFE    OF    BRANT. 


[1742. 


!      'il 


Y   t 


were  Mohawks— one  of  whom  was  chief  of  the  Canajoharie 
clan.*  Thayondanegca  was  of  the  latter  clan  ;  and  as  there  is 
reason  to  believe  that  his  father  was  a  sachem,  there  can  be 
little  doubt  of  the  correctness  of  the  London  publication,  in 
claiming  for  him  direct  descent  from  the  Canajoharie  chief  who 
visited  the  British  court  at  the  time  above  mentioned.  But 
there  is  otlier  evidence  to  sustain  the  assumption.  In  the  Life 
of  the  first  President  Whcclock,  by  the  Rev.  Messrs.  M'Clure 
and  Parish,  it  is  asserted  tliat  the  father  of  Joseph  Brant  "  was 
"  sachem  of  the  Mohawks,  after  the  death  of  the  famous  King 
"  Hcndrick."  The  intimacy  for  a  long  time  existing  between 
the  family  of  Brant  and  the  Whcclocks,  father  and  sons,  ren- 
ders this  authority,  in  the  absence  of  unwritten  testimony  still 
more  authentic,  very  good ;  and  us  Ilendrick  fell  in  1755,  when 
Thayendanegea  was  thirteen  years  of  age,  the  tradition  of  the 
early  death  of  his  father,  and  his  consequent  assumption  of  a 
new  name,  is  essentially  weakened.  Mrs.  Grant,  of  Lag^Lijan, 
who  in  early  life  was  a  resident  of  Albany,  and  intimately  ac- 
quainted with  the  domestic  relations  of  Sir  William  Johnson, 
speaks  of  the  sister  of  young  Thayendanegea,  who  was  inti- 
mately associated  in  the  family  of  the  Baronet,  as  "  the  daugh- 
ter of  a  sachem."  t 

In  the  manuscript  diary  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  just  referred 
to,  and  of  which  more  particular  mention  has  been  made  in  the 
Introduction,  the  Baronet  often  hud  occasion  to  speak  of  Brant, 
of  Canajoharie.    Sometimes  ho  was  called   "  Nickus  Brant," 

*  These  five  sachoms,  or  Indian  kings,  as  they  were  called,  were  tal<icn  to  Eng 
land  by  v'^olonel  Schuyler.  Their  arrival  in  London  created  a  great  sensation,  not 
only  in  tne  capital,  but  throughout  the  kingdom.  The  populaco  followed  them 
wherever  they  went.  The  Court  was  at  that  time  in  mourning  for  the  death  of  the 
Prince  of  Denmark,  and  tlio  chiefs  were  dressed  in  black  undcr-clothce,  after  the  En- 
glish manner ;  but,  instead  of  a  blanket,  they  had  each  a  scarlet-ingrain  cloth  man- 
tle, edged  with  gold,  thrown  over  all  their  other  clothes.  This  dress  was  directed  by 
the  dressers  of  the  play-house,  and  give.i  by  the  Cluecn.  A  more  than  ordinary  so- 
lemnity attended  the  audience  they  had  of  her  Majesty.  They  were  conducted  to 
St.  James's  in  two  coaches  by  Sir  Charles  Cotterel,  and  introduced  to  the  royal  pre- 
sence by  the  Duke  of  Shrewsbury,  tlicn  Lord  Chamberlain,  [Smith's  History.] 
Oldmixon  has  preserved  the  speech  delivered  by  them  on  the  occasion,  and  several 
historians  record  the  visit.  Sir  Richard  Steele  mentions  these  chiefs  in  the  Tatler  of 
May  13,  1710.  Thoy  were  also  made  the  subject  of  a  number  of  the  Spectator,  bj 
Addison, 

t  "Memoirs  ofan  American  Lady,"  chap,  ziiix. 


[1742. 

Canajoharie 
id  ns  there  is 
there  can  bo 
iblication,  in 
•ie  chief  who 
tinned.     But 

In  the  Life 
isrs.  M'Clure 
Brant  "  was 
iamous  King 
ling  between 
id  sons,  ren- 
stiniony  still 
1 1755,  when 
dition  of  the 
nnption  of  n 

of  LagjLi^an, 
itimately  ac- 
nm  Johnson, 
\o  was  inti- 
"  the  dangh- 

just  referred 
made  in  the 
ak  of  Brant, 
ills  Brant," 

0  taken  to  Eng 
t  sensation,  not 
followed  them 
the  death  of  the 
t-s,  after  the  Eln- 
niin  cloth  man- 
was  directed  by 
lan  ordinary  so- 
'e  conducted  to 
o  the  royal  pre- 
lith's  History.] 
on,  and  several 
in  the  Tatler  of 
le  Spectator,  bj 


1742.] 


SIR  w.  joiinbon'^  diarv. 


and  at  others  Arofrhyadagha—hwi  most  frequently  "  Old 
Nickus,"  or  "  Old  Brant."  As  these  private  journals  of  Sir 
WiUiam  have  never  seen  the  light,  and  are  curious  in  them- 
selves, u  few  extracts  will  probably  not  be  unacceptable  to  the 
reader — serving,  as  they  will,  not  only  to  illustrate  the  present 
history,  but  also  the  character  of  the  intercourse  and  relations 
existing  between  the  English  and  the  Indians,  under  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  Indian  department  by  that  distinguished 
ollicer.  A  more  just  idea  of  the  character  and  importance  of 
the  cliieftuin's  family,  may  likewise  be  derived  from  a  perusal 
ol  the  extracts  proposed  to  be  given,  exhibiting,  as  they  do, 
suincthlng  of  the  intercourse  maintained  between  the  families 
ot  the  wliitc  and  the  red  warriors. 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind,  that  the  diary  to  which  we  arc 
referring,  was  written  in  the  years  1757,  '58,  and  '59— in  the 
midst  of  the  old  French  war,  ending  by  the  conquest  of  Canada, 
in  17G3.     An  expedition  against  that  colony,  under  the  con- 
duct of  Lord  Loudoun,  projected  early  in  the  former  year,  had 
been  abtuidoncd  in  consequence  of  his  lordship's  inability  to 
bring  a  sufficient  number  of  troops  into  the  field,  to  meet  the 
heavy  reinforcements  sent  ovjr  that  year  from  France.     Mean- 
time the  Marquis  do  Montcalm,  with  an  army  of  9000  men,  had 
advanced  through  Lake  George,  and  carried  Fort  William 
Henry — the  siege  of  which  was  followed  by  a  frightful  massa- 
cre— and  was  then  threatening  Fort  Edward  and  the  settle- 
ments on  the  Hudson ;  while  at  the  west,  the  French,  with 
their  Indian  allies,  were  continually  threatening  an  invasion  by 
the  way  of  Oswego  ;  and  by  their  scouts  and  scalping  parties, 
were  vexing  the  German  settlements  on  the  Upper  Mohawk, 
and  continually  harassing  the  Six  Nations — or  Iroquois— ever 
the  objects  of  French  hostility.    In  this  state  of  things,  it 
required  the  utmost  activity  on  the  part  of  Sir  William  John- 
son, his  officers  and  Indian  allies,  to  keep  themselves  well  in- 
formed as  to  the  actual  or  intended  movements  of  their  subtle 
enemies.    There  was  therefore  constant  employment,  until  the 
close  of  the  year,  for  Indian  scouts  and  messengers,  throughout 
the  whole  wilderness  country  from  Lake  Champlain  to  Niagara, 
and  Fort  Du  duesne,  on  the  Ohio.    With  this  explanation  we 
proceed  to  the  diary : 


LIFK    OF   BRANT. 


11742. 


■IIM 
Mi:!'  l; 


J 


■  ■'  'I  Hi,|i  i 


"  1757. — Nov.  4.  Canadiorha,  alias  Nickus  Brant's  son,  who 
was  in  quest  after  De  Couagne  as  far  as  Oneida,  came  here 
(Fort  Johnson),  and  said  he  inquired  what  news  was  stirring 
among  the  Oneidas.  One  of  the  sachems  told  him  the  same 
piece  of  news  Ogaghte  brought  some  days  since,  about  the 
French  intending  to  stop  the  powder  from  the  Six  Nations,— 
building  a  fort  near  Chennessio,  &c. — that  it  made  a  great 
noise  among  the  nations,  and  gave  them  uneasiness  ;  where- 
fore they  were  assembling  often  at  Chennessio,  and  keeping 
(holding)  often  great  councils  among  themselves  how  to  act  in 
this  affair  of  last  moment.  He  further  was  told  at  Oneida,  that 
but  two  days  ago  the  Six  Nations  received  a  message  from  the 
Twightwees  (Miamies),  letting  their  brethren  of  the  Six  Nations 
know  that  they  had  heard  of  the  insolent  attempt  of  the  French, 
of  destroying  the  Six  Nations ;  and  that  after  the  many  provo- 
cations the  French  gave  them,  in  stirring  them  up  to  war 
against  the  English,  &.c.  they  were  now  resolved  to  turn  the 
hatchet  against  the  French,  and  resolved  to  pass  the  Six  Na- 
tions' country  in  their  '"^ay  to  war.  They  expected  not  to  be 
delayed,  but  to  be  immediately  joined  by  the  warriors  of  the 
Six  Nations,  and  to  proceed  toward  Canada.  He  also  said  he 
heard  the  foreign  (distant)  nations  complain  very  much  fur 
want  of  trade  with  the  English  ;  and  Tahaddy,  a  Chenundidie 
chiefj^said  that  he  was  stopped  by  the  French  to'sell  his  fur  at 
Cataraghqui,  and  that  he  got  not  the  half  quantity  of  goods 
that  he  could  (have)  got  from  the  English,  and  that  he  intended 
to  keep  his  furs  for  the  future,  and  in  the  Spring  to  go  with 
them  to  Albany,  and  at  the  same  time  to  intercede  with  Sir 
William  in  behalf  of  all  the  western  nations,  to  grant  them  a 
trade  again — and  further  Canadiorha  said  not." 

In  the  next  extract  it  will  be  seen  that  Sir  William  speaks  ot 
Brant  as  a  "  sachem."  Of  course  it  could  be  none  other  than 
the  elder,  or  "  Old  Brant,"  at  the  time ;  as  Joseph  was  not 
then  more  than  sixteen  years  old. 

"  i7&8— April  loth.  Sir  William  set  out  for  Canajoharie, 
and  took  with  him  Captains  Johnson,*"  Fonda,  and  Jacobus 


:.i.^; 


•  Guy  Johnson,  hii  •on*in-Uw. 


i   )     I 


:!ii 


[1742. 

rant's  son,  who 
Ida,  came  here 
fs  was  stirring 
him  the  same 
ice,  about  the 
ix  Nations, — 
made  a  great 
iness ;  where- 
and  keeping 
how  to  act  in 
t  Oneida,  that 
iisage  from  the 
le  Six  Nations 
af  the  French, 
!  many  provo- 
m  up  to  war 
d  to  turn  the 
5s  the  Six  Na- 
icted  not  to  be 
arriors  of  the 
e  also  said  he 
'■ery  much  for 
Chenundidie 
'sell  his  fur  at 
ntity  of  goods 
at  he  intended 
g  to  go  with 
ede  with  Sir 
grant  them  a 


1742.] 


SIR  WM.  Johnson's  diary. 


Clement,  in  order  to  settle  some  matters  with  the  Indians  of 
that  castle.     He  arrived  that  night.* 

"  April  IQth.  He  delivered  a  string  of  wampum  to  Brant 
and  Paulus,  two  sachems,  desiring  them  to  call  all  their  people 
out  of  the  woods  to  attend  a  meeting  he  proposed  the  next  day 
with  them,  at  which  he  should  let  them  know  General  Aber- 
crombie's  pleasure,  and  his  own  inclination  and  advice — also 
what  passed  between  him  and  the  several  nations,  who  of  late 
had  had  several  meetings  with  him." 

Preparations  were  now  making  for  a  more  formidable  and 
vigorous  campaign,  under  General  Abercrombie,  who  had  suc- 
ceeded Lord  Loudoun.  His  object  was  an  attack  upon  Ticon- 
deroga,  and,  if  successful,  a  descent  upon  Crown  Point  and 
Montreal,  The  French  in  Canada  were  of  course  making 
corresponding  exertions  to  repel  the  expected  invasion.  With 
a  view  of  creating  a  diversion,  by  annoying  the  colony  of  New- 
York  from  another  quarter,  they  were  said  to  be  preparing  to 
invade  the  Mohawk  Valley,  by  the  way  of  Oswego  and  Fort 
Stanwix.  A  party  of  their  Indians  had  made  a  bold  irruption, 
toward  the  close  of  April,  upon  Burnetsfield,  on  the  south  side 
of  the  Mohawk,  and  destroyed  the  entire  settlement — massacre- 
ing  men,  women,  and  children— thirty-three  in  number— being 
the  whole  population  save  two  persons.  Tb  .re  had  likewise 
been  outrages  at  the  German  Flatts,  where  several  Indians  had 
been  killed  by  the  inhabitants.  The  miUtia  were  promptly 
ordered  into  the  field,  to  rendezvous  at  Canajoharie,  whither  Sir 
William  repaired  on  the  4th  of  May,  to  lead  them  against  the 
enemy— reported  on  the  same  day  to  be  in  force  at  the  great 
carrying  place  (Fort  Stanwix.) 

Meantime  it  was  well  known  that  the  French  had  left  no 
means  untried,  to  seduce  the  five  westernmost  tribes  of  the  Six 
Nations  from  their  allegiance  to  the  English.  They  had  long 
had  their  Jesuit  priests  among  the  Oneidas,  Onondagas,  &c ; 
and  a  variety  of  circumstances  had  occurred  to  induce  the  Mo- 
hawks to  distrust  their  brethren  of  the  other  tribes.  Under 
these  circunistances,  Sir  William  received  the  invitation  thus 
noted  in  his  diary : — 

*  This  entry  is  not  in  the  hand-writing  of  Sir  WiUiam,  but  of  a  certain  «  P.  W.» 
who  was  his  private  aecretarj. 


If 


.1 


8  LIFE   OF   BRANT.  [1742. 

"  April  ith.  Sir  William  having  had  an  invitation  from 
the  Six  Nations  to  attend  a  grand  meeting  to  be  held  at  Onon- 
daga within  a  few  days  hence,  where  he  intends  to  proceed,  in 
case  the  last  alarm  should  prove  groundless." 

The  Baronet  arrived  at  Canajoharie  in  the  evening,  and  at- 
tended a  dance  of  the  young  warriors,  having  the  scalp  of  one 
of  the  hostile  Indians  engaged  in  the  recent  irruption,  who  had 
been  killed  at  the  German  Flatts.  He  is  thus  spoken  of  in  the 
diary — in  the  hand-writing  of  Sir  William's  secretary. 

"  The  body  of  Otqueandageghte,  an  Onondaga  warrior,  who 
lived  for  some  years  at  'Swegachy,  and  formerly  a  mate  of  Sir 
William's,  was  found.  His  name  was  engraved  on  the  handle 
.(of  his  knife),  and  how  often  he  had  been  to  war,  together  with 
this  inscription — *  Otqueandageghte  le  Camera  de  Jeanson?  " 

Sir  William  was  highly  respected  by  the  Six  Nations,  and 
by  the  Mohawks  in  particular  was  greatly  beloved.  This  af- 
fection was  not  only  manifested  by  theii  actions,  but  often  in 
their  speeches,  at  their  councils,  and  in  t'aeir  concern  for  his 
welfare  when  sick,  and  for  his  safety  when  in  the  field.*  Such 
being  their  feelings  toward  the  Baronet,  they  were  reluctant, 
under  existing  circumstances,  to  allow  him  to  place  himself  in 
the  power  of  the  Indians  about  to  assemble  at  the  Great  Coun- 
cil Fire  at  Onondaga.  They  were  likewise  apprehensive  that 
he  might  incur  danger  from  some  of  the  scalping  parties  of  the 
French.  These  explanations  will  render  the  following  extracts 
from  the  diary  intelligible : — 

"  May  5th.  Sir  William  having  no  further  accounts  of  the 
enemy's  appearance,  sent  a  scout  of  two  Mohawks,  two  Cana- 
joharies,  and  a  white  man,  to  go  as  far  as  Wood  Creek  and  the 
Oneida  Lake,  in  order  to  obtain  the  certainty  of  the  alarm. 


♦  To  this  point,  at  the  close  of  a  council,  Sir  William  says — "  When  I  drank  to 
them  at  parting,  they  in  return  drank  my  health,  and  thanked  God  I  had  recovered 
my  late  illness.  They  then  all  said  that  it  was  happy  I  did  not  die  tlien  ;  for,  said 
they,  '  had  you  died,  wo  and  the  English  would  get  by  the  ears  very  soon,  we  sec  ; 
and  wc  fear  it  will  be  the  case  when  you  die  or  leave  us.' "  Again,  at  another  coun- 
cil the  chicfd  commenced  Iheir  speech: — 

"Brother,  We  arc  extremely  glad  to  see  you  so  well  recovered  of  your  lute  very 
dangerous  illness,  and  thank  the  Great  Spirit  above  for  it.  Had  you  been  taken 
away  from  us  that  time,  our  case  would  have  been  melancholy,  and  our  situation 
extremely  precarious.    It  will  be  so,  we  fear,  whenever  we  lose  you." 

Diary,  Jan.  14— '9,  1758. 


[1742. 

nvitation  from 
held  at  Onon- 
to  proceed,  in 

/^ening,  and  at- 
le  scalp  of  one 
ption,  who  had 
3okcn  of  in  the 
retary. 

a  warrior,  who 
r  a  mate  of  Sir 
[  on  the  handle 
•,  together  with 
',  de  Jeanson^  " 
c  Nations,  and 
»ved.  This  af- 
is,  but  often  in 
concern  for  his 
le  field.*  Such 
ivere  reluctant, 
lace  himself  in 
le  Great  Coun- 
jrehensive  that 
g  parties  of  the 
owing  extracts 

accounts  of  the 

vks,  two  Cana- 

Creek  and  the 

of  the  alarm. 


-"  When  I  drank  to 
lod  I  hod  recovered 
dio  tlien  j  for,  said 
I  very  soon,  we  sec  ; 
lin,  at  another  coun- 

red  of  your  lute  very 

ad  you  been  taken 

y,  and  our  situation 

you." 

.  14— '9,  1758. 


ir42.j 


SIR  WM.  Johnson's  diary. 


9 


About  noon  all  the  women  of  the  chief  men  of  this  castle  met 
at  Sir  William's  lodging,  and  brought  with  them  several  of  the 
sachems,  who  acquainted  Sir  William  that  they  had  something 
to  say  to  him  in  the  name  of  their  chief  women." 

"  Old  Nickus  (Brant)  being  appointed  speaker,  opened  his  dis- 
course with  condoling  with  Sir  William  for  the  losses  his  peo- 
ple had  sustained,  and  then  proceeded  : — 

"Bkother,  we  understand  you  intend  to  go  to  a  meeting  to 
Onondaga ;  we  can't  help  spealdiig  with  this  belt  of  wampum  to 
you,  and  giving  our  sentiments  on  your  intended  journey. 
In  the  first  place  wc  think  it  quite  contrary  to  the  customs  of 
any  Governors  or  Superintendent  of  Indian  affairs  being  called 
to  Onondaga  upon  public  business,  as  the  council  fire  which 
burns  there  serves  only  for  private  consultations  of  the  con- 
federacy ;  and  when  matters  are  concluded  and  resolved  upon 
there,  the  confederacy  arc  to  set  out  for  the  great  fire  place 
which  is  at  your  house,  and  there  deliver  their  conclusion. 
In  the  next  place  we  are  almost  convinced  that  the  invitation 
is  illegal,  and  not  agreed  upon  or  desired  by  the  confederacy, 
but  only  the  Oncidas — which  gives  us  the  more  reason  to  be 
uneasy  about  your  going,  as  it  looks  very  suspicious.  Did  not 
they  tell  you,  when  they  invited  you,  the  road  of  friendship  was 
clear,  and  every  obstacle  removed  that  was  in  before  ?  They 
scarce  uttered  it,  and  the  cruelties  wore  committed  at  the  Ger- 
man Flatts,  where  the  remainder  of  our  poor  brethren  were 
butchered  by  the  enemy's  Indians.  Is  this  a  clear  road  of  peace 
and  friendship  ?  Would  not  you  be  obliged  to  wade  all  the 
way  in  the  blood  of  the  poor  innocent  men,  women,  and  chil- 
dren who  were  murdered  after  beincf  taken  ? 

"Brother,  by  this  belt  of  wampum,  we,  the  women,  sur- 
round and  hang  about  you  like  little  children,  who  are  cryino" 
at  their  parents'  going  from  them,  for  fear  of  their  never  return- 
ing again  to  give  them  suck ;  and  we  earnestly  beg  you  will 
give  ear  to  our  request,  and  desist  from  your  journey.  We  flat- 
ter ourselves  you  will  look  upon  this  our  speech,  and  talce  the 
same  notice  of  it  as  all  our  men  do,  who,  when  they  are  ad- 
dressed by  the  women,  and  desired  to  desist  from  any  rash  en- 
terprise, they  immediately  give  way,  when,  before,  every  body" 
else  tried  to  dissuade  them  from  it,  nnd  could  not  prevail." 

Gave  the  Belt. 


M 


10 


LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


[1742. 


;(      M' 


'III  •!  i 


'm 


¥  ■ 


"  Canajoharie,  May  7th.  This  afternoon  Sir  William  had 
a  meeting  with  the  chief  women  of  this  castle,  and  returned 
them  thanks  for  their  condolence  of  the  5th  instant.  At  the 
same  time  he  condoled  with  them  for  the  loss  of  one  of  the  tribe 
of  the  Bear,  that  belonged  to  the  chief  of  that  tribe,  with  a 
Stroud  blanket,  a  shirt,  and  stockings." 

A  string  of  Wampum. 

"  Sir  William  told  them  that  he  would  answer  their  speech 
concerning  his  journey,  when*  the  messengers  who  had  gone 
to  Oneida  came  back.  He  also  made  private  presents  to  a  few 
of  the  head  women  of  each  tribe,  with  a  blanket  and  shirt 
each." 

"  May  lOth.    This  afternoon  Sir  William  returned  his  an 
swer  to  the  speech  of  the  chief  women  of  this  castle,  made  to 
him  on  the  5th  instant,  which  is  as  follows  : — 

"Dyattego,  your  tender  and  affectionate  speech,  made  some 
days  ago,  I  have  considered,  and  thereupon  have  dispatched 
messengers  to  Oneida,  in  order  to  inquire  how  things  stand 
there  after  what  happened  at  the  German  Flatts,  and  whether 
my  presence  at  the  meeting  would  be  still  necessary.  These 
messengers  are  returned,  and  I  find  by  them  that  the  sachems 
of  Oneida  likewise  disapprove  my  proceeding  any  farther,  for 
sundry  reasons  they  give  in  their  ;eply.  Wherefore  I  shall 
comply  with  your  request  to  return,  and  heartily  thank  you  for 
the  great  tenderness  and  love  expressed  for  me  in  your  speech." 

Returned  their  Belt. 

Tlie  next  entry  in  which  the  name  of  Nickus  Brant  occurs, 
is  under  date  of  November  18th,  1758— in  which  he  is  called 
the  chief  sachem  of  Canajoharie.  He  must  also  have  been  a 
man  of  trust  and  consequence,  as  he  had  then  just  returned 
from  an  important  mission  to  a  great  Indian  council  in  Penn- 
sylvania. 

"Fort  Johnson,  Nov.  18,  1758.  Nickus,  chief  sachem  of  Ca- 
najoharie, arrived  from  the  meeting  at  Ear  ton,  and  in  the  pre- 
sence of  the  Belt,  a  Seneca  chief,  several  more  of  said  nation, 
the  Red  Head,  and  some  more  Onondagoes,  showed  me  all  the 
belts  which  passed  between  the  Governors  of  Pennsylvania, 
New  Jersey,  and  the  several  nations  of  Indians  there  assembled, 
with  the  purport  of  them,  which  I  need  not  insert  here." 

An  important  laud  negotiation  hud  taken  place  at  the  coun- 


[1742. 

3ir  William  had 
;,  and  returned 
nstant.  At  the 
'  one  of  the  tribe 
lat  tribe,  with  a 

f  Wampum, 
ver  their  speech 
3  who  had  gone 
resents  to  a  few 
lanket  and  shirt 

eturned  his  an 
castle,  made  to 

iech,  made  some 
tiave  dispatched 
»w  things  stand 
ts,  and  whether 
sessary.  These 
lat  the  sachems 
any  farther,  for 
lerefore  I  shall 
y  thank  you  for 
n  your  speech." 
d  their  Belt. 
s  Brant  occurs, 
ich  he  is  called 
so  have  been  a 
I  just  returned 
luncil  in  Penn- 

sachem  of  Ca- 
and  in  the  pre- 

of  said  nation, 
)wed  me  all  the 

Pennsylvania, 
^ere  assembled, 
ert  here." 
ice  at  the  coun< 


1742.] 


SIR  WM.  Johnson's  diary. 


11 


cil  at  Easton,  by  which  the  agents  of  Penn  had  agreed  to  re- 
lease to  the  Six  Nations,  certain  territories  purchased  of  them 
at  Albany  in  1 764 — but  which  sale  gave  dissatisfaction  to  the 
tribes.  Nickus  desired  Sir  William  to  communicate  this  infor- 
mation to  the  Indians,  on  their  return  from  hunting ;  and  Sir 
William  enjoined  it  upon  Nickus  to  put  an  end  to  the  irregu- 
larities of  his  tribe,  and  the  mischief  they  were  doing  to  the 
properly ;  as  "  such  barbarism  must  be  productive  of  very  fatal 
consequences." 

Tlie  Diary  says : — "  He  told  me  it  was  with  the  utmr«t  con- 
cern he  had  heard  what  I  had  told  him,  and  assured  ne  he 
would  endeavour  all  in  his  power  to  restrain  them,  and  to 
bring  them  to  proper  order ;  but  ucubted  of  success  while  there 
was  such  a  flood  of  rum  in  the  coui.try,  which  alone  occa- 
sioned them  to  commit  such  irregularities,  and  which,  if  not 
prevented,  must  inevitably  destroy  them  all  in  a  little  time."* 

On  the  18th  of  January,  1 759,  Sir  William  held  a  conference 
at  Canajoharie  Castle  with  the  Mohawk  and  Seneca  chiefs. 
After  condoling  with  them  for  their  losses  by  sickness,  with 
three  strings  of  wampum,  and  for  their  losses  by  the  war  with 
a  like  number  of  strings,  he  addressed  them  as  follows  : — 

"Brethren  op  the  two  Mohawk  Castles  and  Sene- 
gas :  I  take  the  first  opportunity  of  acquainting  you  that  His 
Majesty  has  been  pleased  to  appoint  Lieutenant  General  Am- 
herst, Commander  in  Chief  of  all  his  forces  in  North  America, 
in  the  room  of  Lieutenant  General  Abercrombie,  who  is  called 
home.  Also  that  the  General  has,  by  letter,  desired  I  would 
use  my  utmost  endeavours  to  get  as  great  a  number  of  our 
brethren,  the  Six  Nations,  to  join  him  early  next  Spring  against 
our  common  enemy,  as  I  possibly  can.  This  I  shall  endeavour 
to  do,  and  would  be  glad  of  your  advice  and  assistance  therein, 
which  by  this  belt  of  wampum  I  desire  you,  as  our  steady 
friends,  will  afford  me.  ^  j^^k^ 

"  Brethren  :  As  you  are  all  acquainted  with  the  late  cruel 
and  unprecedented  murder  of  John  M'Michael,  one  of  our  peo- 

♦  The  introduction  and  pernicious  effects  of  ardent  spirits  among  the  Indians  were 
:|  a  frequent  subject  of  complaint,  eren  at  that  early  day,  of  which  Sir  William  • 
J    memoranda,  and  the  records  of  Indian  speeches  to  him,  afford  repeated  proofs. 


1:4 


( 

1  J 


12 


LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


[1742. 


;  1.^ 


mir^li 


pie,  by  a  Cayouga*  Indian  near  Fort  Stanwix,  whom  he  em- 
ployed to  escort  him  to  Fort  Herkimer,  I  shall  not  repeat  the 
disagreeable  circumstances  to  you,  as  I  am  sensible  it  affects 
you  as  well  as  mc.  I  would  now  oniy  ask  your  opinion  what 
are  the  proper  steps  to  be  taken  in  the  affair,  as  it  will  always 
have  great  weight  with  me.  Three  tSh'ing's. 

"  Brethren  :  I  lately  received  these  strings  of  wampum 
from  the  Oneidas  by  Captain  Fonda,  by  which  they  say  I  am 
invited  to  a  meeting  proposed  to  be  held  soon  at  Onondaga, 
where  you  arc  also  desired  to  attend.  I  am  ready  and  willing 
to  go  if  you  think  it  will  be  for  the  good  of  the  service.  At 
the  same  time  I  must  observe  to  you,  that  I  think  it  an  unpre- 
cedented manner  of  inviting  either  you  or  me,  without  some 
of  the  Ohondagas  coming  down  with  it  as  usual.  I  neverthe- 
less submit  to  your  judgment,  as  being  better  acquainted  with 
their  forms,  and  expect  you  will  give  it  me,  as  well  as  your 
opinion  of  the  proper  steps  for  me  to  take,  in  order  to  get  what 
prisoners  of  ours  may  be  among  the  nations." 

Three  iSli'ing's. 

"  Do.  Die.  Tarrawarriax,  and  another  Seneca  sachem,  came 
to  Sir  William,  at  Branfs  house,  and  told  him,  &c. 

"  January  19.  The  sachems,  &c.  being  met  at  their  coun- 
cil room,  sent  to  acquaint  Sir  William  that  they  were  ready  to 
answer  to  what  he  the  day  before  had  laid  before  them.  On 
which  he,  with  the  same  gentlemen  who  attended  him  yester- 
day, went  to  the  meeting,  when  Aroghyadecka,  alias  Old 
Brant,  chief  of  the  Canajoharies,  spoke  as  follows  : — 

"Brother  WARRAGHiYAGEvt — We  are  much  obUged  to 
you  for  giving  us  so  timely  notice  of  the  General's  desire  and 
intentions,  and  we  hope  and  wish  that  he  may  be  ready  to 
take  the  field  very  early,  which  in  our  opinion  is  what  should 
always  be  done.  You  may  depend  upon  our  attachment  and 
assistance  ;  being  determined,  as  we  declared  to  you  at  the  be- 
ginning of  this  war,  to  stand  or  fall  with  you.  And  as  you 
desired  our  opinion  with  regard  to  the  Six  Nations,  we  hav^ 
considered  of  it,  and  think  it  best  that  you  call  their  sachems, 

♦  Always  spelt  thus  by  Sir  William  Johnson. 

t  The  name  which  the  Indiana  had  conferred  upon  Sir  William,  and  by  which 
be  was  almost  invariably  addressed. 


m 


[1742. 

rix,  whom  he  em- 
all  not  repeat  the 
sensible  it  affects 
our  opinion  what 
,  as  it  will  always 
Three  &'trings, 
inf,'s  of  wampum 
eh  they  say  I  am 
on  at  Onondaga, 
ready  and  willing 
"  the  service.  At 
(link  it  an  unpre- 
Tie,  without  some 
iial.  I  neverthc- 
r  acquainted  with 
,  as  well  as  your 
order  to  get  what 

r/iree  Slrings, 
3ca  sachem,  came 
m,  &c. 

tiet  at  their  coun- 
ey  were  ready  to 
)efore  them.  On 
tided  him  yester- 
ecka,  alias  Old 
3WS : — 

much  obliged  to 
eral's  desire  and 
may  be  ready  to 
11  is  what  should 
attachment  and 
to  you  at  the  be- 
i.  And  as  you 
Nations,  we  hav^ 
11  their  sachems, 


William,  and  by  which 


1742.] 


SIR  AVM.  Johnson's  diary. 


13 


'chief  vvarriors,  and  leading  women,  down  to  your  house  as  soou 
as  may  be,  where  we  shall  be  ready  to  attend  and  assist  you 
ail  in  our  power.  Returned  the  Belt. 

"  Brotiter  :  The  late  murder  of  one  of  our  brethren  near  • 
the  carrying  place,  by  one  of  the  Upper  nations  in  the  French 
interest,  gives  us  great  concern,  and  think  he  ought  to  be  se- 
verely punished  for  it.  But  as  we  hope  the  Six  Nations  may 
now  act  a  better  part  than  they  have  hitherto,  we  w6uld  advise 
you  not  to  say  any  thing  about  it  until  they  come  to  the  meet- 
faig  at  your  house,  and  then  we  think  the  milder  you  speak  to 
them,  the  better,  at  this  time.  And  this  is  our  opinion. 
1  Returned  three  Strings. 

*  "  Brother  :  As  for  the  strings  of  wampum  lately  sent  by 
i|ie  Oneidas,  to  invite  you  and  us  to  a  meeting  at  Onondaga, 
#6  think  with  yoti  that  it  was  not  according  to  our  ancient  and 
usual  custom,  nor  was  it  even  a  proper  invitation.  We  are  of 
opinion  that  your  inviting  them  all  to  your  house  is  much  bet- 
ter and  more  in  character.  Wherefore  we  would  be  very  glad 
if  you  would  give  them  an  invitation,  and  at  the  same  time  to 
|end  some  strmgs  of  wampum,  desiring  they  would  bring  what 
Prisoners  of  our  brethren  may  be  among  them. 

Three  Strings  of  Wampum. 

"  Brother  :  We  return  you  our  hearty  thanks  for  the  con- 
fidence you  repose  in  us,  and  be  assured  we  shall  ever  study 
to  act  so  as  to  continue  your  good  opinion  of  us.     We  are  also 
Uhankful  to  you  for  the  good  news  you  yesterday  told  us,  and 
we  heartily  congratulate  you  thereon,  and  hope  further  success 
I  may  attend  the  King's,  arms." 

The  course  suggested  by  the  chiefs  was  adopted  by  Sir 
William,  and  messengers,  with  the  usual  significant  belts,  were 
forthwith  dispatched  to  the  Cayugas  and  Onondagas.  It  was 
attended  by  the  best  results,  as  appears  from  subsequent  entries 
I  in  the  Diary.  Mr.'M'Michael,who  had  been  murdered  by  the  re- 
creant Cayuga,  was  a  trader  of  note,  and  the  peculiar  atrocity  of 
his  murder  had  created  a  deep  feeling  of  indignation,  for 
which  the  circumstances  of  treachery  and  duplicity  stated  in 
the  official  report  from  the  commanding  officer  at  Fort  Stan- 
wix  to  Sir  William,  were  a  full  warrant.  The  Cayugas  lost 
no  time  in  manifesting  their  sorrow  and  detestation  of  the 


■^ 
M 


p. 


14 


LIFE    OP   BRANT. 


[1742. 


crime,  jis  will  be  seen  from  the  following  extract  from  the 
Baronet's  journal :  * 

"  Fort  Johnson^  Feb.  5.  Skanarady,  Teughsaragarat,  and 
.Ottawannio,  tnree  chiefs  of  the  Cayuga  nation,  arrived  here 
with  several  more,  and  after  being  introduced  by  Clement, 
the  interpreter,  began  and  said : 

"Brother  Warraohiyagey:  The  unhappy  murder  of 
one  of  our  Brethren  near  the  Oneida  carrying  place,  is  the  oc- 
casion of  our  coming  down  at  this  severe  ser.son  of  the  year. 
Our  nation  would  not  be  at  rest,  nor  easy,  until  they  had  spoke 
to  you  about  it.  We  now,  in  their  behalf,  wipe  away  the  tears 
from  your  eyes,  so  that  you  may  look  pleasant  at  us.  We 
likewise  remove  all  obstructions,  and  clear  your  throat,  so  that 
you  may  speak  clear  and  friendly  to  us.  Lastly,  we  wipe  away 
the  blood  of  our  brother,  lately  killed  near  the  carrying  place, 
that  the  sight  of  it  may  no  longer  give  us  concern. 

Three  Strings  of  Wampum. 

"  Sir  William  told  them  that  he  would  be  ready  the  next 
morning  to  hear  what  they  had  further  to  say,  and  would  desire 
his  neighbours,  the  Mohawks,  to  attend. 

"  Wednesday,  Feb.  6.  About  twenty  Mohawks  arrived. 
The  Cayugas  being  acquainted  that  Sir  William  was  ready, 
with  the  Mohawks  and  two  Onondagoes,  to  hear  them,  they 
entered  the  Council,  and  Skanarady  spoke  as  follows : 

"Brother  Warraohiyagey:  On  our  arrival  yesterday 
we  wiped  the  tears  from  your  eyes,  and  we  now,  agreeable  to 
the  custom  of  our  forefathers,  take  the  French  hatchet,  (which 
they  gave  to  one  of  our  foolish,  deluded  young  men,  giving 
him  great  rewards,  and  making  him  large  promises  if  he 
would  use  it  against  our  brethren  the  English,)  out  of  your 
head,  and  bury  it  in  a  deep  pool,  where  it  can  never  be  found ; 
also,  with  this  belt  of  wampum  we  assure  you  that  it  gives 
our  nation  as  much  concern  as  it  can  you,  and  promise  the  great- 
est care  shall  be  taken  to  prevent  the  like  happening  for  the 
future.  'A  Black  and  White  Belt. 


"B 

,1  will  I 


*  The  author  is  of  course  aware  that  this  is  a  digresBioit  from  his  main  subject ; 
but  the  incident  is  an  interesting  one,  and  the  speech  of  the  Cayugas  worthy  of 
preservation  for  its  simple  pathos,  and  also  as  an  ilhistration  of  Indian  character, 
Mr.  M'Michael'a  family  are  yet  among  the  most  respectable  residents  of  Schenectady. 


[1742. 
tract  from  the 

isaragarat,  and 
J,  arrived  here 
(1  by  Clement, 

ppy  murder  of 
place,  is  the  oc- 
)n  of  the  year, 
they  had  spoke 
3  away  the  tears 
nt  at  us.  We 
r  throat,  so  that 
r,  we  wipe  away 
carrying  place, 
em. 

f  Wampum. 
ready  the  next 
,nd  would  desire 

)hawks  arrived, 
liam  was  ready, 
lear  them,  they 
jUows  : 

rrival  yesterday 
)W,  agreeable  to 
hatchet,  (which 
ig  men,  giving 
promises  if  he 
h,)  out  of  your 
lever  be  found ; 
)U  that  it  gives 
omise  the  great- 
ppening  for  the 
WJiite  Belt. 

im  his  main  subject ; 
Cayugas  worthy  of 
of  Indian  character, 
ents  of  Schenectady. 


1742.] 


SIR  WM.  Johnson's  diary. 


16 


"  Brother  :  With  this  belt  we  cover  his  grave,  that  the 
sight  of  it  may  no  longer  give  you  or  us  concern. 

A  White  Belt. 

"Brother:  With  these  strings  we  raise  up  your  head, 
now  hangip"^  down  with  concern  for  the  loss  of  one  of  our 
brethren,  and  beg  you  will  no  longer  keep  sorrow  in  your  mind. 

Three  Strings  of  Wampum. 

"Brother:  Lastly,  we  most  earnestly  entreat  that  you 
will  not,  for  what  has  happened,  neglect  the  management  of 
our  affairs,  as  your  neglect  of  them  at  any,  but  more  particu- 
larly at  this,  time,  must  render  us  unhappy,  and  throw  the  con- 
federacy into  confusion."         A  Belt  of  Black  and  White. 

To  which  Sir  William  replied : — 

"  Brethren  of  Cayuga  :  I  have  heard  what  you  have 
by  these  belts  said,  and  only  now  tell  you  that  I  shall  defer  en- 
tering into  the  affair  until  the  Five  Nations  are  met,  which  I 
expect  will  be  soon,  as  I  have  invited  them  all  here.  Then  you 
and  they  will  hear  what  I  have  to  say  on  the  subject,  and  your 
belts  shall  be  laid  by  safe  until  then." 

On  the  11th  of  February,  Sir  WiUiam  proceeded  to  Cana 
joharie,  at  which  place  he  had  invited  a  meeting  of  the  chiefs 
and  warriors  of  the  Mohawks.     The  occasion,  and  the  pro- 
ceedings, will  be  understood  from  the  annexed  extract : — 

"  Monday,  Feb.  12 — 8  at  night.  Being  all  assembled.  Sir 
William  told  them  that  the  reason  of  his  coming  to  their  castle 
was  to  get  a  number  of  their  briskest  men  to  join  Captain 
Lotteridge,  and  some  of  the  Mohawks  and  Schoharies,  on  a 
scout  to  Tienderago,  *  or  Crown  Point,  in  order  to  see  what 
the  enemy  was  about,  and  get  him  a  prisoner  from  whom  he 
might  be  able  to  get  better  intelligence  than  the  General  daily 
receives,  and  which  would  enable  the  General  to  take  proper 
measures  for  the  defence  of  the  country  until  the  opening  of 
the  campaign, — and  that  they  would  be  ready  in  two  days  to 
set  off  for  his  house,  where  they  would  be  supplied  with  every 
thing  necessary  for  such  service." 

A  painted  War-Belt  thrown  between  them. 

No  sooner  was  the  belt  cast  among  them,  than  Sonughsas,  a 

•  Ticonderoga-— always  spelled  thus  by  Sir  William  Johnson. 


^t1 


16 


LIFK    OP    DRANT. 


[1742. 


';    i 


cliief  of  the  Boar  tribe,  arose,  took  the  belt  in  his  hand,  and 
sang  Ills  war-song,  and  war  followed  by  several  more  of  each 
tribe.  Then  Aroghigadecka,  the  chief  sachem  of  the  castle, 
stood  up  and  said : — 

"Brothkr  Warragiiiyagey:  We,  the  sachems  and 
warriors  of  the  Canajoharie  castle  immediately  quit  our  hunt- 
ing on  your  call,  and  made  all  the  haste  possible  to  meet  you 
here,  where  we  are  all  heartily  glad  to  sec  you  ;  and  in  answer 
to  your  desire,  without  any  hesitation,  I  am  desired  by  the 
young  men  present  to  tell  you  they  will  bu  ready  to  go  with 
Captain  Lotteridgc,  and  the  Mohawks,  <fcc.  on  the  service  you 
require,  and  we  have  no  reason  to  doubt  you  will  (in  their  ab- 
sence) take  care  of  their  families,  who  are  extremely  poor  and 
in  great  want  of  provisions.     Here  returned  :he  War-Belt. 

"  Sir  William  thanked  them  for  the  readiness  they  showed  on 
the  occasion,  and  told  them  he  would  give  their  families  some 
provisions  in  their  absence,  or  money  to  purchase  it,  ko  that 
tlioy  should  not  suffer.  He  then  gave  them  an  entertainment, 
as  usual  on  such  occasions,  and  parted.  He  left  that  castle 
.  Tuesday  morning,  and  arrived  at  Fort  Johnson  that  night." 

The  next  mention  of  the  Brants  contained  in  the  broken 
manuscripts  of  Sir  William,  is  found  in  the  private  journal 
kept  by  him  of  his  tour  to  Detroit  in  1761,  after  the  surrender 
of  the  Canadas.  The  duty  then  devolved  upon  Sir  William 
of  meeting  the  upper  Indians  around  the  great  Lakes,  pre- 
viously luider  the  influence,  and  many  of  them  in  the  service, 
of  the  French,  in  Grand  Council  at  Detroit, — to  establish 
friendly  relations  with  them,  and  receive  a  transfer  of  that 
quasi  allegiance  which  the  Indians  have  generally  acknow- 
ledged to  the  whites,  French, English,  or  American.  In  addition 
to  his  own  immediate  suite,  among  whom  was  his  son,  Lieute- 
nant Johnson,  (afterward  Sir  John,)  he  was  attended  on  the 
expedition  by  a  detachment  of  troops,  and  a  band  of  the  Mohawk 
warriors.    While  at  Niagara,*  Sir  William  notes  : 

"  Monday^  August  10.    ;^ickus,t  of  Canajoharie,  an  Indian, 

*  The  author  has  already  acknowledged  his  indebtedness  to  Archibald  Johnson, 
Esq.,  of  Lower  Canada,  for  the  original  of  this  very  interesting  journal,  which  it  is 
hoped  will  be  of  greater  use  ;n  another  worI<. 

f  Nickus  Hance — another  name  and  a  different  person  from  Ifickus  Brant,  of 


illlir'li^ 


[1742. 

i  his  hand,  and 
il  more  of  each 
n  of  the  castle, 

sachems    and 
'  quit  our  hunt- 
ble  to  meet  you 
;  and  in  answer 
desired  by  the 
Bady  to  go  with 
the  service  you 
rill  (in  their  ab- 
remely  poor  and 
he  War- Belt. 
they  showed  on 
;ir  families  some 
chase  it,  so  that 
11  entertainment, 
!  left  that  castle 
n  that  night." 
I  in   the  broken 
private  journal 
er  the  surrender 
pon  Sir  William 
reat  Lakes,  prc- 
n  in  the  service, 
it, — to  establish 
transfer  of  that 
ncrally  acknow- 
can.  In  addition 
his  son,  Lieute- 
attcndcd  on  the 
d  of  the  Mohawk 
Ds: 
(harie,  an  Indian, 

to  Archibald  Johnson, 
ng  journal,  which  it  is 

i-om  Ifickus  Brant,  of 


1742.] 


BIRTH    ANL»    PARENTAaE. 


17 


.■:^:i« 


arrived  here,  and  acquainted  me  that  several  of  his  castle  had 
died  of  malignant  fever;  and  that  all  Brant's  family  wn.^  ill  of 
the  same  disorder,  except  the  old  woman.  lie  also  told  me  that 
he  had  heard  by  the  way  from  several  Indians,  that  I  was  to  be 
destroyed  or  murdered  on  my  way  to  Detroit ;  and  that  the  In- 
dians were  certainly  determined  to  rise  and  fall  on  the  English, 
as  several  thousands  of  the  Ottaways  and  other  nations  had' 
agreed  to  join  the  Five  Nations  in  this  scheme  or  plot." 

It  is  needless,  however,  to  multiply  citations  to  the  point  im- 
mediately in  view.  The  object  of  those  already  made  has  been 
to  clear  up  the  doubts,  if  possible,  and  establish  the  fact  as  to  the 
immediate  ancestry  of  Thayendane^ea,  alias  Joseph  Brant; 
while,  it  is  believed,  the  incidental  history  necessarily  involved  in 
tiiese  extracts  has  not  been  altogether  devjid  of  interest.  And' 
•Ithough  the  fact  is  nowhere  positively  asserted,  yet  there  is 

this  Nickua,  repeated  mention  is  made  in  Sir  William's  previous  official  diaries. 
The  following  quotations  are  given  ud  curious  illustrations  of  Indian  customs  : 

"  Fort  Johnson,  May  22,1757.  Sir  William  spoke  with  Nickus  Hance,  alias 
Taicarihogo,  a  Cunuju'.iitrio  cliicf,  who  canie  to  sec  him,  and  told  him,  that  as  he  was 
much  concerned  for  the  loss  of  his  (suid  Hanqie's)  mother,  who  lately  died,  that  he 
expected  he  would  remove  his  concern  by  going  to  war,  and  bringing  either  a  pri- 
Bonnr  or  a  sculp  to  put  in  her  room,  or  stead,  as  is  usual  among  Indians.  Unc/athia 
Sir  William  gave  him  a  very  fine  black  belt  to  enforce  his  request.  Taicarihogo 
returned  Sir  Williitiii  thanks  for  the  concern  he  shared  for  the  loss  of  his  mother, 
accepted  the  belt,  and  promised  he  would,  on  his  return  home,  call  his  young  men  to- 
gether, and  lay  Sir  William's  belt  and  request  before  them."  [The  giving  of  a  belt 
in  this  way,  was  a  sort  of  commission  to  make  up  a  scalping  party  against  the 
forces  or  the  settlements  of  the  enemy. — ^xUhor.] 

Of  a  similar  character  is  the  following  extract  from  the  ..)iary : 

"Many,  May  18,  1753.  Capt  Jacob  Head,  of  a  Company  of  Stockbridge In- 
dians, brought  to  Sir  William's  lodgings  four  French  scalps,  which  his  cousin,  chief 
of  another  company  of  said  Indians,  had  taken  from  the  enemy  some  few  days  bo- 
fore,  and  the  aforesaid  Jacob  spoke  as  follows : 

"  Brother  Warragkayagej/ :  This  scalp  (the  one  with  a  black  belt  tied  to  it  paint- 
ed) I  desire  maybe  delivered  to  my  wife's  uncle,  old  Hickus,  of  Canajoharie,  to  re- 
place her  mother,  who  was  his  sister. 

"  This  scalp,  (meaning  another  upon  the  same  stick,  with  a  bunch  of  black  wampum 
tied  to  ii,)  I  send  to  the  aforesaid  man  to  replace  Eusenia,  who  was  Taraghyorie'a 
wife. 

"  This  scalp,  (meaning  a  scalp  by  itself  on  i  stick,  with  a  bunch  of  black  wam- 
pum,) my  cousin.  Captain  Jacob,  gives  to  replace  old  King  Hcndrick,  of  C<^najoharie. 
[Killed  in  1755,  at  the  battle  of  Lake  Qeorgc—Jluthor.] 

*'This  scalp,  (meaning  the  small  one  lied  round  with  a  bunch  of  wampum,)  my 
said  cousin  gives  to  replace  Hickus's  son,  who  was  killed  at  the  batl'e  of  the  Lako 
under  your  command." 


I      I'l 


I   ■      l\ 


18 


LIFE    OF    BRANT. 


[1742 


ill*!; 


much  reason  to  suppose  that  he  was  the  son  of  Nickus  Dront, 
whoso  Indian  name,  according  to  Sir  Wilham  Johnson,  was 
Aroghyadecka ;  but  which  has  been  furnished  to  the  author  by 
the  family  as  Tchowaghwengaraghkwin.  It  has  been  seen 
from  the  extracts  that  Nickus  Brant  was  u  Canajoharie  chief  of 
character  and  celebrity,  between  whom  and  Sir  William  a  close 
intimacy  subsisted.  When  called  to  Canajoharie  upon  business 
or  pleasure,  the  Baronet's  quarters  were  "  at  Brant's  house,"  as 
noted  in  his  own  Diary.  It  is  likewise  well  known,  that  after  the 
decease  of  Lady  Johnson,  (an  event  which  occurred  several 
years  antecedent  to  the  period  of  which  we  are  now  writing,  and 
before  he  had  won  his  b  onetcy  at  Lake  George,)  Sir  William  took 
to  his  home  as  his  wife,  Mary  Brant,  or  "  Miss  Molly,"  as  she  was 
called,  with  whom  he  lived  until  his  decease  in  1774,  and  by  whom 
he  had  several  children.  This  circumstance  is  thus  mention- 
ed by  Mrs.  Grant  in  her  delightful  book  already  referred  to: — 
"  Becoming  a  widower  in  the  prime  of  life,  he  connected  himself 
'*  with  an  Indian  maiden,  daughter  to  a  sachem,  who  possessed 
"an  uncommonly  agreeable  person  and  good  understanding; 
"  and  whether  ever  formally  married  to  him  according  to  our 
"  usage,  or  not,  continued  to  live  with  him  in  great  union  and 
'•  affection  all  his  life."  The  Baronet  himself  repeatedly  speaks 
of  this  Indian  lady  in  his  privote  journals.  While  on  his  ex- 
pedition to  Detroit,  entries  occur  of  having  received  news  from 
home,  and  of  having  written  to  "Molly."  He  always  men- 
tioned her  kindly,  ex  gr : — 

"  Wednesday,  Oct.  2lst.  Met  Sir  Robert  Davers  and  Cap- 
tain Etherington,  who  gave  me  a  packet  of  letters  from  Ge- 
nerjil  Amherst.  •  •  *  Captain  Etherington  told  me  Molly  was 
delivered  of  a  girl :  that  all  were  well  at  my  house,  where  they 
staid  two  days." 

But  to  return  from  these  digressions.  Molly,  as  it  has  already 
been  stated,  was  the  sister  of  Thayendanegea ;  and  both,  ac- 
cording to  the  account  of  the  London  Magazine  of  177G,  the 
earliest  printed  testimony  upon  the  subject,  were  the  grand- 
children of  one  of  the  Mohawk  chiefs  who  visited  England 
half  a  century  before.  That  his  father  was  a  chief,  several  au- 
thorities have  likewise  been  cited  to  show ;  to  which  may  be 
added  that  of  Allen's  Biographical  Dictionary,  where  the  fact 


I 


[1742 

•f  Nickus  Brant, 
m  Johnson,  was 
I  to  the  author  by 
t  has  been  seen 
lajoharie  chief  of 

William  a  close 
ric  upon  business 
rant's  house,"  ns 
wn,  that  after  the 
occurred  several 
now  writing,  and 
)  Sir  William  took 

oily,"  as  she  was 
''74,  and  by  whom 

is  thus  mention- 
y  referred  to : — 
onnected  himself 
n,  who  possessed 

understanding ; 
According  to  our 
great  union  and 
epeatedly  speaks 
While  on  his  ex- 
eived  news  from 
le  always  men- 

Davers  and  Cap- 
letters  from  Ge- 
d  me  Molly  was 
luse,  where  they 

as  it  has  already 
L ;  and  both,  ac- 
ne of  177G,  the 
vere  the  grand- 
visited  England 
hief,  several  au- 
)  which  may  be 
,  where  the  fact 


1755.] 


BATTLE   OP    LAKK   GEORGE. 


19 


i 


is  positively  asserted.*  From  such  a  body  of  testimony,  there- 
fore, direct  and  circumstantial,  it  is  hazarding  but  very  little  to 
assume,  that,  so  far  from  having  been  of  humble  and  plebeian 
origin,  according  to  the  statement  of  Dr.  Stewart,  Joseph  Brant 
was  of  the  noblest  descent  among  his  nation. 

Of  the  early  youth  of  Joseph,  there  are  no  accounts,  other 
than  that  he  was  very  young  when  first  upon  the  war-path. 
In  one  of  the  authorities  to  which  reference  has  already  been 
made,t  it  is  stated,  that  having  attained  the  age  of  thirteen  years, 
he  joined  the  warriors  of  his  tribe  under  Sir  William  Johnson, 
and  was  present  at  the  memorable  battle  of  Lake  George,  in 
which  the  French  were  defeated,  and  their  commander,  the 
Baron  Dieskau,  mortally  wounded.  The  Mohawks  were  led 
into  action  by  their  celebrated  king,  the  bravo  old  Hendrick, 
who  was  slain,  t  It  was  tliis  victory  which  laid  the  foundation 
of  Sir  William's  military  ta.ne,  and  in  r'iward  for  which  he  was 
created  a  Baronet.  It  is  reported,  thai  in  relating  the  particu- 
lars of  this  bloody  engagement  to  Doctor  Stewart,  the  youthful 
warrior  acknowledged,  "That  this  being  the  first  action  at  which 
"  ho  was  present,  he  was  seized  with  such  a  tremor  w.hen  the 
"  firing  began,  that  he  was  obliged  to  take  hold  of  a  small  sap- 
"ling  to  steady  himself;  but  that  after  the  discharge  of  a  few 
"  voUies,  he  recovered  the  use  of  his  limbs  and  the  composure 
"  of  his  mind,  so  as  to  support  the  character  of  a  brave  man,  of 
"  which  he  was  exceedingly  ambitious."  He  was  no  doubt  a 
warrior  by  nature.  "  I  like,"  said  he,  once  in  after-life,  when 
the  conversation  was  about  music,  "  the  harpsichord  well,  and 
"  the  organ  still  better  ;  but  I  like  the  drum  and  trumpet  best 
"  of  all,  for  they  make  my  heart  beat  quick."|| 

President  Allen  states  that  the  father  of  Thayendanegea  had 
three  sons  in  the  army  of  Sir  William  Johnson  in  the  year 

♦  President  Allen  is  connected  by  marriage  with  th«  family  of  the  late  Prcsidei.t 
Wheelock,  and  has  had  excellent  opportunities  for  arriving  at  the  probable  truth. 

f  Christian  Register. 

I  A  council  of  war  was  called  Sept.  8.  It  was  proposed  to  send  a  detachment  to 
meet  the  enemy.  When  the  number  was  mentioned  to  Hendrick,  he  replied—"  If 
they  are  to  fight,  they  are  too  few ;  if  they  are  to  be  killed,  they  are  too  many." 
When  it  was  proposed  to  send  out  the  detachment  in  three  parties,  Hendrick  took 
three  sticks,  and  said,  "  Put  these  together,  and  you  can't  break  them ;  take  them 
one  by  one,  and  you  will  do  it  easily."  Hendrick's  advice  was  taken,  and  victory 
was  the  result. — Holvna. 

:  " -"or  of  T.  Campbell  to  AhTonwaeisha. 


i\ 


,'.  -■■!»| 


^^    "^ 


20 


LIFE    OF   BRANT. 


[1769. 


1756.  Of  these  Joseph  was  probably  the  youngest,  since  he 
was  but  thirteen  at  the  battle  of  Lake  George  in  1755.  A 
young  warrior  truly :  but  he  might  well  have  been  there,  even 
at  that  tender  age,  since,  by  all  the  accounts  that  have  descended 
io  us,  he  must  have  been  a  lad  of  uncommon  enterprise — giving 
early  promise  of  those  eminent  qualities,  which  were  developed 
in  the  progress  of  a  life  of  various  and  important  action. 

The  youthful  warrior  likewise  accompanied  Sir  William 
during  the  ^iiagara  campaign  of  1759,  and  in  the  brilliant 
achievements  of  the  Baronet,  after  the  chief  cv.mmand  had  de- 
volved upon  him  by  the  death  of  General  Pri  Jeaux,  is  said  to 
have  a*'(|uitted  himself  with  distinguished  biavery.  General 
Prideanx,  commanding  the  expedition,  was  killed  by  the  acci- 
denial  explosion  of  a  cohorn  on  the  20th  of  July,  soon  after 
commencing  the  siege  ;  but  Sir  William  prosecuted  the  plan 
of  his  fallen  superior  with  judgment  and  vigour.  On  the  24th 
of  July  Monsieur  D' Aubrey  approached  the  fortress  with  a 
strong  force,  for  the  purpose  of  raising  the  siege.  A  severe  en- 
gagement ensued  in  the  open  field,  which  resulted  in  the  tri- 
umpli  of  the  British  and  Provincial  arms.  The  action  was 
comm*  nc*i(l  with  great  impetuosity  by  the  French,  but  Sir  Wil- 
\ii.A  was  well  prepared  for.  their  reception.  After  a  spirited 
contest  of  hilf  an  hour^  the  French  broke,  and  the  fate  of  the 
day  was  decided.  The  flight  of  the  French  was  bloody  and  dis- 
astrous for  the  space  of  five  miles,  at  which  distance  D' Aubrey, 
and  most  of  his  ofllcers,  were  captured.  The  Indians  behaved 
unconjmonly  well  on  this  occasion,  and  Brant  was  among  them. 
On  the  following  day,  so  vigorously  did  the  Baronet  prosecute 
his  operations,  the  fort  was  taken,  with  all  its  military  supplies 
and  about  six  hundred  prisoners.  By  this  blow  the  French 
were  cut  off  from  their  project  of  keeping  up  a  line  of  fortified 
communications  with  Louisiana. 

The  exertions  of  Sir  William  Johnson  to  improve  the 
moral  and  social  condition  of  his  Mohawk  neighbours,  were 
not  the  least  of  his  praiseworthy  labours  among  that  brave  and 
chivalrous  people.  Having  aided  in  the  building  of  churches 
and  locating  missionaries  among  them,  at  the  request  of  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Kirkland  and  others,  he  selected  numbers  of  young 
Mohawks,  and  caused  them  to  be  sent  to  the  "  Moor  Charity 
School,"  established  at  Lebanon,  Connecticut,  under  the  hn- 


);r'- 


l^-viy, 


i 


[1759. 

est,  since  he 
in  1755.  A 
n  there,  even 
ve  descended 
prise — giving 
3re  developed 
action. 
Sir  William 

the  brilliant 
nand  had  de- 
ux, is  said  to 
sry.  General 
I  by  the  acci- 
!y,  soon  after 
ited  the  plan 

On  the  24th 
irtress  with  a 

A  severe  en- 
ted  in  the  tri- 
e  action  was 
,  but  Sir  Wil- 
ier a  spirited 
le  fate  of  the 
oody  and  dis- 
ze  D' Aubrey, 
ians  behaved 
among  them, 
let  prosecute 
tary  supplies 

the  French 

e  of  fortified 

mprove  the 
ibours,  were 
it  brave  and 
of  churches 
quest  of  the 
irs  of  young 
ioor  Charity 
ider  the  ini' 


1761.] 


moor's  charity  school. 


21 


'.H 


mediate  direction  of  the  Rev.  Doctor  Eleazer  Wheelock,  after- 
ward President  of  Dartmouth  College,  of  which,  by  its  tranfer, 
that  school  became  the  foundation.  Among  the  youths  thus 
selected  was  young  Thayendanegea,  the  promising  brother  of 
«  Miss  Molly." 

The  precise  year  in  which  he  was  thus  placed  under  the 
charofe  of  Dr.  Wheelock  cannot  now  be  ascertained.  The 
school  itself  was  opened  for  the  reception  of  Indian  pup'ls, 
avowedly  as  an  Indian  missionary  school,  in  1748 ;  the  first 
Indian  scholar,  Samson  Occum,  liaving  been  received  into  it 
five  years  before.*  It  has  been  asserted  that  Joseph  was  re- 
ceived into  the  school  in  July  1761,  at  which  time  he  must  have 
been  nineteen  years  old,  and  a  memorandum  of  his  preceptor 
to  that  effect  has  been  cited.  According  to  Dr.  Stewart,t  how- 
ever, he  was  a  mere  boy  when  first  sent  to  Lebanon ;  and  it 
will  presently  appear  that  the  entry  of  Dr.  Wheelock  was  most 
probably  incorrect.  He  was  doubtless  at  the  school  in  that 
year,  and  very  likely  on  the  point  of  leaving  it;  since  three 
years  afterward  he  will  be  found  settled  in  his  own  native  val- 
ley, and  eiigdo^ed  in  very  different  pursuits. 

The  correspondence  between  Doctor  Wheelock  and  Sir  Wil- 
liam was  quite  active  at  this  period  upon  the  subject  of  the 
school,  and  Joseph  was  himself  employed  as  an  agent  to  pro- 
cure recruits  for  it.  Thus,  in  a  letter  from  the  Baronet  to  the 
Doctor,  dated  November  17,  1761,  he  says—-"  I  have  given  in 
'•'  charge  to  Joseph,  to  speak  in  my  name  to  any  good  boys  he 
"may  see,  and  encourage  to  accept  the  generous  offers  now 
"  made  to  them ;  which  he  promised  to  do,  and  return  as  soon 
"  as  possible,  and  that  without  horses."  The  probability,  how- 
ever, is,  that  he  went  to  the  school  immediately  after  his  return 

♦  The  success  of  the  Doctor  with  him,  was  a  strong  inducement  for  establishing 
the  school.  Occum  was  ordained  to  tho  ministry  in  1759 ;  and  was  subsequently 
located  as  a  missionary  among  the  Oneidas,  to  which  place  he  was  accompanied  bv 
Sir  William  himself.  The  Indian  preacher  afterward  compiled  and  published  a 
volume  of  devotional  hymns. 

t  Although,  for  want  of  other  authorities  in  regard  to  the  young  chief  at  this  period 
of  his  Fife,  if  is  necessary  to  use  that  of  Dr.  Stewart,  yet  that  is  evidently  not  very 
accurate.  For  instance,  he  sends  Thayendanegea  to  Dr.  Wheelock  at  Dartmouth  / 
whereas  tiie  school  at  that  place  was  not  opened  until  1770,  it  which  period,  or  only 
one  year  thereafter,  by  the  same  -authority,  the  chief  was  living  in  his  own  house,  with 
a  wife  and  children,  at  Canajoharie. 


Hi 


i^m 


t  '.i 


r  r, 


..I- 


Mi 


22 


LIFE    OF    BRANT. 


[1762. 


iiil:! 


I  i  'i- 


from  the  Niagara  campaign  in  1759.  No  doubt  he  had  left  it 
before  Sir  William  wrote  the  letter  just  cited,  and,  being  en- 
gaged upon  some  Indian  mission,  had  been  instructed  to  interest 
himself  among  the  people  of  the  forest  in  behalf  of  that  instilu- 
tion.  That  he  did  not,  himself,  remain  long  at  the  school,  is 
conceded.  According  to  Dr.  Stewart,  moreover,  he  made  but 
little  proficiency  in  his  studies  at  this  seminary,  having 
"  learned  to  read  but  very  indifferently  in  the  New  Test'ament, 
"  and  to  write  but  very  little."  The  fact,  however,  that  the 
Rev.  Charles  Jeffrey  Smith,  a  missionary  to  the  Mohawks,  took 
Thayendanegea  as  an  interpreter  in  the  year  following,  (1762,) 
and  gave  him  an  excellent  character,  presents  a  much  more  fa- 
vourable idea  of  his  progress  in  learning  while  at  the  school ; 
as  also  does  the  following  passage  from  the  memoirs  of  his 
teacher: — "Sir  William  Johnson,  Superintendant  of  Indian 
"  affairs  in  North  America,  was  very  friendly  to  the  design  of 
"  Mr.  Wheelock,  and  at  his  request  sent  to  the  school,  at  various 
"  times,  several  boys  of  the  Mohawks  to  be  instructed.*  One  of 
"  them  was  the  since  celebrated  Joseph  Brant ;  who,  after  re- 
"  ceiving  his  education,  was  particularly  noticed  by  Sir  William 
"  Johnson,  and  employed  by  him  in  public  business.  He  has 
"  been  very  useful  in  advancing  the  civilization  of  his  coun- 
"  trymen,  and  for  a  long  time  past  has  been  a  military  officer 
"  of  extensive  influence  among  the  Indians  in  Upper  Canada."  t 
A'^-companying  Thayendanegea  to  the  "  Moor  School,"  X  were 
several  other  Mohawk  youths,  and  two  Delawares  had  entered  the 
school  before  him.  The  name  of  one  of  Thayendanegea's  com- 
panions was  William,  a  half-breed,  who  was  supposed  to  be  the 
son  of  his  patron.  Only  two  of  the  number  remained  to  receive 
the  honours  of  the  future  college.  The  others,  impatient  of  the 
restraints  of  a  school,  and  delighting  more  in  the  chase  of  game 
than  of  literary  honours,  loving  their  native  forests  better  than 
sunny  fields,  and  preferring  to  string  the  bow  and  speed  the 

♦  When  the  foundation  of  the  bchool  was  enlarged  by  tho  libtraUty  of  the  Earl  of 
Dartmouth  and  others,  in  England,  and  the  same  was  removed  from  Connecticut,  it 
contained  24  pupils,  6  of  whom  were  Indians.  There  is  among  the  Johnson  papers 
a  letter  from  President  Wheelock,  written  to  Sir  William  in  1772,  introducing  two 
ofhis  Indian  pupils  to  the  acquaintance  of  the  Baronet. — Author. 

t  M'Cluro's  Life  of  Wheclbck,  page  27. 

I  So  called  from  the  name  of  its  founder,  Mr.  Joshua  Moor,  of  Mansfield,  Coo- 
oecticut 


I 


[1762. 

bt  he  had  left  it 
,  and,  being  en- 
ucted  to  interest 
f  of  that  instiiu- 
it  the  school,  is 
r,  he  made  but 
ninary,  having 
»Iew  Testament, 
vvever,  that  the 
Mohawks,  took 
llowing,  (1762,) 
a  much  more  fa- 
3  at  the  school ; 
memoirs  of  his 
idant  of  Indian 

0  the  design  of 
chool,  at  various 
ucted.*  One  of 
;  who,  after  re- 
i  by  Sir  William 
siness.  He  has 
on  of  his  coun- 
i  military  officer 
Jpper  Canada."! 

School,"  t  were 
shad  entered  the 
ndanegea's  com- 
pposed  to  be  the 
lained  to  receive 
impatient  of  the 
le  chase  of  game 
rests  better  than 
ir  and  speed  the 

ibcrality  of  the  Earl  of 

1  from  Connecticut,  it 
igtiio  Johnson  papers 
1772,  introducing  two 
vr. 

r,  of  Mansfield,  Cod- 


1762.] 


AT    moor's   charity   SCHOOL. 


23 


arrow,  rather  than  turn  over  the  pages  of  Livy  or  Corderius, 
returned  to  their  hunter  state  in  about  two  years.  Thayen- 
danegea  probably  left  the  school  at  the  same  time.  He  used, 
when  speaking  of  the  school,  to  relate  with  much  pleasantry 
an  anecdote  of  "  William,"  who,  as  he  affirmed,  was  one  day 
ordered  by  Mr.  Wheelock's  son  to  saddle  his  horse.  The  lad 
refused,  alleging  that,  as  he  was  a  gentleman's  son,  the  per- 
formance of  such  a  menial  office  would  be  out  of  character. 
"  Do  you  know,"  inquired  the  younger  Wheelock,  "  what  a 
gentleman  is?"  "I  do,"  replied  William;  " a  gentleman  is  a 
person  who  keeps  race-horses,  and  drinks  Madeira  wine,  and 
that  is  what  neither  you  nor  your  father  do, — therefore  saddle 
the  horse  yourself!"* 

.  The  exigencies  of  the  frontier  country  did  not  allow  Thay- 
endanegea  to  remain  long  associated  in  the  mission  with  Mr. 
Smith.  He  was  again  called  out  upon  the  war-path,  as  ap- 
pears by  the  following  paragraph  in  one  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Kirk- 
land's  t  earliest  reports  to  the  Rev.  Dr.  Wheelock,  in  regard  to 
the  Christian  missionaries  and  teachers  employed  among  the 
Six  Nations : — 

"  Joseph  Brant,  a  Mohawk  Indian,  and  of  a  family  of  diotinc- 
"  tion  in  that  nation,  was  educated  by  Mr.  Wheelock,  and  was 
"  so  well  accomplished  that  the  Rev.  Charles  Jeffrey  Smith,  (a 
"  young  gentlemah  who,  out  of  love  to  Christ  and  the  souls  of 

♦  Christian  Recorder.  This  anecdote  reminds  the  author  of  another,  which 
ho  has  heard  a  distinguished  Kentucky  member  of  Congress  relate  with  great  glee 
of  himself.  When  first  elected,  he  said  he  had  never  crossed  the  Aileghanies,  and 
he  feared  greatly  that  his  ignorance  and  rusticity  would  he  but  too  manifest  when  he 
came  to  associate  with  gentlemen.  He  had  heard  that  gentlemen  were  fond  of 
Champagne,  of  which  he  had  never  tasted.  But  he  said,  that  at  the  first  dinner  party 
after  his  arrival  at  the  seat  of  government,  he  was  relieved  of  his  embarrassment. 
At  the  first  taste  of  the  sparkling  liquor,  he  found  that  he  loved  it.  He  knew,  there- 
fore, that  he  was  made  for  a  gentleman !  And  a  very  agreeable  and  accomplished 
gentleman  ho  became. 

t  The  Rev.  Samuel  Kirkland,  father  of  President  Kirkland,  late  of  Harvard  Uni- 
vetoity,  and  for  more  than  forty  years  a  missionary  among  the  Six  Nations — chiefly 
the  Oneidas.  He  was  the  sou  of  the  Rev.  Daniel  Kirkland,  of  Norwich  (Conn.) 
where  he  was  born  in  1742.  His  education  was  commenced  at  Dr.  Wlicelock's 
school,  and  his  collegiate  course  performed  at  Princeton,  where  he  was  graduated  in 
1765.  He  first  commenced  his  labours  among  the  Senecas,  in  1766,  having  learned 
the  Mohawk  language  while  in  college.  He  was  often  employed  by  the  Qovem* 
ment  in  various  Indian  transactions,  and  died  at  Paris,  Oneida  County,  in  March^ 
1808. 


1% 


t    iwi 


24 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1763. 


kl.s  ' 


"  men,  devotes  his  life,  and  such  a  fortune  as  is  sufficient  to 
"  support  himself  and  an  interpreter,  wholly  to  this  glorious 
"  service,)  took  him  for  his  interpreter  when  he  went  on  his 
"  mission  to  the  Mohawks,  now  three  years  ago.  But  the  war 
"  breaking  out  at  that  time  between  the  back  Indians  and  the 
"  English,  Mr.  Smith  was  obliged  to  return ;  but  Joseph  tarried, 
"  and  went  out  with  a  company  against  \  8  Indians,  and  was 
"  useful  in  the  war ;  in  which  he  behaved  so  much  like  the 
"  Christian  and  the  soldier,  that  he  gained  great  esteem.  He 
"  now  lives  in  a  decent  manner,  and  endeavours  to  teach  his 
"  poor  brethren  the  things  of  God,  in  which  his  own  heart 
"  seems  much  engaged.  His  house  is  an  asylum  for  the  mis- 
"sionaries  in  that  wilderness."* 

Neither  the  particular  war  in  which  the  young  chief  was 
then  engaged,  nor  the  time  of  the  campaign,  is  noted  in 
the  foregoing  extract.  A  passage  contained  in  a  letter  from  Sir 
William  Johnson  to  Dr.  Wheelock,  however,,  dated  April  25th, 

1764,  affords  a  clue  to  the  desired  information  : — "  J is  just 

"  returned  from  an  expedition  against  the  enemy,  who  have 
"  abandoned  their  towns,  of  which  three  were  burned,  with  four 
"  villages,  consisting,  in  all,  of  about  two  hundred  houses,  built 
"  with  squared  logs,  and  vast  quantities,  of  ?orn,  &c.  Parties 
"  are  now  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy."  It  was  therefore  early  in 
the  Spring  of  1764  that  young  Brant  returned  from  the  war — 
then  brought  to  a  close.  The  war  itself  could  have  been  none 
else  than  that  against  the  great  Ottoway  chief  Pontiac,  who,  in 
1763,  undertook  to  dispossess  the  English  of  the  country  of  the 
lakes,  then  recently  acquired  by  conquest  fiom  the  French.  Pon- 
tiac was  by  far  the  most  formidable  chief  with  whom  the  En- 
glish colonists  had  had  to  contend  since  the  fall  of  Philip,  He 
combined  the  great  Indian  tribes  of  the  north-west  almost  as 
one  man,  and  in  1763  led  thirty-six  chiefs,  with  their  trains  of 
warriors,  against  Detroit,  after  having  carried  several  of  the  re- 
mote western  posts.  A  well- concerted  stratagem,  timely  dis- 
covered to  the  British  commander  by  an  Indian  woman,  had 
well  nigh  placed  that  important  position  within  his  power  also. 
Foiled  in  the  plan  of  obtaining  admission  by  stratagem  and 
putting  the  garrison  to  death,  Pontiac  laid  siege  to  the  fort,  at- 

♦  Narrative  of  the  Indian  Charity  School,  published  by  Dr.  Wheelock  in  17G7, 
page  35. 


'I: 


[1763. 

s  sufficient  to 
this  glorious 
e  went  on  his 
But  the  war 
idians  and  the 
Joseph  tarried, 
lians,  and  was 
much  Hke  the 
it  esteem.  He 
•s  to  teach  his 
his  own  heart 
m  for  the  mis- 

unsf  chief  was 

I,  is  noted  in 

letter  from  Sir 

ted  April  25th, 

-"  J is  just 

my,  who  have 
[rned,  with  four 
!d  houses,  built 
J,  &c.  Parties 
refore  early  in 
rom  the  war — 
lave  been  none 
ontiac,  who,  in 
country  of  the 
;  French.  Pon- 
whom  the  En- 
of  Philip.  He 
west  almost  as 

their  trains  of 
veral  of  the  re- 
}m,  timely  dis- 
II  woman,  had 

lis  power  also. 

stratagem  and 

to  the  fort,  at- 

Whcelock  in  17G7, 


1765.] 


THE   WAR   OP    PONTIAC. 


25 


I' 

■A 

■.■7i 

m 


.'Si 

■I 


■i 


tacking  it  with  great  fury.  It  was  besieged  for  a  long  time,  as 
also  were  the  fort  at  Niagara  and  Fort  Pitt.  It  was  not  until 
the  Autumn  of  1763  that  the  English  were  able  to  throw  suc- 
cours into  Detroit,  in  accomplishing  which  enterprise  some  of 
the  Mohawk  warriors  were  engaged.  There  had  been  several 
severe  engagments  with  Pontiac's  warriors  in  the  course  of  that 
Summer,  in  which  the  Indians  attached  to  the  English  cause 
had  fought  with  great  bravery.  The  vessel  carrying  the  sup- 
plies to  Detroit,  was  likewise  furiously  attacked  by  a  force  of  350 
Indians,  in  boats  on  the  lake,  but  they  were  bravely  repulsed. 
In  what  partic^'lar  buttles,  during  this  contest,  Thayendanegea 
was  engaged,  aovs  not  appear.  But  he  was  in  the  war,  and 
his  courageous  and  enterprising  spirit  offered  the  best  evidence, 
that  he  neither  avoided  the  post  of  danger,  nor  failed  to  reach  it 
for  want  of  activity,  Having  invested  Detroit  for  a  twelve- 
month, the  French,  moreover,  with  whom  he  was  in  alliance, 
having  lost  their  power  n  America,  Pontiac  sued  for  peace  on. 
the  approach  of  Gen.  Bradstrcet  from  Pittsburgh,  at  the  head  of 
3000  men.* 

In  1765,  Thayendanegea,  having  been  previously  married  to 
the  daughter  of  an  Oneida  chief,  was  settled  at  Canajoharie, 
as  appears  by  a  letter  from  the  Rev.  Thcophilus  Chamberlain, 
one  of  the  missionaries  to  the  Six  Nations,  to  the  Rev.  Dr. 
Wheelock,  written  from  Canajcharic,  and  dated  July  17th  of  that 
year.  After  spealdng  of  the  en  ^ouraging  condition  of  the  In- 
dian school,  and  the  prospect  o\  opening  another,  Mr.  Cham- 
berlain said:—"  I  am  now  at  Joseph  Brant's  house,  very  poorly 
"  with  the  dysentery,  which  hath  followed  me  near  a  week. 


"Riding  in  the  rain  sometimes, 


wading  through  tracks 


to 


"get  along,  and  lodging  on  the. cold  ground  the  other  night, 
"  fxave  made  me  almost  down  sick  ;  but  my  business  keeps  me 
"  alive.    Joseph  Brant  is  exceeding  kind." 

Three  years  afterward  he  was  still  leading  a  peaceful  life  at 
the  same  place,  as  we  learn  from  the  following  entry  in  the 
journal  of  Mr.  Ralph  Wheelock,  who  had  been  sent  to  Oneida 
to  relieve  Mr.  Kirkland,  that  gentleman  being  sick : 

"  March  18,  1768.  At  my  old  friend,  Joseph  Brant's,  I  met 
one  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Onondagas,  (who  is,  by  way  of  enii- 

•  Pontiac  was  assassinated  in  1779,  during  a  war  between  the  lowaye  and  Ott«« 
wu.    He  was  a  great  man. 


:  h 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1771. 


I  !  'M'V.. 


nence,  called  the  Wise-man,)  on  his  return  to  his  tribe,  with 
his  wife  and  child ;  and  by  Joseph  Brant's  help  I  was  able  to 
discourse  with  him,  and  delivered  my  message  to  his  nation." 

During  the  three  years  next  ensuing,  no  certain  information 
has  been  obtained  respecting  his  cpurse  of  life.  As  the  country 
was  at  peace,  however,  he  v/as  probably  leading  a  life  of  repose 
at  home,  save  when  acting,  upon  occasional  business  visits 
among  the  Indians,  under  the  direction  of  Sir  William  John- 
son. It  is  very  probable,  moreover,  that  he  may  at  that  time 
have  been  connected  with  the  English  Episcopal  Missions  to 
the  Mohawks,  commenced  in  the  Mohawk  Valley  so  early  as 
1702,  and  continued  down  to  the  beginning  of  the  Revolu- 
tionary war.  Having  been  employed  as  an  interpreter  by  one 
of  the  missionaries,  several  years  before ;  and  as  the  Rev.  Dr. 
John  Ogilvie,  the  predecessor  of  Dr.  Barclay  in  that  mission, 
was  engaged,  in  the  year  1769,  in  revising,  extending,  and  re- 
printing the  Mohawk  Prayer  Book,  embracing  additional  pas- 
sages of  Scripture,  some  occasional  prayers,  and  Indian  versi- 
fications of  several  psalms,  it  is  highly  probable  that  Tliayen- 
danegea  may  have  been  employed  as  an  assistant  in  that 
labour,  since  he  was  partial  to  exercises  of  that  description. 

In  the  year  1771,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Stewart  conducted  a  school 
at  Fort  Hunter,  thirty  miles  below  Canajoharie.  A  venerable 
friend  of  the  author,  yet  living  in  Albany,*  states,  that  being  a 
pupil  in  Doctor  Stewart's  school  at  about  that  time,  he  had 
opportunities  of  seeing  Thayendanegea  at  that  place  frequently, 
and  formed  an  acquaintance  with  him,  which  continued, 
interrupted  only  by  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  until  the  death 
of  the  warrior.  He  then  formed  an  excellent  opinion  of  the 
young  chief  in  regard  to  talents  and  good  disposition.  It  is 
believed,  that  from  tiie  shrewdness  of  his  sister  Molly  and  the  in- 
fluential position  which  she  occupied  in  the  family  of  Sir  Wil- 
liam, added  to  his  own  talents  and  sagacity,  he  was  nmch 
employed  at  home  by  the  Baronet,  in  the  discharge  of  the  multi- 
farious duties  incident  to  his  important  official  station.  Ho  was 
also  frequently  engaged  upon  distant  embassies  among  the 
western  tribes,  and  his  talents  and  tact  as  a  diplomatist  of  the 
forest,  were  qualities  pertaining  to  his  character  through  life. 

•  Douw  Fonda,  Esq.,  son  of  Captain  Jelles  Fonda,  who  was  an  active  and  very 
efficient  officer,  botli  in  the  Indian  and  Military  service,  under  Sir  William  Johnson. 


^ 


[1771. 

his  tribe,  with 
p  I  was  able  to 
to  his  nation." 
ain  information 
As  the  country 
1  a  life  of  repose 
business  visits 
William  John- 
ay  at  that  time 
pal  Missions  to 
illey  so  early  as 
of  the  Revolu- 
erpretor  by  one 
as  the  Rev.  Dr. 
n  that  mission, 
snding,  and  re- 
additional  pas- 
d  Indian  versi- 
0  that  Thayen- 
sistant  in  that 
description, 
iuctcd  a  school 
!.     A  venerable 
;s,  that  being  a 
t  time,  he  had 
lace  frequently, 
ich   continued, 
until  the  death 
opinion  of  the 
iposition.     It  is 
oily  and  the  in- 
ily  of  Sir  Wil- 
he  was  nmch 
a^e  of  the  multi- 
ition.    He  was 
ies  among  the 
lomatist  of  the 
through  life. 


m 


n 


1772.] 


HIS    SECOND    MARRIAGE. 


ar 


Thayendanegea  was  thrice  married — having  been  twice  a 
widower  before  the  war  of  the  Revolution.  His  first  two 
wives  were  of  the  Oneida  tribe.  The  Rev.  Dr.  Stewart  states 
that  he  first  became  acquainted  with  him  in  the  winter  of  1771. 
He  was  then  still  residing  at  Canajoharie,  on  visiting  which 
village  the  Doctor  says  he  found  him  comfortably  settled,  in  a 
good  house,  with  every  thing  necessary  for  the  use  of  his 
family— consisting  of  a  wife,  in  the  last  stage  of  consumption, 
and  two  children — a  son  and  a  daughter.  His  wife  died  some 
time  afterward,  on  which  Thayendanegea  repaired  to  Fort 
Hunter,  and  resided  with  the  Doctor  for  a  considerable  length 
of  time.  Doctor  Stewart  was  then  engaged  upon  another  re- 
vision of  the  Indian  Prayer  Book,  and  Joseph  assisted  him  in 
making  various  additional  translations.  He  likewise  assisted 
the  Doctor  in  translating  a  portion  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles, 
and  a  short  history  of  the  Bible,  together  with  a  brief  explana- 
tion of  the  Church  catechism,  into  the  Mohawk  language.* 

It  is  stated  on  the  same  authority,t  that  in  the  winter  of 
1772-3,  he  applied  to  Doctor  Stewart  to  marry  him  to  the  half- 
sister  of  his  deceased  wife,  but  the  Divine  refused  the  applica- 
tion on  the  ground  of  the  forbidden  relationship.  Brant, 
however,  vindicated  the  act,  much  in  the  manner  of  white 
widowers  desirous  of  forming  the  like  connexion ;  arguing, 
very  naUirally,  that  the  fact  of  the  relationship  would  secure  a 
greater  degree  of  tenderness  and  care  for  his  children.  Still 
the  Episcopal  minister  persisted  in  his  refiisal,  and  a  less  scru- 
pulous German  ecclesiastic  gratified  his  desire  by  performing 
the  ceremony. 

It  was  at  about  the  same  period  of  his  life  that  Thayenda- 
negea became  the  subject  of  serious  religious  impressions.  He 
attached  himself  to  the  Church,  was  a  chastened  and  regular 
communicant  at  the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist ;  and  from  his 
serious  deportment,  and  the  anxiety  he  had  ever  manifested  to 
civilize  and  Christianize  his  people,  great  hopes  were  entertained 

♦  Doctor  Stewart  states  that  he  was  directed  to  repair  to  New- York,  and  publish 
these  books  at  the  expense  of  the  Missionary  Society,  but  was  prevented  by  the 
breaking  out  of  the  war.  He  took  the  MSS.  to  Canada,  and  afterward  delivered 
them  to  Colonel  Daniel  Glaus,  by  whom  they  were  taken  to  England  j  hut  it  does 
not  appear  that  they  were  ever  published. 

'  The  Christian  Regiatef 


;f-h 


•1 
i 

el 


if.;,:;! 


1  .  f  i 


I  ■  ! 


I  pm  :• 


98 


LIFE    OF   BRANT. 


[1773. 


from  his  future  exertions  in  that  cause.  No  doubt  has  ever 
been  entertained  of  his  sincerity  at  that  time ;  and  it  has  been 
attributed  to  the  counteracting  influences  of  the  dreadful  trade 
of  war,  in  which  it  was  his  fortune  afterward  again  so  act  vely 
to  become  engaged,  that  those  manifestations  of  Christian 
utility  were  effaced  ;  entirely  eradicated  they  wore  not,  as  will 
be  seen  at  a  subsequent  stage  of  the  career  of  this  remarkable 
man. 

Iti  compliance  with  Indian  custom,  he  selected  a  bosom  friend, 
during  that  period  of  his  life  we  are  now  contemplating,  in  the 
person  of  a  Lieutenant  Provost,  a  half-pay  officer  residing  in 
the  Mohawk  Valley.  Those  unacquainted  with  Indian  usages 
are  not  probably  aware  of  the  intimacy,  or  the  importance  at- 
tached to  this  relationship.  The  selected  friend  is,  in  fact,  the 
counterpart  of  the  one  who  chooses  him,  and  the  attachment 
often  becomes  romantic  ;  they  share  each  other's  secrets,  and  are 
participants  of  each  other's  joys  and  sorrows.  As  the  Revolu- 
tionary troubles  were  approaching.  Lieutenant  Provost  was 
ordered  to  his  regiment  and  upon  foreign  service,  greatly  to 
the  regret  of  the  future  chieftain.  His  lamentations  attracted 
the  attention  of  Doctor  Stewart,  who  advised  him  to  select  ano- 
ther friend — offering  to  stand  as  a  substitute  himself.  But  no ; 
the  young  chief  declared  that  such  a  transfer  of  his  affections 
could  not  take  place.  He  was  Captain  John's  friend,  and  ano- 
th3r  such  friend  could  not  be  in  existence  at  the  same  time. 
Lieutenant  Provost  had  been  ordered  to  the  West  Indies ;  and 
in  order  to  assure  him  of  the  strength  and  constancy  of  his  at- 
tachment, Thayendanegea  procured  an  entire  Indian  costume 
of  the  richest  furs  he  could  obtain,  which  was  sent  to  him  in 
Jamaica.  This  incident  has  been  detailed,  not  because  in  itself 
of  any  particular  importance,  but  as  disclosing  an  excellent 
trait  of  character,  besides  illustrating  a  feature  of  Indian  life 
which  may  not  be  familiar  to  all.*  Other  events  will  now  occu- 
py the  attention  of  the  reader,  in  which  the  Mohawk  chieftain 
will  be  but  one  of  many  actors,  though  seldom  an  obscure  one. 


I 


■■:■:* 

1 


Early  b\ 
blooil' 
liain , 
poaitiil 
Btancq 


♦  A  similar  custom  prevailed  among  the  ancient  Greeks.  Tivo  young  warriors 
often  assumed  this  obligation  of  brothcrliood,  which  was  taken  witli  peculiar  ccremo> 
Dies,  and  maintained  inviolate  through  life. 


m 


doubt  has  ever 
and  it  has  been 
le  dreadful  trade 
again  so  act  vely 
ns  of  Christian 
vere  not,  as  will 
this  remarkable 

i  a  bosom  friend, 
mplating,  in  the 
[ficer  residing  in 
ih  Indian  usages 
e  importance  at- 
id  is,  in  fact,  the 

the  attachment 
i  secrets,  and  are 

As  the  Revohi- 
it  Provost  was 
vice,  greatly  to 
ations  attracted 
m  to  select  ano- 
tiself.     But  no ; 
)fhis  affections 
'riend,  and  ano- 
he  same  time. 
ist  Indies ;  and 
ancy  of  his  at- 
ndian  costume 
sent  to  him  in 
ecause  in  itselt 
r  an  excellent 
of  Indian  life 
vill  now  occu- 
tawk  chieftain 
obscure  one. 

•o  young  warriors 
li  peculiar  ccremo. 


CHAPTER  II. 


Early  Bymptoms  of  disaffection  at  Boston— Origin  of  the  Revolutionary  War— Plist 
blood  slied  in  1770— Stirring  eloquence  of  Joseph  Warren— Feelings  of  Sir  Wil- 
liam Johnson — His  influence  with  the  Indians  and  Germans,  and  his  unpleasant 
position— Last  vi?it  of  Sir  William  to  England— His  death— Mysterious  circum- 
stances attending  it — Suspicions  of  suicide  unjust — His  son,  Sir  John  Johnson, 
succeeds  to  his  title  and  estates — His  son-in-law.  Col.  Guy  Johnson,  to  his  olTico 
as  Superintendant  General  of  the  Indians— Early  life  of  Sir  John — Joseph  Brant 
appointed  Secretary  to  Guy  Johnson — Influence  of  the  Johnson  family— Revolu- 
tionary symptoms  in  Tryon  County,  fomented  by  the  proceedings  in  New  Eng- 
land—First meeting  of  Tryon  County  Whigs— Declaration  of  Rights — First  meet- 
ing of  Congress — Efft-ct  of  its  proceedings — in  England — Tardiness  of  Provin- 
cial legislature  of  New- York— Spirit  of  the  people— -Notes  of  preparation  in  Mas- 
sachusetts, &c. — Overt  acts  of  rebellion  in  several  States — Indians  exasperated  by 
the  Virginia  borderers  in  1774 — Melancholy  story  of  Logan — Campaign  of  Lord 
Dunmore  ond  Colonel  Lewis — Battle  of  the  Kanhawa — Speech  of  Logan — Its 
authenticity  questioned — Peace  of  Chilicotho — Unhappy  feeling  of  the  Indians. 

It  has  been  usually  asserted  by  historians,  that  the  first  blood 
in  the  war  of  the  American  Revolution  was  shed  at  Lexing- 
ton ;  but  such  is  not  the  fact.  The  Boston  massacre  of  1770 
'  was  the  beginning  of  that  contest,  so  fearful  in  its  commence- 
.  ment,  so  doubtful  in  its  progress,  and  so  splendid  in  its  results. 
.  The  storm  had  even  then  been  gathering  for  several  years,  and 
."  the  public  mind  had  become  exceedingly  feverish,  not  only  in  re- 
gard  to  the  conduct  of  the  parent  government,  but  in  respect  to 
the  language  and  bearing  of  the  officers  of  the  crown  stationed 
in  the  colonies.  When,  moreover,  the  people  of  Boston  were 
subjected  to  what  they  considered  a  still  greater  indignity,  by 
the  quartering  of  soldiers  among  them,  the  irritation  was  sucli 
that  but  a  small  degree  of  forecast  was  necessary  to  the  percep- 
tion of  an  approaching  explosion.  The  affair  at  Gray's  Rope- 
Walk,  on  the  2d  of  March,  increased  the  mutual  exasperation ; 
and  the  massacre  that  followed  on  the  5th  was  but  the  natural 
conseijuence.  The  first  blow  was  then  struck.  The  town  was 
thrown  into  commotion,  the  drums  beat  to  arms  ;  and  the  news, 
with  the  exaggerations  and  embellishments  incident  to  all 
occasions  of  alarm,  spread  through  the  country  with  the  rapi- 
dity of  lightning.  Every  where,  throughout  the  wide  extent 
of  the  old  thirteen  colonies,  it  created  a  strong  sensation,  and 
was  received  with  a  degree  of  indignant  emotion,  which  very 
clearly  foretold  that  blood  had  only  conjuenced  flowing ;  and 


'-^ 


30 


LIFE   OF     'lANT. 


[1774. 


iililjii 


M 


h:  !;|| 


although  five  years  intervened  Lt;iv.re  the  demonstration  at  Lex- 
ington, there  were  too  many  nervous  pens  and  eloquent  tongues 
in  exercise  to  allow  those  feelings  to  subside,  or  to  suffer  the 
noble  spirit  of  liberty  tliat  had  been  awakened  to  be  quenched. 
Such  stirring  orations  as  those  of  Joseph  Warren  were  not  ut- 
tered in  vain ;  and  so  often  as  the  anniversary  of  the  5th  of 
March  returned,  were  the  people  reminded  by  him,  or  by  his 
compatriots  of  kindred  spirit — "  The  voice  of  your  brethren's 
"  blood  cries  to  you  from  the  ground."  The  admonition  had 
its  effect,  and  the  resolutions  of  vengeance  sank  deeper  and 
deeper  into  the  hearts  of  the  people,  until  the  fulness  of  time 
should  come. 

Sir  William  Johnson  was  too  observing  and  sagacious  n  man 
not  to  note  the  signs  of  the  times.  He  saw  the  gathering  tem- 
pest, and  it  is  believed  to  have  given  him  great  uneasiness. 
His  sympathies,  according  to  the  testimony  of  those  who  knew 
him,  were  undoubtedly  with  the  people.  He  was  from  the 
body  of  the  people  himself,  having  been  the  architect  of  his 
own  rank  and  fortunes ;  and  those  who  were  acquainted  with, 
and  yet  survive  him,  represent  the  struggle  in  his  bosoni  to 
have  been  great,  between  those  sympathies  and  his  own  strong 
principles  of  liberty  on  the  one  hand,  and  his  duty  to  his  sove- 
reign on  the  other— a  sovereign  whom  he  had  served  long  and 
faithfully,  and  who  in  turn  had  loaded  him  with  princely  bene- 
factions. His  domains  in  the  Valley  of  the  Mohav/k  were 
extensive ;  and  his  influence,  through  a  large  ruimber  of  subordi- 
nate officers  and  a  numerous  tenantry,  was  correspondingly 
great.  To  the  Indians,  not  only  of  the  Six  Nations  but  those 
far  in  the  west  beyond,  who  had  fallen  within  the  circle  of  his 
influence  afl;er  the  conquest  of  Canada  and  the  subjugation  of 
Pontiac,  he  had  been  as  a  father,  and  they  looked  up  to  him 
with  veneration.  Long  association  with  him,  and  great  respect 
for  his  character — which,  from  its  blunt  honesty,  frankness,  and 
generosity,  not  altogether  devoid  of  that  roughness  incident  to 
a  border  population,  was  well  calculated  to  secure  the  attach- 
ment of  such  people — had  also  given  to  his  opinions  the  force 
of  legal  authority  among  the  Colonists.  The  population,  aside 
from  the  Indians,  was  chiefly  Dutch,  in  the  lower  part  of  the 
Mohawk  Valley ;  while  in  the  interesting  vale  of  the  Schoharie 
Kill,  aijd  the  upper  district  of  the  Mohawk,  it  was  composed  of 


MM 


[1774. 

nstration  at  Lex- 
eloquent  tongues 
;,  or  to  suffer  the 
i  to  be  quenched, 
ren  were  not  ut- 
y  of  the  5th  of 
y  him,  or  by  his 
'  your  brethren's 
!  admonition  hnd 
sank  deeper  and 
3  fuhicss  of  time 

sagacious  a  man 
3  gathering  tem- 
freat  uneasiness, 
those  who  knew 
e  was  from  the 
'  architect  of  his 
acquainted  with, 
in  his  bosoni  to 
1  his  own  stronor 
duty  to  his  sove- 
served  long  and 
th  princely  bene- 
MohaAvk  were 
imberofsubordi- 
correspondingly 
ations  but  those 
the  circle  of  his 
e  subjugation  of 
)oked  up  to  him 
md  great  respect 
jr,  frankness,  and 
mess  incident  to 
3cure  the  attach- 
pinions  the  force 
population,  aside 
ower  part  of  the 
of  the  Schoharie 
NQ3  composed  of 


1774.] 


DEATH    OF  SIR   WILLIAM   JOHNSON. 


31 


I 


the  descendants  of  the  German  Palatinates,  who  had  been  planted 
there  fifty  years  before.  It  was  not  at  that  period  a  very  intel- 
ligent population  ;  and  the  name  of  Sir  William,  who  had  been 
their  friend  and  companion  in  peace,  and  their  leader  in  war, 
like  that  of  the  King,  was  a  tower  of  strength.  It  was  very 
natural,  therefore,  that  their  opinions  upon  the  great  political 
questions  then  agitating  the  country,  should  take  their  com- 
plexion for  the  most  part  from  those  entertained  by  him.  Hence, 
when  the  storm  of  civil  war  commenced,  the  Loyalists  in  that 
valley  were  probably  more  numerous,  in  proportion  to  the  whole 
number  of  the  population,  than  in  almost  any  other  section  of 
the  northern  colonies. 

In  connexion  with  the  troubles  which  every  man  of  ordinary 
•agacity  could  not  but  perceive  were  fermenting,  Sir  William 
visited  England  for  the  last  time  in  the  Autumn  of  1773, 
returning  in  the  succeeding  Spring.  He  probably  came  back 
witli  his  loyal  feelings  somewhat  strengthened.  It  was  not 
his  fortune,  however,  good  or  ill,  to  see  the  breaking  out  of 
the  tempest,  the  near  approaches  of  which  he  had  been  watch- 
ing with  an  intenseness  of  observation  corresponding  with  the 
magnitude  of  his  own  personal  interests,  which  must  necessa- 
rily be  involved.  He  died  suddenly,  at  Johnson  Hall,  on  or 
about  the  24th  of  June,  1774. 
;  It  was  reported  by  his  enemies, — or  rather  by  the  enemies  of 
the  Crown, — that  he  perished  by  his  own  hand,  in  consequence 
of  the  clouds  which  he  saw  darkening  the  political  sky ;  and  such 
an  impression  is  yet  very  generally  entertained.  The  tradition 
is,  that  on  the  day  of  his  decease  he  had  received  despatches 
from  England,  which  were  handed  to  him  while  sitting  in 
Court,  and  with  which  he  immediately  left  the  Court-house  and 
walked  to  his  own  house.  These  despatches,  it  was  afterward 
reported,  contained  instructions  to  him  to  use  his  influence 
with  the  Indians  in  behalf  of  the  Crown,  in  the  event  of  hos- 
tilities. Another  version  of  the  tradition  is,  that  on  the  day  in 
question  he  had  received  despatches  from  Boston,  the  complexion 
of  which,  in  his  own  mind,  indicated  that  a  civil  war  was  near 
and  inevitable.  In  such  an  event  he  saw  that  he  must  either 
prove  recreant  to  his  principles,  or  take  part  against  the 
Crown  ;  and,  to  avoid  either  alternative,  it  has  been  extensively 


■  n 


I. 


V 


32 


LIPE   OF  BRANT. 


[1774. 


I    i'';'     ST, 
liMii  ii: hiiiiL  i; 


I  i 


1:  '  ini 


believed  that  he  put  an  end  to  his  life.*  Dut  there  is  no  just 
ground  for  this  uncharitable  conclusion.  It  is  true  that  he  had, 
on  the  evening  of  the  24th,  received  despatches  from  Massa- 
chusetts, the  tenor  of  which,  by  excitement,  may  have  hasten- 
ed the  nialudy  to  which  his  system  was  predisposed.  It  was  a 
busy  day  at  Johnstown.  Tl?e  Circuit  Court  was  in  session, 
at  which,  however,  Sir  William  was  not  present,  being  engaged 
in  holding  a  treaty  with  .some  of  the  Six  Nations.  In  the 
course  of  his  speech  to  the  Indians  on  that  occasion,  he  alluded 
to  the  despatches  he  had  received,  tuid  stated  to  them  that 
troubles  were  brewing  between  tiie  Americans  and  their  King 
— advising  them  not  to  abandon  tlie  cause  of  the  latter,  who 
had  always  been  benevolent  and  kind  to  them.  "  Whatever 
may  happen,"  said  the  Baronet,  "  you  must  not  be  shaken  out 
of  your  shoes."t 

In  the  afternoon  of  that  day  Sir  William  was  talcen  with  a 
fit.  Colonel  Johnson,  his  son,  was  absent  at  the  Old  Fort— dis- 
tant nine  miles.  An  express  was  sent  for  him,  and,  mounting 
a  fleet  English  blood-horse,  he  rode  for  the  Hall  with  all  possi- 
ble hasfe.  His  horse  fell  dead  when  within  three  quarters  of 
a  mile  of  the  house,  having  run  upward  of  eight  miles  in  fifteen 
minutes.     The  Colonel  hired  the  horse  of  some  one  standing 

O 

by,  and  pushed  forward  to  the  Hall.  On  entering  the  room, 
he  found  his  father  in  the  arms  of  a  faithful  dnniestic,  who  at- 
tended upon  his  person.  He  spoke  to  his  parent,  but  received 
no  answer  ;  and  in  a  few  minutes  afterward  the  Baronet  ex- 
pired t— of  apoplexy,  beyond  a  doubt.  This  was  early  in  the 
evening.  While  the  judges  of  the  Court  were  at  supper  in  the 
village,  one  mile  distant,  a  young  Mohawk  Indian  entered  their 
apartment  and  announced  the  event. 
Sir  William  was  succeeded  in  his  titles  and  estates  by  his 

♦  Mr.  Campbell,  in  his  "Annab,"  favors  this  opinion.  He  says — "There  is 
something  still  mysterious  connected  with  his  death.  He  had  been  out  to  England, 
and  returned  the  previous  Spring.  During  a  visit  which  he  made  shortly  afterward 
to  Mr.  Campbell,  an  intimate  friend  of  his  at  Schenectady,  the  conversation  turned 
upon  the  subject  of  the  disputes  between  the  Colonies  and  the  Mother  Country. 
He  then  said,  he  should  never  live  to  see  them  in  a  state  of  open  war." — ^nn.  p.  12. 

t  MS.  statement  of  a  gentleman  whose  father  was  with  Sir  William  that  morning, 
and  was  present  at  the  Indian  Council. 

X  MS.  statement  of  Colonel  William  Feeter,  in  possession  of  the  author.  CoL  F 
b  yet  living  (May,  1S37.) 


^--y 


[1774. 

there  is  no  just 

true  thiit  he  had, 

les  from  Massa- 

ay  have  hasten- 

poscd.    It  was  a 

was  in  session, 

t,  being  engaged 

[ations.    In  the 

iision,  lie  alhided 

;d  to  them  that 

and  their  King 

the  hitter,  who 

m.     "  Whatever 

3t  be  sliaken  out 

ras  taken  with  a 

e  Old  Fort— dis- 

I,  and,  mounting 

11  with  all  possi- 

thrce  quarters  of 

It  miles  in  fifteen 

me  one  standing 

ering  the  room, 

oniostic,  who  at- 

nt,  but  received 

the  Baronet  ex- 

bvas  early  in  the 

at  supper  in  the 

an  entered  their 

1  estates  by  his 

-le  says — "There  is 
been  out  to  England, 
ade  shortly  afterward 
i  conversation  turned 
the  Mother  Country. 
war." — Jinn.  p.  12. 
Villiam  that  morning, 

'the  author.    C0I.F 


1774.] 


SIR   JOHN   JOHNSON. 


33 


son,  Sir  John  Johnson  ;  but  the  reins  of  authority,  as  General 
Suporintcndant  of  the  Indian  Department,  loll  into  the  liauds 
of  the  son-in-law  of  Sir  William,  Colonel  Guy  Johnson,  who 
had  long  been  in  odice  as  the  Assistant,  or  Deputy  of  the  old 
Baronet.  This  o/Iicer  was  assisted  by  Colonel  Daniel  Cluus, 
who  had  likewise  married  a  daughter  of  Sir  William.  On  tho 
decease  of  his  father.  Sir  John  also  succeeded  to  his  post  as 
Major  General  of  the  militia. 

Of  the  early  life  of  Sir  John  Johnson  not  much  is  known. 
He  was  not  as  popular  as  his  father,  being  less  social,  and  less 
tcquaiaited  with  luiman  nature  and  the  springs  of  human, 
iction.  He  accompanied  his  father  on  some  of  his  warlike  ex- 
peditions, however,  and  probably  saw  considerable  service. 
Snon  after  the  termination  of  the  French  war,  he  was  sent  by 
Us  father,  at  the  head  of  a  small  expedition,  to  the  Mohawk  can- 
ton of  Oghkwaga,*  to  arrest  a  Captain  Bull,  and  some  other 
malcontents  and  disaffected  Indians,  who  were  charged  with) 
Kfeing  engaged  in  an  effort  to  enlist  the  Six  Nations  in  a  war 
igainst  some  other  Indians,  or  possibly  to  win  them  over  to  the 
designs  of  Pontiac.  For  this  purpose  young  Johnson  had  a 
choice  corps  of  men  placed  under  his  command,  most  of  whom 
|iad  served  with  the  Baronet  against  the  French.  He  had  also- 
ffi  detachment  of  Indians  with  him.  The  expedition  was  ar- 
ranged somewhat  with  a  view  of  lisplay — lor  the  purpose,  as 
it  was  conjectured,  of  giving  eclat  to  the  young  commander. 
The  enterprise  was  successful — Bull  and  his  adherents  wore 
talcen,  and  brought  in  irons  to  Johnstown.  From  thence  they 
were  sent  to  Albany  and  imprisoned  for  a  time,  but  were  all 
iiubsequently  discharged.     Before  the  Revolution  commencedj. 

lir  John  married  Miss  Mary  Watts,  of  the  city  of  New-York.t 
The  successors  of  Sir  William  Johnson  did  not,  however,  pos- 

3ss  the  same  degree  of  moral  power  over  the  population  of 

^ryon  County,  Indian  or  white,  as  had  been  exercised  by  him. 

Jtit  they  nevertheless  derived  essential  aid  from  "  Miss  Molly," 

♦  The  author  has  found  much  difficulty  in  attempting  to  determine  the  orthogra- 
phy of  tliis  place.  It  is  now  generally  written  Oquaga.  In  the  Congressional  jour- 
kals  of  the  Revolution  it  was  spelled  Oneaquaga.  By  some  writers  it  is  writttn 
Ighquaga.  The  late  highly  intelligent  Mohawk  chief,  Norton,  always  wrote  it 
)ghkwaga,  which  orthography  has  been  adopted  by  the  author. 

t  Sister  to  the  lato  venerable  John  Watts,  who  died  in  September,  1836. 


m 


P| 


34 


LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


[1774. 


who  was  a  woman  of  talents  as  well  as  tact,  and  possessing 
great  influence  among  the  Indians,  who  were  her  own  people. 
Molly  was  in  turn  aided  by  llie  counsels  and  exertions  of  her 
brother,  Joseph  Thayendanegea,  who  had  been  much  in  the  ser- 
vice of  Sir  William  during  the  latter  years  of  his  life,  and  who, 
on  the  death  of  the  Baronet,  was  advanced  to  the  post  of  Secretary 
of  Guy  Johnson.  These  gentlemen,  however,  (Sir  John  John- 
son, Guy  Johnson,  and  Colonel  Glaus,)  living  in  great  splen- 
dour, at,  and  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Johnstown,  and  thus  allied 
with  the  family  of  a  powerful  Mohawk  sachem,  were  still  ena- 
bled to  exert  a  decided  influence,  especially  among  the  Indians. 
Tliey  were  likewise  in  close  official  and  political  alliance  with 
Colonel  John  Butler,  an  opulent  and  influential  gentleman  of 
'that  county,  and  his  son  Walter  N.  Butler — names  rendered 
memorable,  ii  nothing  worse,  by  association  with  certain  bloody 
transactions,  which  will  be  developed  in  the  pi  ogress  of  the  pre- 
sent volume. 

But,  notwithstanding  all  their  ifluence — and  no  family  in 
America  had  ever  been  regarded  with  greater  deference  by  the 
surrouhding  population  than  that  of  the  Johnsons— they  were 
not  long  in  discovering  that  the  principles  now  openly  avowed 
in  Massachusetts,  could  net  be  confined  within  the  limits  of  that 
colony,  or  even  of  New  England.  Though  less  openly  pro- 
claimed, yet  as  the  waters  of  a  fountain  ocze  through  the  earth 
unseen  until  they  have  gathered  force  enough  to  break  the 
surface  and  gush  forth,  so  was  it  with  the  principles  of  Liberty 
sent  abroad  by  "  the  Boston  rebels,"  as  they  worked  their  way 
r.p  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk  ;  and  the  successors  of  Sir  Wil- 
liam Johnson  were  not  long  in  discovering,  that  although  they 
could  still  count  among  their  retajuers  a  large  number  of  ad- 
herents, the  leaven  of  civil  liberty  had  nevertheless  been  more 
deeply  at  work  than  they  had  desired,  or  probably  supposed. 
The  celebrated  "  Boston  Port  Bill,"  enacted  in  consequence  of 
the  destruction  of  the  tea  in  that  harbour  in  1773,  had  gone  into 
operation  only  a  month  preceding  the  death  of  Sir  William ; 
and  in  the  next  month  subsequent  to  his  decease,  a  public  meet- 
ing was  held  in  the  Palatine  district,  warmly  seconding  the 
proposition  of  Massachusetts  for  the  assembling  of  a  general 
Congress,  for  mutual  consultation  and  counsel  in  the  existing 
posture  of  the  political  affairs  of  the  Colonies.    The  original 


*  1774 

draft 
the  I 
embc 
breat 
right 
that  ( 
publi 
by  th 
tenc'e 
Amei 
the  p 
they 
ttrue 
fortu 
tors, 
ofGi 
happ 
ful  si 
with 
jects, 
to  be 
orth( 
stitut 
denoi 
bertu 
of  Bo 
they 
That 
lievir 
"any 
Appr 
meml 
New- 
as  mi 
inga 
menc 
Tl 
after 


[1774. 

and  possessing 

her  own  people. 

exertions  of  her 

much  in  the  ser- 

lis  life,  and  who, 

post  of  Secretary 

,  (Sir  John  John- 

in  great  splen- 

n,  and  thus  allied 

n,  were  still  ena- 

long  the  Indians. 

cal  alliance  with 

al  gentleman  of 

•names  rendered 

fh  certain  bloody 

^ress  of  the  prc- 

nd  no  family  in 
deference  by  the 
isv>ns — they  were 

V  openly  avowed 
the  limits  of  that 
less  openly  pro- 

hrough  the  eartli 
igh  to  break  the 
leiples  of  Liberty 
irorked  their  way 
>sors  of  Sir  Wil- 
at  although  they 
je  number  of  ad- 
heless  been  more 
)bably  supposed. 
1  consequence  of 
73,  had  gone  into 
of  Sir  William ; 
se,  a  public  meet- 

Y  seconding  the 
ing  of  a  general 
1  ill  the  existing 
i.    The  original 


,1774] 


SPIRIT   OP   TRYON   COUNTY. 


39 


draft  of  the  proceedings  of  that  meeting  is  yet  in  existence,  in 
the  hand-writing  of  Col.  Christopher  P.  Yates -a  patriot  who 
embarked  early  in  the  struggle,  and  served  to  the  end.  They 
breathed  the  genuine  spirit  of  freedom,  and  as  a  declaration  of 
rights,  are  well  entitled  to  a  place  among  the  fervid  papers  of 
that  day,  which  were  so  powerful  in  their  operation  upon  the 
public  mind.  After  setting  forth  the  concern  and  sorrow  felt 
by  the  meeting,  at  the  shutting  up  the  port  of  Boston,  and  the 
tendency  of  the  acts  of  Parliament  for  raising  a  revenue  in  the 
American  Colonies,  which  they  held  to  be  an  abridgment  of 
the  privil  3ges  of  the  people,  the  meeting  resolved  :  1st.  That 
they  recognised  the  King  as  their  lawfiil  sovereign,  would  bear 
true  faith  and  allegiance  to  him,  and  would,  with  their  lives  and 
fortunes,  support  and  maintain  him  on  the  throne  of  his  ances- 
tors, and  the  just  dependence  of  the  Colonies  upon  the  crown 
of  Great  Britain.  2d.  That  they  considered  it  their  greatest 
happiness  to  be  governed  by  British  laws,  and  would  pay  cheer- 
ful submission  to  them,  as  far  as  they  could  do  so,  consistently 
with  the  security  of  the  Constitutional  rights  of  English  sub- 
jects, "  which  tvere  so  sacred  that  they  could  not  permit  thern 
to  he  violated.''^  3d.  That  all  tax'^s  without  their  own  consent, 
or  the  consent  of  their  representatives,  were  unjust  and  uncon- 
stitutional; and  the  acts  of  Parliament  upon  the  subject  were 
denounced,  as  obvious  encroachments  upon  the  rights  and  li- 
bertiss  of  British  subjects.  4th.  That  the  act  closing  the  port 
of  Boston  was  arbitrary  and  oppressive  to  the  inhabitants,  whom 
they  considered  to  be  suffering  in  the  common  cause.  5th. 
That  they  would  unite  with  their  brethren  elsewhere,  in  re- 
lieving the  necessities  of  the  suffering  poor  in  Boston,  and  m 
"  any  thing  tending  to  support  our  rights  and  liberties."  6th. 
Approving  of  the  calling  of  a  general  Congress,  and  of  the  five 
members  who  had  already  been  appointed  by  their  brethren  of 
New- York.  7th.  That  they  would  abide  by  such  regulations 
as  might  be  agreed  upon  by  the  said  Congress.  8th.  Appoint- 
ing a  committee  of  correspondence  for  that  district,*  and  recom- 
mending the  other  districts  of  the  county  to  do  the  same. 

The  Congress  met  in  Philadelphia  in  September,  1774,  and 
after  adopting  a  declaration  of  rights,  and  setting  forth  wherein 

♦  Christopher  P.  Yatea,  Isaac  Parrs,  and  John  Frcy. 


i!li 


111 


_,      rill 


36 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1774. 


those  rights  had  been  violated,  they  agreed  upon  an  address  to 
the  King,  exhibiting  the  grievances  of  the  Colonies,  ai.,d  praying 
for  his  Majesty's  interposition  for  their  removal.  An  address 
to  the  people  of  British  America  was  lik</wise  adopted,  together 
with  an  appeal  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  as  also  a  letter 
to  the  people  of  Canada.*  The  Congress  then  adjourned,  to 
meet  again  in  May,  1775.  The  papers  put  forth  from  that 
august  assembly  had  a  powerful  eflfect  upon  the  public  mind. 
They  were  also  highly  extolled  by  Lord  Chatham  in  the 
House  of  Peers,  who  declared,  that  "  In  all  his  reading  and  ob- 
"  servation — and  it  had  been  his  favourite  study — for  he  had 
"  read  Thucydides,  and  had  studied  and  admired  the  master 
"  states  of  the  world — for  solidity  of  reasoning,  force  of  saga- 
"city,  and  wisdom  of  conclusion,  under  such  complication  of 
"circumstances,  no  nation  or  body  of  men  could  stand  in 
"preference  to  the  General  Congress  at  Philadelphia. "t 

The  Provincial  Assembly  of  New- York  was  the  only  le- 
gislature in  the  Colonies  that  withheld  its  approbation  from  the 
proceedings  of  the  Congress — the  loyalists  of  that  Colony  being, 
from  a  variety  of  causes,  more  numerous  and  influential  than 
in  any  other  of  the  provinces.  In  the  Valley  of  the  Mohawk 
they  were  particularly  zealous  and  active ;  and  the  Johnson 
family,  with  their  associates,  were  ceaseless  in  their  efforts  to 
divert  the  revolutionary  spirit,  which  was  but  too  obviously 
abroad. 

But  like  the  bitter  plant  in  the  vegetable  pharmacopoeia,  the 
principles  of  liberty  only  thrive  more  rapidly  beneath  a  pres- 
sure, and  the  spark  which  had  been  struck  in  the  Palatine 
district,  they  not  only  found  it  impossible  to  extinguish,  but  a 
measure  of  their  own  adoption  had  the  effect  of  kindling  it  into 
a  blaze — and,  once  kindled,  the  fire  of  liberty  is  as  inextinguish- 
able as  the  Greek.  ' ' 

In  Massachusetts,  however,  other  menacing  measures  be- 
sides tho  passage  of  resolutions,  were  adopted  toward  the  close 
of  1774.  Governor  Gage  having  issued  writs  for  the  holding 
of  a  General  Assembly,  in  October,  afterward  counterman  led 


M  'i-iNiii 


•  Mr.  R.  H.  Lee  wrote  the  address  to  the  American  people^  and  Mr.  Jay  that  to 
the  people  of  Great  Britain, 
t  Pariiamentary  Regifter. 


m 


[1774. 

L  an  address  to 
!s,  ai^d  praying 
.  An  address 
opted,  together 
is  also  a  letter 

adjourned,  to 
Drth  from  that 
e  public  mind, 
latham  in  the 
eading  and  ob- 
y — for  he  had 
red  the  master 

force  of  saga- 
omplication  of 
lould  stand  in 
lphia."t 
s  the  only  le- 
)ation  from  the 
t  Colony  being, 
ifluential  than 
f  the  Mohawk 
the  Johnson 

leir  efforts  to 

too  obviously 


macopoeia,  the 
Qneath  a  pres- 

the  Palatine 
inguish,  but  a 
nndling  it  into 

inextinguish- 

measures  be- 
ward  the  close 
>r  the  holding 
mntermau  led 

id  Mr.  Jay  Uwt  to 


1774.] 


SPIRIT   OP   THE   COLONIES. 


37 


the  writs  by  proclamation.  But  the  new  members,  to  the 
number  of  ninety,  maintaining  the  illegality  of  the  proclama- 
tion, met  notwithstanding.  Neither  the  Governor,  nor  any 
substitute,  appearinj.^  to  complete  their  organization,  they 
formed  themselves  into  a  Provincial  Congress,  and  adjourned  to 
Concord.  From  Concord,  after  some  collisions  with  the  Go- 
vernor, they  removed  to  Cambridge  ;  and  in  the  course  of  their 
sittings  measures  were  adopted  for  tlie  public  defence,  and  the 
organization  of  minute  men,  to  the  number  of  twelve  thousand. 
Connecticut  and  New  Hampshire  were  requested  to  augment 
,  the  number  to  twenty  thousand.  Governor  Gage  complained 
|bitterly  that  the  edicts  of  this  Congress  were  implicitly  obeyod 
Ithroughout  the  country.  Before  the  year  had  expired,  a  royal 
)roclamation  was  received,  prohibitmg  tlie  exportation  of  mili- 
ary stores  to  America.  This  document  caused  general  indig- 
lation.  In  Rhode  Island  and  New  Hampshire  the  people  at 
fence  seized  upon  the  arms  and  ordnance  in  their  public  places 
and  garrisons,  and  other  corresponding  mejisuros  were  adopted 
by  the  Colonial  authorities.  In  the  more  Southern  provinces 
signs  of  jealousy  and  discontent  began  to  be  more  unequivo- 
cally manifested.  A  meeting  of  the  military  officers  of  Vir- 
ginia, under  Lord  Dnnmore,  v,'«s  held,  at  which  resolutions, 
professing  loyalty  and  looking  rebellion,  were  adopted.  The 
Provincial  Congress  of  Maryland  approved  of  the  procpedino-s 
of  the  General  Congress ;  and  in  South  Carolina,  Judge  Day- 
ton, in  a  memorable  charge  to  a  Grand  Jury  at  Camden,  set  the 
ball  in  motion  in  that  Colony.  Doctor  Franklin,  being  in  Lon- 
don, was  required  to  attend  a  meeting  of  the  Committee  for 
Plantations,  to  whom  had  been  referred  the  petition  of  the 
Massachusetts  Assembly  for  the  removal  of  Governor  Hutch- 
inson and  Lieutenant-Governor  Oliver.  He  supported  the 
petition,  and  was,  the  day  after,  dismissed  by  the  Crown  from 
the  office  of  postmaster  for  the  Colonies. 

It  may  readily  be  conceived  that  an  excitement  thus  increas- 
ing from  day  to  day,  and  thus  rapidly  extending  the  circle  of 
its  influence,  would  not  long  bo  confined  to  measures  of  re- 
monstrance and  petition.  Most  unfortunate  was  it,  therefore, 
that,  just  at  this  conjuncture,  while  all  sagacious  men  saw  by 
the  shadows  what  events  were  coming,  and  all  good  men  were 


t  M 

!?    ...vl 


38 


LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


[1774. 


solicitous  for  the  preservation  of  the  character  and  augmenta- 
tion of  the  physical  strength  of  the  country,,  a  small  band 
of  bad  ones  adopted  a  course  well  fitted  tc  awaken  the 
jealousy  of  the  whole  Indian  race,  and  exasperate  a  portion  of 
them  to  the  highest  pilch  of  anger  and  revenge.  It  was  evi- 
dent that  the  Colonies  were  about  to  measure  swords  with  one 
of  the  strongest  powers  in  Christendom,  and  to  strike  for  free- 
dom. True  wisdom,  therefore,  required  that  the  clouds  of 
Indians  darkening  more  than  a  thousand  miles  of  our  border, 
and  in  the  North  forming  an  intermediate  power  between  our 
own  settlements  and  the  country  of  the  anticipated  foe,  should 
be  at  least  conciliated  into  neutrality,  if  not  courted  into  an  al- 
liance. But  a  contrary  course  was  taken  by  some  of  the  fron- 
tier-men of  Virginia,  and  a  hostile  feeling  awakened  by  a 
succession  of  outrages,  unprovoked  and  more  cruel  than  sava- 
ges, as  such,  could  have  committed.  The  well-informed  reader 
»vill  at  once  anticipate  that  reference  is  now  had  to  the  hostili- 
ties upon  the  North-western  frontier  of  Virginia,  commonly 
known  as  Cres'ap's  War,  from  the  agency  of  a  subaltern  offi- 
cer of  that  name,  whose  wanton  cruelty  provoked  it,  and  one 
striking  event  of  which  has  renaered  every  A'nerican  ear 
familiar  with  the  name  of  Logan,  the  celebrated  "  Mingo 
Chief"* 

The  wars  and  the  conquests  of  the  Six  Nations  had  been  the 
cause  of  transplanting  many  families,  among  whom  were  some 
ot  distinction,  over  the  countries  subjected  to  their  arms. 
Among  these  was  the  family  of  JjOgan,  the  son  of  Shikell'mms,] 
a  distinguished  Cayuga  sachem,  who  had  removed  from  the 
particular  location  of  his  own  tribe,  to  Shamokin,  or  Canestoga, 
within  the  borders  of  Pennsylvania,  where  he  executed  the 
duties  of  principal  chief  of  those  of  the  Six  Nations  residing  on 
the  Susquehanna.  He  was  a  man  of  consequence  and  human- 
ity, and  one  of  the  earliest  to  encourage  the  introduction  of 
Christianity  by  Count  Zinzendorf.  He  was  a  great  friend  to 
the  celebrated  James  Logan,  who  accompanied  William  V>nn 


♦  Mingo,  Mengwe,  Maquas,  and  Iroquois,  are  all  only  different,  names  applied 
to  the  Six  Nations. 

t  Shikeliimut  was  a  contemporary  of  the  famous  Cannasiattgo,  and  it  known  in 
Colden's  History  of  the  Six  Nations  by  the  different  names  oi  Shickcalamy,  Shicala- 
my,  and  Skiek  Calamy.— Drake, 


[1774. 

•  and  augmenta- 
r,  a  small  band 
tc    awaken   the 
rate  a  portion  of 
ige.    It  was  evi- 
s  words  with  one 
to  strike  for  free- 
it  the  clouds  of 
3S  of  our  border, 
,ver  between  our 
pated  foe,  should 
3urted  into  an  al- 
iome  of  the  fron- 
awakened  by  a 
I  cruel  than  sava- 
1-informed  reader 
lad  to  the  hostili- 
gjinia,  coniiiionly 
f  a  subaltern  ofli- 
voked  it,  and  one 
ry  A'^erican  ear 
iehrated   "  Mingo 

ions  had  been  the 
whom  were  some 
to  their  arms. 

of  Shikell'mmsyl 
amoved  from  the 
tin,  or  Canestoga, 

he  executed  the 
ations  residing  on 

ence  and  human- 
introduction  of 

a  great  friend  to 

sd  William  V>nn 

different  natiies  applied 

lattgo,  and  i9  known  in 
Skickcalamy,  Shicala- 


1774.] 


STORY    OF   LOOAN. 


39 


on  his  last  voyage  to  America,  and  who  subsequently  became 
distinguished  in  the  colony  for  his  learning  and  benevolence. 
Hence  the  nanie  of  the  famous  son  of  Shikellimus,  so  closely 
identified  with  the  scenes  about  to  be  described. 

Logan  had  removed  from  his  father's  lodge  at  Shamokin  to 
the  Shawanese  country  on  the  Ohio,  wliere  he  had  become  a 
I  chief    He  was  a  friend  of  the  white  men,  and  one  of  the  no- 
I  blest  of  his  race  ;  not  only  by  right  of  birth,  but  in  consideration 
of  his  own  character.     During  the  Indian  wars  connected  with 
the  contest  with  France,  which  were  continued  for  a  consider- 
able time  after  the  conquest  of  Canada,  lie  took  no  part,  save  in 
/  the  character  of  a  peace-maker. 

^     The  circumstances  which  transformed  this  good  and  just 
•^man  from  a  sincere  friend  into  a  bitter  foe,  will  appear  in  the 
(following  narrative :— It  happened  in  April  or  May  of  1774, 
.that  a  party  of  land-jobbers,  while  engaged  in  exploring  lands 
near  the  Ohio  river,  were  robbed,  or  pretended  to  have  been 
robbed,  of  a  number  of  .  irses  by  the  Indians.     The  leader  of 
the  land-jobbers  was  Captain  Michael  Cresap.     Alarmed  at  the 
depredation  upon  their  property,  or  affecting  to  be  so,  Cresap 
and  his  party  determined  to  make  war  upon  the  Indians,  with- 
out investigation,  and  irrespective,  as  a  matter  of  course,  of 
the  guilt  or  innocence  of  those  whom  they  should  attack:     On 
the  same  day,  falling  in  with  two  Indians,  Cresap  and  his  men 
killed  them.     Hearing,  moreover,  of  a  still  larger  party  of  In- 
dians encamped  at  some  distance  below  the  site  of  the  present 
town  of  Wheeling,  the  white  barbarians  proceeded  thither,  and 
after  winning  the  confidence  of  the  sons  of  the  forest  by  pre- 
>,    tended  friendship,  fell  upon  and  slaughtered  several  of  their 
. '    number,  among  whom  were  a  part  of  the  liimily  of  the  white 
I    man's  friend — Logan.* 

Soon  after  this  atrocious  affair,  another  followed,  equally  fla- 
gitious. There  was  a  white  settlement  on  the  east  bank  of  the 
Ohio,  about  thirty  miles  above  Wheeling,  among  the  leading 
men  of  which  were  one  named  Daniel  Greathouse,  and  another 
named  Tomlinson.    A  party  of  Indians,  assembled  on  the  oppo- 

♦  Doddridge,  in  his  History  of  the  Indian  Wars,  slates  that  no  evidence  of  the  im- 
puted theft  was  ever  adduced ;  and  aflirms  )iis  belief  that  the  report  was  fulsc,  and 
the  Indians  innocent,  even  of  a  comparatively  minor  trespass. 


'0 


[' ) 


5  A') 


!l;'"^ 


mh.m 


40 


LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


[1774. 


m 


site  bank  of  the  river,  having  heard  of  the  murders  committed 
by  Cresap,  determined  to  avenge  their  death,  of  which  resohi- 
tion  Greathouse  was  admonished  by  a  friendly  squaw,  who  ad- 
vised  him  to  escape,  while  he  was  reconnoitring  for  the  purpose 
of  ascertaining  their  numbers.  He  had  crossed  the  river  with 
thirty-two  men  under  his  command,  and  secreted  them  for  the 
purpose  of  falling  upon  the  Indians  ;  but  finding  that  they  were 
too  strong  for  him,  he  changed  his  plan  of  operations,  re-crossed 
the  river,  and,  with  a  show  of  friendship,  invited  them  over  to 
an  entertainment.  Without  suspicion  of  treachery  the  Indians 
accepted  the  invitation,  and  while  engaged  in  drinking — some 
of  them  to  a  state  of  intoxication — they  were  set  upon  and 
murdered  in  cold  blood.  Here  again,  fell  two  more  of  the 
family  of  Logan — a  brother  and  sister,  the  latter  being  in  a 
situation  of  peculiar  delicacy.  The  Indians  who  had  remained 
on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  hearing  the  noise  of  the  trea- 
cherous attack,  flew  to  their  canoes  to  rescue  their  friends. 
This  movement  had  been  anticipated ;  and  sharp-shooters,  sta- 
tioned in  ambuscade,  shot  numbers  of  them  in  their  canoes, 
and  compelled  the  others  to  return. 

These  dastardly  transactions  were  enacted  on  the  24th  of 
May.  They  were  soon  followed  by  another  outrage,  which, 
though  of  less  magnitude,  was  not  less  atrocious  in  its  spirit, 
while  it  was  even  more  harrowing  to  the  feelings  of  the  Indians. 
The  event  referred  to  was  the  murder,  by  a  white  man,  of  a« 
aged  and  inoffensive  Delaware  chief  named  the  Bald  Eagle. 
He  had  for  years  consorted  more  with  the  white  people  than 
his  own,  visiting  those  most  frequently  who  entertained  him 
best.  At  the  time  of  his  murder  he  had  been  on  a  visit  to  the 
fort  at  the  North  of  the  Kanhawa,  and  was  killed  while  alone, 
paddling  his  canoe.  The  man  who  committed  the  murder,  it 
was  said,  had  been  a  sufferer  at  the  hands  of  the  Indians  ;  but 
he  had  never  been  injured  by  the  object  upon  whom  he  wreaked 
his  vengeance.  After  tearing  the  scalp  from  his  head,  the 
white  savage  placed  the  body  in  a  sitting  posture  in  the  canoe, 
and  sent  it  adrift  down  the  stream.  The  voyage  of  the  deud 
chief  was  observed  by  many,  who  supposed  him  living,  and 
upon  one  of  his  ordinary  excursions.  When,  however,  the 
deed  became  known,  his  nation  were  not  slow  in  avowals  of 


ri 


[1774. 

iurders  committed 
,  of  which  resohi- 
ly  squaw,  who  ad- 
ig  for  the  purpose 
sed  the  river  with 
reted  them  for  the 
ng  that  they  were 
rations,  re-crossed 
irited  them  over  to 
chery  the  Indians 
II  drinking — some 
jrc  set  upon  and 
two  more  of  the 
latter  heing  in  a 
ivho  had  remained 
noise  of  the  tren- 
cue  their  friends, 
harp-shooters,  sta- 
I  in  their  canoes, 

ed  on  the  24th  of 
r  outrage,  which, 
icious  in  its  spirit, 
igs  of  the  Indians, 
white  man,  of  an 
the  Bald  Eagle. 
vhite  people  than 
entertained  him 
[1  on  a  visit  to  the 
illed  while  alone, 
ed  the  murder,  it 
the  Indians ;  but 
ivhom  he  wreaked 
m  his  head,  the 
ture  in  the  canoe, 
>yage  of  the  dead 
1  him  living,  and 
len,  however,  the 
)w  in  avowals  of 


1774.] 


CRESAP'e   WAR. 


411 


vengeance. 


Equally  exasperated,  at  about  the  same  time, 
were  the  Shawanese,  against  the  whites,  by  the  murder  of  one 
of  their  favourite  chiefs.  Silver  Heels,  who  had  in  the  kindest 
manner  undertaken  to  escort  several  white  traders  across  the 
,,woods  from  the  Ohio  to  Albany,  a  distance  of  nearly  five  hun- 
dred miles.t 

The  consequence  of  these  repeated  outrages,  perpetrated  by 
white  barbarians,  was  the  immediate  commencement  of  an  In- 
dian war,  tlie  first  leader  of  which  was  Logan,  who,  with  a 
small  party  of  only  eight  warriors,  made  a  sudden  and  alto- 
gether unexpected  descent  upon  a  Muskingum  settlement,  with 
;«omplete  success.  In  the  course  of  the  Summer  great  numbers 
Ijf  men,  women,  and  children,  fell  victims  to  the  tomahawk  and 
■  j|calping-knife.  Logan,  however,  though  smarting  under  a 
Jteen  sen  ;*  of  his  o\m  wrongs,  set  his  face  against  the  practice 
Jif  putting  prisoners  to  the  torture,  so  far  as  he  could.  In  one 
Instance,  he  so  instructed  a  prisoner  doomed  to  run  the  gaunt- 
let, as  to  enable  him  to  escape  without  receiving  essential  in- 
jury. In  another  case,  with  his  own  hand  he  severed  the  cord 
which  bound  a  prisoner  to  the  stake,  and  by  his  influence  pro- 
cured his  adoption  into  an  Indian  family. 

To  punish  these  atrocities,  provoked,  as  all  authorities  concur 
in  admitting,  by  the  whites,  a  vigorous  campaign  was  under- 
taken by  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  Lord  Dun  more,  with  a  force 
of  between  two  and  three  thousand  men.  Eleven  hundred  of 
these  Provincials,  mostly  riflemen,  and  comprising  much  of  the 
chivalry  of  Virginia,  constituting  the  left  wing,  were  entrusted 
to  the  command  of  General  Andrew  Lewis,:!:  with  instructions 
to  march  direct  for  Point  Pleasant,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Great 
Kanhawa;  while  his  lordship,  proceeding  with  the  right  wmg, 
was  to  cross  the  Ohio  at  a  higher  point,  and  fall  upon  the  In- 
dian towns  in  their  rear.  For  reasons  never  satisfactorily  ex- 
plained, although  the  cause  of  some  controversy  at  the  time, 
there  was  a  failure  of  the  expected  co-operation  on  the  part  of 
liord  Dunmore. 


*  M'Clung,  as  cited  by  Drake.  |  Heckewolder. 

\  Andrew  Lewis  was,  in  fact,  only  a  colonel ;  but  he  was  in  the  chief  command 
of  the  division,  and  as  he  had  a  brother,  Hharles  Lewis,  also  a  colonel,  he  has  been 
designated  as  a  General  by  courtesy,  and  for  the  purpose  of  distinguishing  the  com- 
mander from  tho  other  colonel. 


\   M 


'V& ' 


II 


42 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1774. 


General  Lewis  commenced  his  march  on  the  11th  of  Sep- 
tember. His  course  was  direct,  through  a  trackless  wilderness, 
one  hundred  and  sixty  miles ;  over  which  all  the  supplies  of 
the  army  were  necessarily  to  be  transported  on  pack-horses. 
The  march  was  very  slow  and  tedious — occupying  nineteen 
days.  .*  rrivtd  at  or  near  the  junction  of  the  Kanhawa  with 
tVr,  Ohio,  Lewis  waited  eight  or  nine  days  to  obtain  tidings 
fioi'i  iiO  >  Dunmore,  but  heard  not  a  syllable. 

I.  rly  on  *li:^  morning  of  the  10th  of  October,  two  of  Lewis's 
scouts,  who  \vv.re  about  a  mile  in  advance,  were  fired  upon  by  a 
large  body  of  Indians;  one  of  the  scouts  was  killed,  and  the  other 
escaped  to  camp  with  the  intelligence.  It  was  yet  half  an  hour 
to  sunrise,  and  instant  dispositions  were  made  to  move  forward 
and  attack.  Just  as  the  sun  was  rising,  the  Indians,  who  were 
advancing  upon  a  like  errand,  were  met,  and  an  engagement 
ensued,  which  continued  with  greater  or  less  severity  through 
the' day.  The  Virginians  had  bivouacked  upon  a  point  of  land 
between  the  two  rivers,  giving  the  Indians  an  important  advan- 
tage of  position,  inasmuch  as,  if  defeated,  retreat  would  be  ini- 
possible  for  the  former,  while  the  latter  could  fly  at  their  plea- 
sure. But  SU9I1  was  not  the  purpose  of  the  Indians.  Their 
numbers  have  been  variously  stated,  from  eight  to  fifteen  hun- 
dred, consisting  of  Sliawanese,  Delawares,  Mingoes,  Wyandots, 
Cayugas,  and  several  other  tribes,  led  in  chief  by  Logan,  assist 
ed  by  other  celebrated  chiefs,  among  whom  were  Cnrnstodc^ 
Ellenipsico,  (his  son,)  and  the  Red  Eagle. 

The  onset  was  impetuous  upon  both  sides.  Colonel  Charles 
Lewis  led  the  right  of  the  Virginians,  and  was  in  advance. 
He  fell  almost  at  the  first  fire,  mortally  wounded,  apd  shortly 
afterward  expired— having  walked  back  to  his  own  camp. 
The  Virginians,  like  the  Indians,  sought  every  advantage  by 
fighting  from  the  shelter  of  trees  and  bushes ;  but  in  the  first 
part  of  the  engagement  the  advantages  were  with  the  Indians, 
and  two  of  the  Virginia  regiments,  after  severe  loss,  especially 
in  officers,  were  compelled  to  give  way.  Colonel  Fleming,  who 
commanded  the  left,  though  severely  wounded  in  the  beghniing' 
.  of  the  action,  by  two  balls  through  his  arm  and  another  through 
the  breast,  bravely  kept  the  field  for  some  time,  cheering  his 
men,  "and,  urging  them  not  to  lose  an  inch  of  ground,  directed 
them  to  outflank  the  enemy.    But  the  assault  of  the  Indians 


[1774. 

the  Uth  of  Sep. 
ckless  wilderness, 
11  the  supplies  of 

on  pack-horses, 
cupying  nineteen 
e  KanhuAva  with 

to  obtain  tidings 

)er,  two  of  Lewis's 
re  fired  upon  by  a 
lied,  and  the  other 
s  yet  half  an  hour 
to  move  forward 
ndians,  who  were 
1  an  engagement 
severity  through 
on  a  point  of  land 
important  ad  van- 
eat  would  be  im- 
1  fly  at  their  plea- 
Indians.     Their 
:ht  to  fifteen  hun- 
ngoes,  Wyandots, 
by  Logan,  assist 
were  Corustock, 

Colonel  Cliarles 
was  in  advance, 
idcd,  apd  shortly 

his  own  camp. 
sry  advantage  by 

but  in  the  first 
vith  the  Indians, 
re  loss,  especially 
lel  Fleming,  who 

in  the  beghming- 
1  another  through 
me,  cheering  his 
ground,  directed 
It  of  the  Indians 


,1774.] 


BATTLE    OP    THE    KANHAWA. 


48 


was  vigorous  and  their  fire  so  severe,  that  the  left,  like  the 
right,  was  yielding,  when,  at  the  most  critical  moment,  Colonel 
^J'ield's  regiment  was  brought  with  great  spirit  and  resolution 
'into  the  action,  by  which  timely  movement  the  fortunes  of  the 
4ay  were  retrieved.  The  impetuosity  of  the  Indians  was  checked, 
jsind  they  were  in  turn  forced  to  retreat— falling  back  to  avail 
Ihemselves  of  a  rude  breast-work  of  logs  and  brush-wood, 
^which  they  had  taken  the  precaution  to  construct  for  the  occa- 

tion.  Colonel  Field  was  killed  at  the  moment  his  gallant 
egiment  had  changed  the  aspect  of  the  battle,  and  he  ^  s 
succeeded  by  Captain  Isaac  Shelby,  afterward  the  brave  ^  id 
Ibardy  old  Governor  of  Kentucky. 

i%  The  Indians  made  a  valiant  stand  at  their  breast-work,  de- 
.jfending  their  position  until  nearly  night-fall.     For  several  hours 
(•very  attempt  to  dislodge  them  was  unsuccessful ;  the  savages 
l^hting  like  men  who  had  not  only  their  soil  and  1     nes  to 
l|>rot(Xt,  but  deep  wrongs  to  avenge.     «•  The  voice  of  the  mighty 
Cornstock  was  often  heard  during  the  day,  above  the  din  of 
ibattle,  calling  out  to  his  warriors,  '  Be  strong !     Be  strong !' 
jAud  when,  by  the  repeated  charge  of  the  Virginians,  some  of 
Ihis  warriors  began  to  waver,  he  is  said  to  have  sunk  his  toma- 
^  Iiawk  into  the  head  of  a  coward  who  was  attempting  to  fly."* 
The  action  had  continued  extremely  hot  until  past  twelve 
'clock,  after  which  it  was  abated  at  intervals,  though  a  scat- 
ring  fire  was  kept  up  most  of  the  time  during  the  day.     To- 
ard  night,  finding  that  each  successive  attack  upon  the  line  of 
the  Indians  in  front  but  weakened  his  own  force,  without  ma- 
king any  perceptible  impression  upon  the  Indians,  and  rightly 
judging  that  if  the  latter  were  not  routed  before  dark,  the  con- 
test must  be  resumed  under  at  least  doubtful  circumstances  on 
the  following  day,  a  final  attempt  was  made  to  throw  a  body  of 
troops  into  the  rear.     Three  companies  were  detached  upon 
this  service,  led  by  Captain  Shelby.     The  ground  favoured  the 
enterprise.     Availing  themselves  of  the  tall  weeds  and  grass 
upon  the  bank  of  a  creek  flowing  into  the  Kanhawa,  those 
companies  passed  the  flank  of  the  Indian  ranks  unobserved, 
and  falling  vigorously  upon  their  rear,  drove  them  from  their 

♦  Drake— who  compiles  his  account  of  this  spirited  engagement,  from  Withers, 
M'CIung,  and  Doddridge. 


fH 


■  ''i 


44 


LIFE    OP   BRANT. 


[1774. 


1774/ 


»,'l,;!!li 


!  ^  ll!  :''■ 


lines  with  precipitation.  Night  camo  on,  and  the  Indians, 
supposing  that  rcinforcuments  of  the  Virginians  had  arrived, 
fled  across  the  Oliio,  and  continued  their  retreat  to  the  Scioto. 
Tiicy  had  not  the  satisfaction  of  taking  many  scalps — the 
bodies  of  a  few  stragglers  only  falling  into  their  possession.  In 
the  official  account  it  was  stated  that  they  scalped  ruinibers  of 
their  own  warriors,  to  prevent  the  Virginians  from  doing  it, 
Of  those  Indians  first  killed,  the  Virginians  scalped  upward  ol 
twenty.*  The  loss  of  the  Indians  was  never  known.  It  must, 
however,  have  been  severe  ;  since,  in  addition  to  the  killed  and 
wounded  borne  away,  numbers  of  the  slain  were  thrown  into  the 
river,  and  thirty-three  of  their  warriors  were  found  dead  upon  the 
field  on  the  following  day.  The  loss  of  the  Virginians  was  like- 
wise severe.  Two  of  their  colonels  were  killed,  four  captains, 
many  subordinate  officers,  and  between  fifty  and  sixty  privates, 
besides  a  much  larger  number  wounded.t 

Arrived  at  Chilicothe,  a  council  of  the  Indians  was  convened 
to  debate  upon  the  question  what  was  next  to  be  done.  Corn- 
stock,  it  was  said,  had  been  opposed  to  giving  battle  at  Point 
Pleasant,  but  had  resolved  to  do  his  best  on  being  overruled  in 
council.  Having  been  defeated,  as  he  had  anticipated,  he  de- 
manded of  the  council,  "  What  shall  we  do  notv  ?  The  Long 
"  Knives  are  coming  ttpon  us  by  two  routes.  Shall  toe  turn 
"out  and  fight  them  ?"  No  response  being  made  to  the  ques- 
tion, he  continued,  "  Shall  we  kill  all  our  squaws  and  chil- 
"dren,  and  then  fight  until  we  are  all  killed  ourselves  ?"  As 
before,  all  were  silent ;  whereupon  Cornstock  struck  his  toma- 
hawk into  the  war-post  standing  in  the  midst  of  the  council, 
and  remarked  with  emphasis :  "  Since  you  are  not  inclined  to 
"fight,  I  will  go  and  make  peace  "t    Saying  which,  he  re- 


I  ;  !l,i 


•  Official  Report 

t  Doddridge  states  tho  number  of  killed  at  75,  and  of  wounded  at  140.  In  the  esti- 
mate given  in  the  text,  Thatcher  has  been  followed.  It  is  stated  by  Drake,  that  a 
stratagem  was  resorted  to  in  tliis  action  by  the  Virginians,  similar  to  one  that  had  been 
practised  in  the  early  New  England  war  of  tho  Indians  at  Pawtucket.  The  Virginians, 
concealing  themselves  behind  trees,  would  hold  out  their  hats  f  orn  behind  and  draw 
the  fire  of  the  Indians;  the  hat  being  instantly  dropped,  the  Indian  warrior  who  had 
brought  it  down,  supposing  that  he  had  killed  the  owner,  would  rush  forward  to  so* 
cure  the  scalp  of  his  supposed  victim—>Q[i1y  to  fall  beneath  an  unexpected  tomahawk. 

]  Doddridge. 


*^ 


[1774. 

and  the  Indians, 
ians  had  arrived, 
reat  to  the  Scioto. 
nany  scalps — the 
jir  possession.  In 
lalped  numbers  of 
IS  from  doinjj  it. 
icalpcd  ujjward  oi 
known.  It  must, 
1  to  the  killed  and 
re  thrown  into  the 
ind  dead  upon  the 
rginians  was  like- 
led,  four  captains, 
nd  sixty  privates, 

ms  was  convened 
I  be  done.  Corn- 
g  battle  at  Point 
eing  overruled  in 
iticipated,  he  de- 
910  ?  The  Long 
Shall  we  tttrn 
nade  to  the  ques- 
quaws  mid  chil- 
ourselves  ?"  As 
struck  his  toma- 
t  of  the  council, 
e  not  inclined  to 
ig  which,  he  re- 


ed at  140.  In  tlie  estN 
ateJ  bji  Drake,  that  a 
ar  to  one  that  had  been 
cket.  The  Virginians, 
orn  behind  and  draw 
idian  warrior  who  had 
d  rush  Torward  to  bo 
nexpected  tomahawk. 


SPEECH   OF   LOOAN. 


46 


red  to  the  camp  of  Lord  Dunmore,  who,  having  descended 
the  Ohio,  was  now  approaching  the  Scioto. 

Meantime  General  Lewis,  having  buried  his  dead,  and  made 

•4hc  necessary  disposiuons  for  an  advance  into  the  heart  of  the 
Indian  country,  moved  forward  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy— re- 
folvcd  upon  his  extermination.  He  was  soon  afterward  met  by 
a  counter-order  from  Lord  Duamore,  which  he  disregarded  ; 
and  it  was  not  until  the  Governor  visited  Lewis  in  his  own 
camp,  that  a  reluctant  obedience  was  exacted.     Meantime  the 

Ijicgotialion  proceeded,  but  under  circumstances  of  distrust  on 
|lie  part  of  the  Virginians,  who  were  careful  to  admit  only  a 
ittnall  number  of  the  Indians  into  their  encampment  at  any  one 
lime.  The  chief  speaker  on  the  part  of  the  Indians  was  Corn- 
iftock,  \vho  did  not  fail  to  charge  the  whites  with  being  the  solo 
iause  of  the  war — enumerating  the  provocations  which  tho 
iidiansi  had  received,  and  dwelling  with  peculiar  force  upon 
ihe  nmrders  committed  in  the  family  of  Logan.*  This  lofty 
chief  himself  refused  to  appear  at  the  council.  He  was  in  fa- 
vour of  peace,  but  his  proud  spirit  scorned  to  ask  for  it;  and  he 
remained  in  his  cabin,  brooding  in  melancholy  silence  over  his 


own  wrongs. 


Of  so  much  importance  was  his  name  considered  by  Lord 

; Dunmore  however,  that  a  special  messenger  was  despatched  to 

(ascertain  whether  he  would  accede  to  the  articles  of  peace. 

This  messenger  was  Colonel  Johh  Gibson,  an  officer  in  Dun- 

niore's  army,  and  after ^vard  a  man  of  some  distinction.     The 

,|y  "  Mingo  Chief"  did  not  dissent  from  the  terms,  but  gave  not  his 

||;  sanction  without  an  eloquent  rehearsal  of  his  grievances — rela- 

1^0  ting,  in  full,  the  circumstances  of  the  butchery  of  his  own 

M  entire  family,  to  avenge  which  atrocities  he  had  taken  up  the 

'M  hatchet.    His  conference  with  Gibson  took  place  in  a  solitary 

'  wood,  and  at  its  close,  he  charged  him  with  the  celebrated 

*  Ccmstock  was  a  truly  great  man.  Col.  Wilson,  who  was  present  at  the 
mterview  between  the  Chief  and  Lord  Dunmore,  thus  speaks  of  the  cliieilain's 
bearing  on  the  occasion :  "  When  he  arose,  he  was  in  no  wise  confused  or  daunted, 
but  spoke  in  a  distinpt  and  audible  voice,  without  stammering  or  repetition,  and  with 
peculiar  emphasis.  His  looks,  while  addressing  Dimmoro,  were  truly  grand  and 
majestic,  yet  graceTul  and  attractive.  I  have  heard  the  first  orators  in  Virginia. 
Patrick  Henry  and  Richard  Henry  Leo  ;  but  never  have  I  heard  one  whose  powera 
of  delivery  surpassed  those  of  Cornstock." 


urn 


46 


LIFE   OP    URANT. 


[1774. 


speech  to  r.nril  Diinmoro,  which  has  become  fnmiUftr  wherever 
the  English  h\uirun<je  is  spoken  : — 

"I  appeal  to  any  wliito  man  to  say  if  he  ever  entered  Logan's 
cabin  hnngry,  and  he  gave  him  not  meat;  if  ever  he  came  cold 
and  naked,  and  he  clothed  him  not.  During  the  course  of  the 
last  long  and  bloody  war,  Logan  remained  idle  in  his  cabin,  nii 
advocate  for  p^acc.  Such  was  my  love  for  the  whites,  that  my 
countrymen  pointed,  as  they  passed,  and  said,  'Logan  is  tlio 
friend  of  the  white  men.'  I  had  even  thought  to  have  lived 
with  you,  but  for  the  injuries  of  one  man.  Colonel  Cresap,  tho 
last  Spring,  in  cold  blood  and  unprovoked,  murdered  all  therein- 
tionsof  Logan,  not  evensparingmy  women  and  children.  There 
runs  not  a  drop  of  my  blood  in  the  veins  of  any  living  creature, 
This  called  on  me  for  revenge.  I  have  sought  it ;  I  have  killed 
many  ;  I  have  fully  glutted  my  vengeance.  For  my  country, 
I  rejoice  at  the  beams  of  peace  ;  but  do  not  harbour  a  thought 
that  mine  is  the  joy  of  fear.  Logan  never  felt  fear.  He  will 
not  turn  on  his  heel  to  save  his  life.  Who  is  there  to  mourn 
for  Logan '/     Not  one." 

This  speech  has  ever  been  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  elo- 
quent passages  in  the  English  languoge.  Mr.  JelTcrson  remark- 
ed of  it — "  I  may  challenge  the  whole  orations  of  Demosthenes, 
"  and  of  Cicero,  and  of  any  more  eminent  orator,  if  Europe 
"  has  furnished  more  eminent,  to  produce  a  single  passage  su- 
"  perior  to  it ;"  and  an  Artiericaii  statesman  and  scholar,* 
scarcely  less  illustrious  than  the  author  of  this  noble  eulogium, 
has  subscribed  to  that  opinion.! 

♦  De  Witt  Clinton. 

t  Tliatchcr's  Ind.  Biography.  It  is  due  in  candour  to  state,  that  the  authenticity  of 
this  nelebrati'd  speech  has  been  questioned.  On  the  first  publication  of  JcfTerson's 
Notes,  the  relatives  and  friends  of  Cresap  made  a  great  outcry  against  the  charge 
of  his  having  murdered  Logan's  family.  Among  other  arguments  in  his  dcfenri», 
it  was  contended  that  the  speech  attributed  to  Logan  had,  in  substance  and  almost 
in  words,  been  delivered  to  tho  General  Assembly  of  Virginia  by  a  sachem  named 
Lonan,  twenty  years  before  the  date  assigned  to  it  by  Mr.  Jeflerson.  The  speech 
referred  to  was  discovered  in  the  travels  of  Robin,  a  Frenchman,  who  visited  the  Co- 
lonies at  an  early  period  of  the  war  of  tho  Revolution.  Tho  passage  stands  thus  in 
the  English  translation  of  "  Robin's  New  Travels  in  America :" — 

"  Speech  of  the  savage  Lonan,  in  a  General  Assembly,  as  it  was  sent  to  the 
Governor  of  Virginia,  anno  1754: — 

"  Lonan  will  no  longer  oppose  making  the  proposed  peace  with  the  white  men. 
You  are  sensible  he  never  knew  w!iat  fear  is — that  he  never  turned  his  back  in  the 


[1774. 
fnmiliar  wherever 

!r  entered  l.op^nn's 
ever  ho  cnme  cold 
the  course  of  the 

0  ill  his  ciibin,  an 
ic  whites,  that  iny 
d,  'Loirnii  is  tlio 
fht  to  linve  hval 
oloncl  Cresftp,  tlie 
dered  nil  the  rcln- 

1  children.  There 

ly  living  creatine. 

t  it ;  I  have  killed 

For  my  country, 

larbour  n  thousfht 
bit  fear.  He  will 
is  there  to  mourn 

3  of  the  most  elo- 
Jeflferson  remark- 
!  of  Demosthenes, 
orator,  if  Europe 
jingle  passage  su- 
an  and  scholar,* 
5  noble  eulogium, 


that  tho  autlienticity  of 
jiication  of  Jefferson's 
cry  against  the  charge 
uments  in  his  dcfenc, 

substance  and  almost 
lia  by  a  sachem  named 
efferson.  The  speech 
in,  who  visited  the  Co- 
passage  stands  thus  in 
a:"— 

as  it  was  sent  to  the 

:e  with  the  white  men. 
turned  his  back  in  the 


TEMPER   OF   THK    INDIANS. 


AT 


,1 

inn] 

Lord  Dunmore,  it  is  believed,  was  sincerely  desirous  of 
•peace— from  motives  of  humanity,  we  are  ready  to  believe,  al- 
though writers  of  less  charity  have  attributed  his  course  to  a 
more  unworthy  feeling.  Peace,  therelbre,  was  the  result  of  the 
founcil.  But  it  will  readily  bo  conceded  that  the  Indian  war- 
riors could  not  have  retired  to  their  respective  tribes  and  homes, 
ivith  any  feelings  of  particular  friendship  toward  the  white  men. 
iDii  the  contrary,  the  pain  of  defeat,  and  the  loss  of  the  warriors 
%ho  fell,  were  causes  of  irritating  reflection,  in  addition  to  the 
l)riginal  and  grievous  wrong  they  had  suffered  at  the  hands  of 
Cresap  and  Oreathousc.  The  Six  Nations,  as  a  confederacy, 
^d  not  taken  part  in  the  war  of  the  Virginia  border  ;  but  many 
ijtf  their  warriors  were  engaged  in  it,  especially  the  Cayugas,  to 
>i|hich  nation  Logan  belonged,  and  the  warriors  of  the  Six  Na- 
^ns  colonized  on  the  banks  of  the  Susquehanna  and  its  tribu- 
(kry  the  Shamokin.  These,  it  may  be  reasonably  inferred,  re- 
turned from  tho  contest  only  to  brood  longer  over  their  accu- 
mulated wrongs,  and  in  a  temper  not  over-inclined  to  cultivate 
|ihe  most  amicable  relations  with  the  Colonies.  In  one  word, 
|he  temper  of  the  whole  Indian  race,  with  the  exception  of  the 
)neidas,  was  soured  by  these  occurrences  of  the  year  1774  ; — a 

lay  of  battle.  No  one  has  more  love  for  the  white  men  than  I  have.  The  war  we 
have  had  with  them  has  been  long  and  bloody  on  both  sides.  Rivers  of  blood  have 
iin  on  all  parts,  and  yet  no  good  has  resulted  therefrom  to  any.  I  once  more  repeat 
It— let  us  be  at  peace  witli  these  men.  I  will  forget  our  injuries  ;  tho  interest  of  my 
juntry  demands  it.    I  will  forget — but  difficult,  indeed,  is  the  task  1     Yes,  I  will 

forget  that  Major cruelly  and  inhumanly  murdered,  in  their  canoes,  my  wife, 

;  my  children,  my  father,  my  mother,  and  all  my  kindred.    This  roused  me  to  deeds 
|of  vengeance !  I  was  cruel  in  despite  of  myself.    I  will  die  content  if  my  country  is 
h  once  more  at  peace.     But  when  Lonan  shall  be  no  more,  who,  alas !  will  drop  a  tear 
to  the  memory  of  Lonan  ?  " 

If  the  date  to  tr  s  speech  be  the  true  one,  there  is  an  end  to  the  claim  of  Losan. 
But  the  reseniblaiit  in  many  manuscripts,  between  the  figures  4  and  7,  is  so  close 
as  to  induce  a  belief,  (Dr.  Barton's  Journal  of  1808  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding) 
that  the  error  may  have  been  made  by  the  English  translator.  This  opinion  is 
strengthened  by  the  similarity  between  the  name  given  by  Robin,— Lonan— and 
Logan.  The  difference  consists  in  a  single  letter,  and  might  well  have  been  the  er- 
ror of  tho  Frenchman,  when  writing  the  identical  story  of  Logan.  In  the  course  of 
his  investigations,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  furnished  with  a  note,  written  by  Logan,  and 
sent  to  a  white  settlement,  attached  to  o  war-club,  by  the  hand  of  an  Indian  runner. 
Heckewelder  also  says  the  speech  was  authenticated  by  Col.  Gibson,  and  adds  :— 
"For  my  part  I  am  convinced  that  it  was  delivered  precisely  as  it  was  related  to  us, 
with  this  only  difference,  that  it  possessed  a  force  and  expression  in  the  Indian  lan- 
guage, which  it  is  impossibh  to  translate  into  our  own." 


1 


III 


48 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1774. 


most  unfortunate  circumstance,  since  events  were  then  follow- 
ing in  rapid  succession,  which  within  a  twelvemonth  rendered 
the  friendship  of  the  nations  not  only  desirable,  but  an  object 
of  vast  importance. 

But  before  the  direct  narrative  leading  to  those  events  is  re- 
sumed, it  may  be  well  to  end  the  melancholy  tale  of  Logan, 
"  which  can  be  dismissed  witli  no  relief  to  its  gloomy  colours." 
After  the  peace  of  Chilicothe  he  sank  into  a  state  of  deep  mental 
depression,  declaring  that  lite  was  a  torment  to  him.  He  be- 
came in  some  measure  delirious  ;  *  went  to  Detroit,  and  there 
yielded  himself  to  habits  of  intoxication.  In  the  end  he  became 
a  victim  to  the  same  ferocious  cruelty  which  had  already  ren- 
dered him  a  desolate  man.  Not  long  after  the  treaty,  a  party 
of  whites  murdered  him  as  he  was  returning  from  Detroit  to 
his  own  country.! 


*  Allen's  Biog,  Die. 


t  Thatcher 


CHAPTER  III. 


Unyielding  course  of  the  paront  Government — ^Effcls  of  the  Ea^I  of  Chatham  una- 
vailing—Atldress  to  the  Crown  from  New- York — ^Leslie's  Expedition  toSalem— 
AflTuii'  of  Lexington — Unwise  movements  of  Tryon  County  loyalists — Reaction 
— Public  meetmgs — ^I'he  Sammons  family — Interference  of  the  Johnsons — 
Q.uarrel  at  Caughnawaga — Spirited  indications  at  Cherry  Valley — Counteracting 
efforts  ol  Iho  Johnsons  among  their  retainers — Intrigues  with  the  Indians — 
Massachusetts  attempts  the  snme — Correspondence  with  the  Stockbridge  Indians 
—Letter  to  Mr.  Kirklnnd— His  removal  by  Guy  Johnson — Neutrality  of  the 
Oneidas — Intercepted  despatch  from  Brant  to  the  Oneidas — Apprehensions  of 
Guy  Johnson — Corresponaence — Farther  precautions  of  the  Committees — Re- 
verence for  the  Laws — Letter  of  Guy  Johnson  to  the  Committees  of  Albany  and 
Schenectady — Substance  of  the  reply. 

The  pare,^  'P;Dvernment  did  not  relax  its  coercive  measures, 
notwithstandi  ;  heeffortsoftheEarlof  Chatham,  now  venera- 
ble for  his  years,  who,  after  a  long  retirement,  returned  once  moi  3 
into  public  life,  to  interpose  his  eloquence  and  the  influence  of 
his  great  name  in  behalf  of  the  Colonies.  His  lordship's  ad- 
dress to  the  King  for  the  removal  of  the  troops  from  Boston,, 
was  rejected  bjr  a  large  majority.  His  conciliatory  bill  was 
also  rejected.  On  the  26th  of  January,  Messrs.  Bolland, 
Franklin,  and  Lee,  the  Committee  from  the  Colonies,  charged 
with  presenting  the  petition  of  the  Continental  Congress  for  a 
redress  of  grievances,  brought  the  subject  before  the  House  of 
Commons,  and  after  an  angry  debate  they  refused  to  receive  it 
by  a  decisive  vote.  Meantime  bills  were  passed,  by  large  ma- 
jorities, restraining  all  the  thirteen  Colonies,  excepting  only 
New- York,  Delaware,  and  North  Carolina,  h'om  the  prosecu- 
tion of  any  foreign  commerce  other  than  with  Great  Britain 
and  her  dependencies.  The  Eastern  States  were  likewise  ex- 
cluded from  the  fisheries  of  Newfoundland.  But  notwith- 
standing that,  from  motives  of  policy.  New- York  had  been 
thus  excepted  from  the  restraining  law,  its  local  legislature  was 
at  the  same  time  engaged  in  preparing  a  memorial  to  the 
Crown  for  a  redress  of  grievances — a  fact  which  the  ministers 
soon  learned,  and  not  without  mortification.  The  New- York 
address  was  a  strong  denunciation  of  the  measures  of  the 
Government  toward  the  Colonies,  and  an  energetic  appeal  for 
redress.  "  We  feel,"  said  they,  "  the  most  ardent  desire  to  pro- 
mote a  cordial  reconciliation  with  the  parent  state,  which  con 

6 


j  i 


•m 


:     it:;  '1 


t! 


so 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1775. 


ii  111'     ■  ,  III 


!  111!   ■51^    ■ 


m 


be  rendered  permanent  and  solid  only  by  ascertaining  the  line 
of  Parliamentary  authority  and  American  freedom,  on  just, 
equitable,  and  constitutional  grounds.  *  *  *  From  the  year 
1683  till  the  close  of  the  late  war,  they  had  enjoyed  a  legisla- 
ture consistingof  threedistinct branches,  a  Governor,  Council,  and 
general  Assembly ;  under  which  political  frame  the  representa- 
tives had  uniformly  exercised  the  right  of  their  own  civil  go- 
vernment, and  the  administration  of  justice  in  the  Colony.  It 
is,  therefore,  with  inexpressible  grief  that  we  have  of  late 
years  seen  measures  adopted  by  the  British  Parliament,  subver- 
sive of  that  constitution  under  which  the  good  people  of  this 
Colony  have  always  enjoyed  the  same  rights  and  privileges,  so 
highly  and  deservedly  prized  by  their  fellow-subjects  of  Great 
Britain."  Adverting  to  the  essential  privilege  of  trial  by  a 
jury  of  the  vicinage,  they  "  view  with  horror  the  construction 
of  the  statute  of  the  35th  of  Henry  the  VIII.  as  held  up  by  the 
joint  address  of  both  houses  of  Parliament  in  1769,  advising 
his  Majesty  to  send  for  persons  guilty  of  treasons  and  mispri- 
sions of  treasons,  in  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  order 
to  be  tried  in  England  ;"  and  they  "  are  equally  alarmed  at  the 
late  acts,  empowering  his  Majesty  to  send  persons  guilty  of 
offences  in  one  colony,  to  be  tried  in  another  or  within  the 
realm  of  England."  They  complain  of  the  act  of  7th  of 
George  the  III.  requiring  the  legislature  of  this  Colony  to  make 
provision  for  the  expense  of  the  troops  quartered  among  them ; 
of  the  act  suspending  their  legislative  powers  till  they  should  have 
complied ;  and  of  the  duebec  act ;  considering  themselves  as 
interested  in  whatever  may  aflfect  their  sister  Colonies ;  they  can- 
not help  feeling  for  the  distresses  of  their  brethren  in  Massa- 
chusetts, from  the  operation  of  the  several  acts  of  Parliament 
passed  relative  to  that  province,  and  earnestly  remonstrating  in 
their  behalf.  "  We  clai  m,"  said  they,  "  but  a  restoration  of  those 
rights  which  we  enjoyed  by  general  consent  before  the  close  of 
the  last  war  ;  we  desire  no  more  than  a  continuation  of  that 
ancient  government  to  which  we  are  entitled  by  the  principles 
of  the  British  constitution,  and  by  which  alone  can  be  secured 
to  us  the  rights  of  Englishmen."  The  address  was  presented 
to  the  House  of  Commons  by  Mr.  Burke,  but  was  never  called  up.* 


*  Holmes's  Annal*. 


1776.] 


AFFAIR  OF   LEXINGTON. 


61 


A  new  Provincial  Congress  was  assembled  in  Massachusetts 
in  February,  which,  anticipating  that  the  parent  Government 
was  preparing  to  strike  the  first  blow  at  that  Colony,  adopted 
farther  means  of  precaution  and  defence — but  with  great  wis- 
dom avoiding  any  thing  like  an  overt  act  of  resistance.  Hos- 
tilities had  well  nigh  b»ien  commenced  on  the  26th  of  Februa- 
ry, between  Salem  and  Danvers,  by  the  opposition  of  Colonel 
Timothy  Pickering  and  others,  to  Colonel  Leslie,  who  had  been 
sent  to  Salem  by  General  Gage,  to  seize  some  military  stores, 
which  he  had  been  informed  were  collecting  at  the  former 
place.  The  interposition  of  Mr.  Barnard,  the  minister  of  Sa- 
lem, prevented  the  effusion  of  blood,  and  Leslie  returned  to 
Boston  from  a  bootless  errand. 

The  ill-starred  expedition,  by  the  direction  of  General  Gage, 
to  Concord,  and  the  battle  of  Lexington  on  the  19th  of  April, 
gave  the  signal  of  a  general  rush  to  arms  throughout  most  of  the 
Colonies.  True,  it  was  not  admitted  to  be  a  formal  commence- 
ment of  hostilities,  and  the  Provincial  (congress  of  Massachu- 
setts despatched  an  account  of  that  affair  to  Great  Britain,  with 
depositions,  establishing  the  fact  indisputably,  that  both  at 
Concord  and  Lexington  the  firing  had  been  commenced  by 
the  King's  troops — Major  Pitcairn  himself  discharging  the  first 
shot,  at  the  formv  r  place.  But  although  this  message  was  ac- 
companied by  an  address  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain  with 
continued  professic  iS  of  loyalty,  yet  those  professions  were 
sent,  hand  in  hand,  with  a  declaration  that  they  wpuld  "  not 
tamely  submit  to  the  persecution  and  tyranny  "  of  the  existing 
ministry,  and  with  an  appeal  to  heaven  for  the  justice  of  a  cause 
in  which  they  were  determined  to  die  or  conquer.  It  was  very 
evident,  therefore,  that  reconciliation  was  out  of  the  question, 
and  that  a  trial  of  arms  was  near  at  hand.  Of  course  the  ex- 
asperation of  the  public  mind  was  now  at  its  height,  and  those 
who  had  not  taken  sides  could  no  longer  stand  neutral. 

It  was  at  this  moment,  just  as  the  Continental  Congress  was 
about  to  reassemble,  and  just  as  the  exciting  intelligence  was 
received  from  Boston,  that,  most  unwisely  for  themselves,  the 
influential  loyalists  of  Tryon  County  undertook  to  make  a 
demonstration  against  the  proceedings  of  the  Congress  of  the 
preceding  Autunm.    A  declaration  in  opposition  to  those  pro- 


1  \h. 


'k 


I 


-U::^A 


"  'lit:     < 

c'   '    ii  g  i'        ■■SS 


■^     IS 


••"**-,  i'^'-.m'*^^"*' 


lift' 


IH^t 


iiiiiilN': 


LIFE    OF   BRANT. 


[1775. 


ceedings  was  drawn  up,  and  advantage  taken  of  the  gathering 
of  the  people  at  a  Court  holden  in  Johnstown,  to  obtain  signa- 
tures. The  discussions  ran  higli  upon  the  subject,  but  the 
movers  in  the  affair  succeeded  in  obtaining  the  names  of  a 
majority  of  the  Grand  Jurors,  and  the  greater  portion  of  the 
magistracy  of  the  County. 

The  Whigs  in  attendance  at  the  Court  were  indignant  ut 
this  proceedure,  and  on  returning  to  their  respective  lionif^s, 
communicated  their  feelings  to  those  of  tlieir  neighbors  who 
had  embraced  kindred  principles.  Pub!  ic  meetings  were  called, 
and  committees  appointed  in  every  district,  and  sub-committees 
in  almost  every  hamlet  in  the  County.*  The  first  of  these 
public  meetings  was  held  at  the  luuse  of  John  Vc  !(]er  in 
Caughnawaga.  It  was  attended  l)y  about  three  hiih  '.:cd  peo- 
ple, wiio  assembled,  unarmed,  for  the  purpose  of  del.  .erution, 
and  also  to  erect  a  liberty-pole — the  most  halelul  object  of  that 
day  in  the  eyes  of  the  loyalists.  Among  the  leaders  of  the 
Whigs  on  that  occasion,  were  Sampson  Sammoivs,  an  opulent 
farmer  residing  in  the  neighbourhood,  and  two  ot  his  sons, 
Jacob  and  Fuhukkick.  Before  they  had  accomplished  their 
purpose  of  raising  the  emblem  of  rebellion,  the  proceedings 
wen  interrupted  by  the  orr'  n'  of  Sir  John  Johnson,  accompa- 
nied by  his  brolhersia-kW;  '"ilonels  Claus  and  Guy  Johnson, 
together  with  Colonel  John  Duller,  and  a  large  number  of  their 
retainers,  armed  with  swords  and  pistols.  Guy  Johnson  mount- 
ed a  high  stoop  and  harangued  the  people  at  length,  and  with 

♦  The  County  of  Tiyon  then  inchuleu  all  the  CoIoniiJ  settlements  West  and 
South-west  of  Schenectady.  It  was  taken  from  Albany  County  in  177ii,  and  named 
in  honour  of  William  Tryon,  then  Governor  of  the  Province.  In  1781  the  name 
was  cliangod  to  Montgomery.  When  formed,  it  embraced  all  that  part  of  the 
State  lying  West  of  a  line  running  North  and  Si.uth,  nearly  through  the  centre  of 
the  present  County  of  Schoharie.  It  w  is  divided  into  five  districts,  which  were 
again  suiidividcd  into  smaller  districts  or  precincts.  Tlio  first,  beginning  at  the 
East,  was  the  Mohawk  district,  embracing  Fort  Huiiter,  Caughnawaga,  Johnp'-^wn, 
and  Kingsborough.  Canajoharic  district,  embracing  tho  preseiit  town  of  that 
name,  with  sill  tho  country  South,  including  Cherry  Valley  and  Ilarpersficld,  Pala- 
tine district  No  h  of  tho  river,  and  including  the  country  known  by  tho  same  name, 
•vith  StoiTj  Arabia,  &c.,  and  German  Flatts  and  Kingsland  Districts,  being  then 
i'fto  moat  Western  settlements,  and  the  fortner  now  known  by  tho  same  name.  The 
cijunly  buildings  were  at  Jolinstown,  where,  as  before  mentioned,  was  the  residenr  , 
:i  Sir  William  Johnson.-~Campbell'3  JJnnah. 


f> 


^\f    -tile 


.•mwf^' 


[1776. 

gathering 
iiin  sign-'  - 
,  but  the 
imes  of  a 
on  of  the 

lignant  ut 
TO  honit's, 
ibors  who 
rere  called, 
lonnnittees 
.t  of  these 
Vc.uler    in 
ui'.ied  peo- 
Blihcration, 
ject  of  that 
lers  of  the 
an  opulent 
if  his  sons, 
lished  their 
)rocecdings 
ij  acconipa- 
y  Johnson, 
her  of  their 
son  mount- 
1,  and  with 

nts  West  and 
l'75j,  and  named 
1784  the  name 
at  part  of  tlie 
;h  the  centre  of 
8,  which  were 
ginning  at  the 
ga,  Johny'-^wn. 
town  of  that 
jersficld,  Pala- 
Iha  same  name, 
cts,  being  then 
ne  name.    Thfi 
giB  the  reBidon», . 


1775.] 


MEETINGS   OP   THE    PEOPLE. 


53 


great  vehemence.  He  dwelt  upon  the  strength  and  power  of 
the  King,  and  attempted  to  show  the  folly  of  opposing  his  offi- 
cers or  revolting  against  the  authority  of  his  crown.  A  single 
ship,  he  said,  would  be  sufficient  to  capture  all  the  navy  which 
could  be  set  afloat  by  the  Colonies ;  while  on  the  frontiers,  the 
Indians  were  under  his  Majesty's  control,  and  his  arms  were 
sustained  by  a  chain  of  fortified  posts,  extending  from  the  Gulf 
of  the  St.  Lawrence  to  the  Mississippi.  He  was  very  virulent 
ill  his  language  toward  the  disaffected,  causing  their  blood  to 
boil  with  indignation.  But  they  were  unarmed,  and  for  the 
m».'=!t  part  unprepared,  if  not  indisposed,  to  proceed  to  any  act 
of  violence.  The  orator  at  length  became  so  abusive,  that 
Jacob  Sammons,  no  longer  able  to  restrain  himself,  imprudently 
interrupted  his  discourse  by  pronouncing  him  a  liar  and  a  vil- 
hiiti.  Johnson  thereupon  seized  Sanimons  by  the  throat,  and 
called  him  a  d — d  villain  in  return.  A  scnfile  ensued  between 
them,  during  which  Sainmons  was  struck  down  with  a  loaded 
whip.  On  recovering  from  the  momentary  stupor  of  the  blow, 
Sammons  >  .nd  one  of  Johnson's  servants  sitting  astride  of  his 
body.  A  well-directed  blow  relieved  iiim  of  that  incumbrance, 
and,  springing  upon  his  feet,  he  threw  off  his  coat  and  prepared 
for  light.  Two  pistols  were  immediately  presented  to  his 
lireast,  but  nof  discharged,  as  Sammons  was  again  knocked 
down  by  the  clubs  of  the  loyalists,  and  severely  beaten.  On 
recovering  his  feet  once  more,  he  perceived  that  his  Wliicj 
friends  had  all  decamped,  with  the  exception  of  the  families  of 
the  Fondas,  Veeders,  and  Visschers.*  The  loyalists  also  drew 
off,  and  Jacob  Sammons  returned  to  his  father's  house,  bearing 
upon  his  body  the  first  scars  of  the  Revolutionary  contest  in  the 
County  of  Tryon. 

One  of  the  largest  and  most  spirited  of  these  meetings  took 
place  in  Cherry  Valley.  It  was  held  in  the  church,  and  the 
people  entered  into  the  subject  with  so  much  enthusiasm,  that 
iiioy  took  their  children  to  the  assembly,  that  they  might  im- 
bibe lessons  of  patriotism,  as  it  were  at  the  altar — thus  hallow- 
ing the  cai  "    :n  whim  they  were  about  to  engage,  with  tlie 


*  Narru*!""?!  oi  .laca»»nndT'rederick  Sammons,  furnished  fcthe  author ;  repeatwl 
relerencei!  in  both  ot  ■  ~ach  will  be  made  hereafter. 


4  ml' 


mm 

'iM'vt' 


M 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1776. 


impressive  sanctions  of  religion.  The  orator  of  the  occasion 
was  an  Indian  interpreter  by  the  name  of  Thomas  Spencer ; 
he  was  rude  of  speech,  but  forcible ;  and,  warming  with  his 
theme,  spoke  with  such  power  and  effect,  that  the  story  of  his 
eloquence  yet  lives  in  the  annals  of  tradition.*  The  result  of 
this  meeting  was  the  adoption  of  a  strong  counter-declaration, 
condemning  the  proceedings  of  the  loyalists  at  Johnstown,  and 
approving,  in  the  most  unequivocal  and  solemn  terms,  of  the 
proceedings  of  the  Continental  Congress. 

These  proceedings  took  place  early  in  May.  But  from  a  letter 
addressed  to  the  Committee  of  Safety  of  Albany,  by  the  Commit- 
tee of  the  Palatine  district,  on  the  18th  of  that  month,  it  appears 
that  the  Johnsons  and  their  powerful  confederates  in  the  Mo- 
hawk district  succeeded,  by  threats,  intimidation,  and  an  array 
of  military  strength,  in  preventing  the  adoption  of  a  correspond- 
ing declaration  by  the  Whigs.  "  This  County,"  says  the  Pa- 
latine Committee,  "  has  foi  a  series  of  years  been  ruled  by  one 
"  family,  the  several  branches  of  which  are  still  strenuous  in 
"  dissuading  the  people  from  coming  into  Congressional  mea- 
"  snres,  and  have  even,  last  week,  at  a  numerous  meeting  of 
"  the  Mohawk  district,  appeared  with  all  their  dependents  armed 
"  to  jf'pose  the  people  considering  of  their  grievances :  their 
"  number  being  so  large,  and  the  people  unarmed,  struck  terror 
"  into  most  of  tliem,  and  they  dispersed."  The  Committee  far- 
ther notified  their  friends  in  Albany,  that  Sir  John  Johnson 
•«ras  fortifying  the  Baronial  Hall,  by  planting  several  swivels 
around  it ;  and  he  had  paraded  parts  of  the  regiment  of  militia 
wliiirb  he  commanded,  on  the  day  previous,  for  the  purpose 
o^  mti.  nidation,  as  it  was  conjectured.  It  was  likewise  reported 
that  the  Scotch  Highlanders,  settled  in  large  numbers  in  and 
about  Jchnstown,  who  were  Roman  Catholics,  had  armed 
themselves  to  the  number  of  one  hundred  and  fifty,  ready  to 
aid  in  the  suppression  of  any  popular  outbreaks  in  favor  of 
the  growiig  cause  of  Liberty. 

Strong  suspicions  were  early  entertained  that  the  Johnsons, 
Butlers,  and  Colonel  Claus,  were  endeavouring  to  alienate  the 
good- will  of  the  Indians  from  the  Colonists,  and  prepare  them, 
in  the  event  of  open  hostilities,  to  take  up  the  hatchet  against 


*  And  also  in  Canopbell's  AnnalB 


1775.] 


INTRIGUES    WITH   THE    INDIANS. 


55 


them.  Thayendanegea,  alias  Joseph  Brant,  as  heretofore  men- 
tioned, was  now  the  secretary  of  Colonel  Guy  Johnson,  the 
superintendent,  and  his  activity  was  ceaseless.  Notwithstand- 
ing his  former  friendship  for  Mr.  Kirkland,  the  faithful  mis- 
sionary to  the  Oneidas,  Thayendanegea  was  apprehensive  that 
his  influence  would  be  exerted  to  alienate  the  Indians  from  the 
interests  of  the  Crown,  and  attach  them  to  those  of  the  Colo- 
nists. The  wily  chief  accordingly  attempted  to  obtain  the  re- 
moval of  Mr.  Kirkland  from  his  station  ;  and  at  his  instigation 
a  dissolute  sachem  of  the  Oneidas  preferred  charges  against  the 
minister  to  Guy  Johnson,  the  superintendent.  A  correspon- 
dence took  place  between  Johnson  and  Mr.  Kirkland  upon  the 
subject,  in  which  the  latter  sustained  himself  with  force  and 
dignity.  The  Oneida  nation,  moreover,  rallied  to  his  support, 
almost  to  a  man  ;  so  thf  *^^  the  superintendent  was  obliged,  for 
the  time  being,  to  relinquish  the  idea  of  his  forcible  removal.* 

Justice,  however,  both  to  Brant  and  Guy  Johnson,  requires  it 
to  be  stated  that  the  vigilant  eyes  of  the  Bostonians  had  already 
been  directed  to  the  importance  of  securing  an  interest  among 
the  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations,  in  anticipation  of  whatever 
events  were  to  happen.  To  this  end  a  correspondence  was  open- 
ed through  Mr.  Kirkland,  even  with  the  Mohawks,  by  the  Pro- 
vincial Congress  of  Massachusetts,  before  the  affiiir  of  Lexington 
and  Concord.t  The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  letter  addressed 
to  the  missionary  by  the  Provincial  Congress  : — 

To  THE  Rev.  Samuel  Kirkland. 

"  Concord,  April  ith,  1775. 
"Sir, 
"  The  Provincial  Congress  have  thought  it  necessary  to  ad- 
dress the  sachem  of  the  Mohawk  tribe,  with  the  rest  of  the  Six 
Nations,  upon  the  subject  of  the  contro^/^ersy  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  American  Colonies.  We  are  induced  to  take 
this  measure,  as  we  heeve  been  informed  that  those  who  are 
inimical  to  us  in  Canada  have  been  tampering  with  those  na- 
tions, and  endeavouring  to  attach  them  to  the  interest  of  those 
who  are  attempting  to  deprive  us  of  our  inestimable  rights  and 

*  The  correspondence  referred  to  in  this  passage  was  discorered  by  the  author 
among  the  unpublished  papers  of  Mr.  Kirkland — obligingly  loaned  for  his  use  bv 
President  Kirkland  of  Boston. 

t  Sparks'a  Life  and  Cor.  of  Wubington,  vol.  iii.  Appendix. 


■i  ■!.       ■'       I.       1,1    ,i: 


In 


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56 


LIFE   OP   PRANT. 


[1776. 


I '  .11 


privileges,  and  to  subjugate  the  Colonies  to  arbitrary  power 
From  a  confidence  in  your  attachment  to  the  cause  of  liberty 
and  your  country,  we  now  transmit  to  you  the  enclosed  address, 
and  desire  you  will  deliver  it  to  the  sachem  of  the  Mohawk 
tribe,  to  be  communicated  to  the  rest  of  the  Six  Nations ;  and 
that  you  will  use  your  influence  with  them  to  join  with  us  in 
the  defence  of  our  rights  ;  but  if  you  cannot  prevail  with  them 
to  take  an  active  part  in  this  glorious  cause,  that  you  will  at 
least  engage  them  to  stand  neuter,  and  not  by  any  means  to 
aid  and  assist  our  enemies :  and  as  we  are  at  a  loss  for  the 
name  of  the  sachem  of  the  Mohawk  tribe,  we  have  left  it  to  you 
to  direct  the  address  to  him,  in  such  way  as  you  may  think  pro- 
per." 

There  were  at  that  time  dwelling  at  Stockbridge,  in  the 
western  part  of  Massachusetts,  a  remnant  of  the  Mohickanders, 
or  "  River  Indians "  as  they  were  usually  called  during  the 
greater  portion  of  the  last  century,  but  latterly  Stockbridge  In- 
dians, from  their  locality.  These  Indians  were  the  remains  oi 
the  Muhliekaneew*  of  the  Hudson  river,  at  the  time  of  the  dis- 
covery. They  came  originally,  according  to  their  own  tradi- 
tions, from  the  far  West  —even  beyond  the  great  lakes.  That 
such  was  their  original  location  is  supported  by  the  fact,  that 
their  language  was  radically  different  from  that  of  the  Narra- 
gansetts  and  New  England  Indians  generally,  and  also  from 
the  language  of  the  Five  Nations.  Its  affinities  were  allied  to 
the  Shawancse  and  Chippewa,  affording  farther  evidence  that 
they  had  emigrated  from  the  West,  crossing  the  country  of  the 
Delawares,  and  establishing  themselves  on  the  banks  of  the  Hud- 
son, or  Mohickannittuck  as  the  North  River  was  called.  They 
were  a  powerful  tribe  at  the  time  of  the  discovery,  numbering 
a  thousand  warriors,  and  inhabiting  the  country  between  the 


*  This  is  the  orthography  of  Dr.  Edwards,  who  was  long  a  missionary  among 
them  at  Stockbridge.  Huckcwclder  says  their  proper  name  was  Mahicanni.  It  is 
one  of  the  most  difficult  things  in  the  world  to  arrive  at  any  thing  like  system  or 
certainty  in  regard  to  Indian  names  of  persons,  places,  or  things.  For  .nstance, 
the  author  has  papers  before  him  at  the  time  of  writing,  in  which  the  River  Indians 
are  called  Molieagans,  Monrigans,  or  Mahingans,  (French,)  Mahickanders,  (Dutch,) 
Mohicemis,  (English,)  Mohuccans,  Mahickinders,  Schaticooks,  Wabingas,  Muhhtak- 
wmuks,  and  the  Moheakounueks ;  indeed,  it  has  been  the  practice  of  writers  of  dif- 
ferent, and  of  even  the  same  nations,  to  spell  more  by  the  ear  than  by  rule,  until  our 
Indian  names  have  beon  involved  in  almost  inextricable  confusiori. 


1775.] 


THE    RIVER   INDIANS. 


67 


Upper  Delaware  and  the  Hudson,  together  with  portions  of 
territory  now  included  in  Massachusetts  and  Vermont.  They 
dwelt  mostly  in  little  towns  and  villages,  their  chief  scat  being 
the  site  of  the  present  city  of  Albany — called  by  them  Pempo- 
towwuthut-MuhhecanncuW, or  the  Fire-placeof  the  Nation.  Be- 
coming fuehle  and  dispersed  as  the  whiti;  population  increased 
around  and  among  them— although  their  numbers  had  been 
partially  rccniited  by  refugees  from  the  NarragansL-tts  and 
Pequods,  on  the  conquest  of  those  nations — the  Muhhekaneew 
were  collected  together  at  Stockbridge,  in  1  /36,  under  the  care 
of  the  Rev.  John  Sergeant,  who,  and  his  son  aftor  him,  were 
long  the  spiritual  guidos  of  the  tribe.  They  were  ever  faithful 
to  the  Engliah,  having  been  actively  employed  by  General 
Shirley  to  range  the  country  between  Lake  George  and  Mon- 
treal, during  the  French  war  ending  in  the  conquest  of  Ca- 
nada.* 

*  Brown,  in  his  pamphlet.  History  of  Schoharie,  gives  a  sin<;ular  traditioi.  • ;  re- 
gard to  the  kiii28of  lliu  Mohawks,  of  wliicli  I  hiivc  found  no  oilier  montion.  The 
Mohawks  and  River  Indians  were  once  bitter  cneniits,  the  former  becoming  the 
scoiiriie  and  terror  of  the  latter.  Brown  states  that  the  last  battle  between  the  Mo- 
hegans  and  Mohawks  took  place  on  Wanton  Island,  in  the  Hudson  River,  not  far 
from  Catskill.  The  question  between  them  was,  which  should  have  the  honour  of 
naming  thnir  king,  or  wliich  should  have  the  preference  in  the  kingly  honours.  Both 
nations  collected  their  utmost  strength  upon  that  island,  for  the  purpose  of  a  final 
decision,  and  fought  a  pitched  battle,  which  continued  during  the  whole  day.  To- 
ward night  the  Mohawks,  finding  that  the  Mohcgans  were  likely  to  prove  an  over- 
match for  them,  deemed  it  necessary  to  resort  to  stratagem,  for  which  purpose  they 
suddenly  took  to  flight,  and  gained  another  island  in  the  evening.  They  here 
kindled  a  great  number  of  fires,  and  spread  their  blankets  on  some  bushes,  gathered 
and  disposed  around  them  for  that  purpose,  as  though  they  themselves  had  encamped 
by  their  fires  as  usual.  The  Mohegans  following  on,  landed  upon  the  island  in  the 
depth  of  night,  and  were  completely  taken  in  by  the  deception.  Supposing  that  the 
Mohawks  were  sleeping  soundly  beneath  their  blankets,  after  their  fatigue,  the  Mo- 
hegans  crept  up  with  the  greatest  silence,  and  pouring  a  heavy  fire  upon  tlie  blank- 
ets, rushed  upon  them  with  knives  and  tomahawks  in  hand,  making  the  air  to  ring 
with  their  yells  as  they  full  to  cutting  and  slashing  the  blankets  and  bushes  instead 
of  Indians  beneath  them.  Just  at  the  moment  of  their  greatest  confusion  and  exul- 
tation, the  Mohawks,  who  had  been  lying  in  ambush  flat  upon  the  ground  at  a  little 
distance,  poured  a  murderous  fire  upon  their  foes,  who=e  figures  were  rendered  dis- 
tinctly visible  by  the  light  of  their  fires,  and  rushing  impetuously  upon  them,  killed 
the  greater  part  and  made  prisoners  of  the  residue.  A  treaty  was  then  concluded, 
by  which  the  Mohawks  were  to  have  the  king,  and  the  Mohegans  were  to  hold  them 
in  reverence,  and  call  them  "Uncle."  Ilendrick  was  the  king  first  named  such  by 
the  Mohawks,  after  this  decisive  victory,  "  who  lived  to  a  great  age,"  wys  Brown, 
"  and  was  killed  at  the  battle  of  Lake  George  under  Sir  William  Johnson." — Author, 


58 


LIFE   OF   BRAMT. 


[1775. 


The  relations  of  the  Stockbridge  Indians  with  the  Oneidas 
had  become  intimate,  and  it  is  very  possible  that  the  negotiations 
had  even  then  commenced  between  the  two  tribes,  which  a  fe'  ; 
years  afterward  resulted  in  the  removal  of  the  Stockbridge  In 
dians  to  the  Oneida.  Be  that,  however,  as  it  may,  when  the 
troubles  began  to  thicken,  the  Provincial  Congress  of  Massa- 
chusetts sent  a  message  to  the  Stockbridge  Indians,  apprising 
them  of  the  gathering  tempest,  and  expressing  a  desire  to  culti- 
vate a  good  understanding  between  them.  The  Indians,  in 
return,  dispatched  Captain  Solomon  Ahhaunnauwaumut,  their 
chief  sachem,  to  the  Congress,  to  make  a  reply,  and  on  the  11th 
of  April  he  delivered  the  following  speech : 

"  Brothers  :  We  have  heard  you  speak  by  your  letter — we 
thank  you  for  it — we  now  make  answer. 

"  Brothers  :  You  remember  when  you  first  camo  over  the 
groat  waters,  I  was  great  and  yr>n  was  little,  very  small.  I  then 
took  you  in  for  a  friend,  and  kept  you  under  my  arms,  so  that 
no  one  might  injure  you  ;  since  that  time  we  have  ever  been  true 
friends ;  there  has  never  been  any  quarrel  between  us.  But 
now  our  conditions  are  changed.  You  are  become  great  and 
tall.  You  reach  to  the  clouds.  You  are  seen  all  around  the 
world,  and  I  am  become  small,  very  little.  I  am  not  so  high 
as  your  heel.  Now  you  take  care  of  me.  and  I  look  to  you  for 
protection. 

"Brothers:  I  am  sorry  to  hear  of  this  great  quarrel  be- 
tween you  and  Old  England.  Tt  appears  that  blood  must  soon 
be  shed  to  end  this  quarrel.  We  never  till  this  day  understood 
the  foundation  of  this  quarrel  between  you  and  the  country 
you  came  from. 

"  Brothers  :  Whenever  I  see  your  blood  running,  you  will 
soon  find  me  about  to  revenge  my  brother's  blood.  Although 
I  am  low  and  very  small,  I  will  gripe  hold  of  your  enemy's 
heel,  that  he  cannot  run  so  fast,  and  so  light,  as  if  he  had  no- 
thing at  his  heels. 

"  Brothers  :  Y  >\i  know  I  am  not  so  wise  as  you  are,  there- 
fore I  ask  your  advice  in  what  I  am  now  going  to  say.  I  have 
been  thinking,  before  you  come  to  action,  to  take  a  run  to  the 
westward,  and  feel  the  mind  of  my  Indian  brethren,  the  Six 
Nations,  and  know  how  they  stand — whether  they  are  on  your 


1776.] 


STOCKBHIDGE    AND   ONKIDAS. 


69 


etter — we 


side  or  for  your  enemies.  If  I  find  they  are  against  you,  1 
will  try  to  turn  their  minds.  I  think  they  will  listen  to  me,  for 
they  have  always  looked  this  way  for  advice,  concerning  all 
important  jiows  that  comes  from  the  rising  of  the  sun.  If  they 
hearken  to  me,  you  will  not  bi  afraid  of  any  danger  beliind 
you.  However  their  minds  are  affected,  you  shall  soon  know 
by  me.  Now  I  think  I  can  do  you  more  service  n  this  way 
than  by  marching  off  immediately  to  Boston,  and  staying  there  ; 
it  may  be  a  great  while  before  blood  runs.*  Now,  as  I  said,  you 
are  wiser  than  I ;  I  leave  thi.  for  your  consideration,  whether  I 
come  down  immediately  or  wait  till  I  hear  some  blood  is  spilled. 

"Brothers:  I  would  not  have  you  think  by  this  that  we 
are  fulling  back  from  our  engagements.  We  are  ready  to  do 
any  thing  for  your  relief,  and  shall  be  guided  by  your  counsel. 

"  Brothers  :  One  thing  I  ask  of  you,  if  you  send  for  me 
to  figlit,  that  you  will  let  me  fight  in  my  own  Indian  way.  I 
am  not  used  to  fight  English  fashion,  tiierefore  you  must  not 
expect  I  can  train  like  your  men.  Only  point  out  to  me  where 
your  enemies  keep,  and  that  is  all  I  shall  want  to  know." 

Two  days  aflerward  the  Congress  directed  the  following  re- 
ply to  be  made  to  the  Moheakounnuck  tribe,  through  their 
chieftain : 

"  Brothers  :  We  this  day,  by  the  delegate  from  Stock- 
bridge,  first  heard  of  your  friendly  answer  to  our  speech  to  you 
by  Captain  William  Goodrich,  which  answer  we  are  told  you 
made  to  us  immediately  by  a  letter,  which  we  have  not  yet  re 
ceived.    We  now  reply  : 

"Brothers  :  You  say  that  you  were  once  great,  but  that 
you  are  now  little  ;  and  that  we  were  once  little  and  are  now 
great.  The  Supreme  Spirit  orders  these  things.  Whether  we 
are  little  or  great,  let  us  keep  the  path  of  friendship  clear,  which 
our  fathers  made,  and  in  which  we  have  both  travelled  to  this 
time.  The  firiends  of  the  wicked  counsellors  of  our  King  fell 
upon  us,  and  shed  some  blood  soon  after  we  spake  to  you  last 
by  letter.    But  we,  with  a  small  twig,  killed  so  many,  and 


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*  A  company  of  minute-men,  composed  of  the  Stockbridge  Indians,  was  organ- 
ized by  tiie  Massachusetts  Congress  before  the  battle  of  Lexington.  They  were 
letained  in  service  some  time  after  the  war  began,  and  came  down  and  jdned  the 
camp  at  Cambridge. — Sjmrks. 


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60 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1775. 


frightened  them  so  much,  that  they  have  shut  themselves  up  in 
our  great  town,  called  Boston,  which  they  have  made  strong. 
We  have  now  made  our  hatchets,  and  all  our  instruments  of 
war,  sharp  and  bright.  All  the  chief  counsellors,  who  live  on 
this  side  the  great  water,  are  sitting  in  the  grand  Council 
House  in  Philadelphia ;  when  they  give  the  word,  we  shall  all 
as  one  man,  fall  on,  and  drive  our  enemies  out  of  their  strong 
fort,  and  follow  them  till  they  shall  take  their  hands  out  of  our 
pouches,  and  let  us  sit  in  our  council-house,  as  we  used  to  do, 
and  as  our  fathers  did  in  old  times. 

"Brothers:  Though  you  are  small,  yet  you  are  wise. 
Use  your  wisdom  to  help  us.  If  you  think  it  best,  go  and 
smoke  your  pipe  with  your  Indian  brothers  toward  the  setting 
of  the  sun,  and  tell  them  of  all  you  hear  and  all  you  see  ;  and 
let  us  know  what  their  wise  men  say.  If  some  of  your  young 
men  should  have  a  mind  to  see  what  we  are  doing,  let  them 
come  down  and  tarry  among  our  warriors.  We  will  provide 
for  them  while  they  are  here. 

"  Brothers  :  When  you  have  any  trouble,  come  and  tell  it 
to  us,  and  we  will  help  you." 

"  To  Captain  Solomon  Ahhaunnauioaumut,  chief  Sachem  of 
the  Moheakounnuck  Indians." 

These  documents  have  been  thus  incidentally  introduced, 
not  only  as  being  connected  with  the  main  history,  and  also  as 
being  interesting  in  themselves,  but  in  justice  to  Guy  Johnson ; 
since,  in  regard  to  his  own  measures  of  defensive  preparation, 
he  s  ntitled  to  the  benefit  of  all  the  facts,  going  to  warrant  his 
suspicions  that  an  extraneous  influence  was  exerting  over  the 
subjects  of  his  general  superintendency ;  and  it  can  hardly  be 
supposed  that  he  was  kept  altogether  in  ignorance,  either  of 
the  correspondence  with  Mr.  Kirkland  or  of  that  with  the  Stock- 
bridge  Indians,  through  whom,  probably,  the  Bostonianr  were 
at  the  same  time  holding  intercourse  with  the  Six  Nations. 
These  circumstances  could  not  but  awaken  a  lively  jealousy,  in 
regard  to  the  movements  of  the  white  people  among  the  In- 
dians under  his  charge,  and  especially  in  regard  to  Mr.  Kirk- 
land. Accordingly,  although  in  the  month  of  February  the 
superintendent  had  not  been  able  to  effect  the  removal  of  Mr. 
Kirkland  from  his  station  among  the  Oneidas,  he  nevertheless 


1775.] 


STOCKBRIDGE   AND   ONEIDAS. 


u 


accomplished  that  object  in  the  course  of  the  Spring,  as  appears 
by  a  letter  from  the  missionary  himself,  addressed  from  Cherry 
Valley  to  the  Albany  Committee : 

Mr.  Kirkland  to  the  Committee  op  x^lbany. 

"  Cherry  Valleij,  Jan.  9,  1775. 
"  'Gentlemen, 

"  I  am  much  embarrassed  at  present.  You  have  doubtless 
heard  that  Colonel  Johnson  has  orders  from  Government  to 
remove  the  dissenting  missionaries  from  the  Six  Nations,  till 
the  difliculties  between  Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies  arc  set 
tied ;  in  consequence  of  which  he  has  forbidden  my  return  lo 
my  people  at  Oneida.  He  has  since  given  encouragement  that 
I  may  revisit  them  after  the  Congress  is  closed  ;  but  to  be  plain, 
I  have  no  dependence  at  all  on  his  promises  of  this  kind.  He 
appears  unreasonably  jealous  of  me,  and  has  forbidden  my 
speaking  a  word  to  the  Indians,  and  threatened  me  with  con- 
finement if  1  transgress.  All  he  has  against  me  I  suppose  to 
be  a  suspicion  that  I  have  interpreted  to  the  Imiians  the  doing^ 
of  the  Continental  Congress,  which  has  undeceived  them,  and 
too  much  opened  their  eyes  for  Colonel  Johnson's  purposes.  I 
confess  to  you,  gentlemen,  that  I  have  been  guilty  of  this,  if  it 
be  a  transgression.  The  Indians  found  out  that  I  had  received 
the  abstracts  of  said  Congress,  and  insisted  upon  knowing  the 
contents.  I  could  not  deny  them,  notwithstanding  my  cloth, 
though  in  all  other  respects  I  have  been  extremely  cautious  not 
to  meddle  in  matters  of  a  political  nature.  I  apprehend  that 
my  interpreting  the  doings  of  the  Congress  to  a  number  of 
their  sachems,  has  done  more  real  good  to  the  cause  of  the 
country,  or  the  cause  of  truth  and  justice,  than  five  hundred 
pounds  in  presents  would  have  effected." 

Mr.  Kirkland  no  doubt  spoke  the  honest  truth  in  this  letter. 
His  influence  was  great  among  the  Oneidas,  and  deservedly  so. 
Hence,  had  he  undertaken  the  task,  he  might,  beyond  all 
doubt,  and  easily,  have  persuaded  the  Indians  of  his  forest- 
charge  to  espouse  the  cause  of  the  Colonies.  But  he  did  no 
such  thing ;  or,  at  least,  he  avoided  the  exertion  of  any  farther 
influence  than  to  persuade  them  to  the  adoption  of  a  neutral 
policy.  This  determination,  probably,  was  an  act  of  theif 
own  volition,  after  lii^tening  to  the  interpretation  of  the  pro- 


u 


n.' 


tnj 


6d 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1776. 


ceedings  of  Congress.  It  was  made  known  to  the  people  of 
New  England  by  the  following  address,  transmitted  by  the 
Oneidas  to  Governor  Trumbull,  of  Connecticut,  with  a  request 
that  he  would  cause  it  to  be  communicated  to  the  four  New 
England  Colonies : 

The  Oneida  Indians  to  Governor  Trumbull. 

"  As  my  younger  brothers  of  the  New  England  Indians,  who 
have  settled  in  our  vicinity,  are  now  going  down  to  visit  their 
friends,  and  to  move  up  parts  of  their  families  that  were  left 
behind — with  this  belt  by  them,  I  open  the  road  wide,  clearing 
it  of  all  obstacles,  that  they  may  visit  their  friends  and  return 
to  their  settlements  here  in  peace. 

"  We  Oneidas  are  induced  to  this  measure  on  account  of  the 
disagreeable  situation  of  affairs  that  way ;  and  we  hope,  by  the 
help  of  God,  they  may  return  in  peace.  We  earnestly  recom- 
mend them  to  your  charity  through  their  long  journey. 

"  Now  we  more  immediately  address  you,  our  brother,  the 
Governor,  and  the  chiefs  of  New  England. 

"  Brothers  :  We  have  heard  of  the  unhappy  differences 
and  great  contention  betweeq  you  and  Old  England.  We 
wonder  greatly,  and  are  troubled  in  our  minds. 

"  Brothers  :  Possess  your  minds  in  peace  respecting  us  In- 
dians. We  cannot  intermeddle  in  this  dispute  between  two 
brothers.  The  quarrel  seems  to  be  unnatural.  You  are  ttco 
brothers  of  one  blood.  We  are  unwilling  to  join  on  either 
side  in  such  a  contest,  for  we  bear  an  equal  affection  to  both  you 
Old  and  New  England.  Should  thegreat  king  of  England  apply 
to  us  for  aid,  we  shall  deny  him ;  if  the  Colonies  apply,  we 
shall  refuse.  The  present  situation  of  you  two  brothers  is  new 
and  strange  to  us.  We  Indians  cannot  ^d,  nor  recollect  in  the 
traditions  of  our  ancestors,  the  like  case,  or  a  similar  instance. 

"  Brothers  :  For  these  reasons  possess  your  minds  in  peace, 
and  take  no  umbrage  that  we  Indians  refuse  joining  in  the 
contest.     We  are  for  peace. 

"  Brothers  :  Was  it  an  alien,  a  foreign  nation,  who  had 
struck  you,  we  should  look  into  the  matter.  We  hope,  through 
the  wise  government  and  good  pleasure  of  God,  your  distresses 
may  be  soon  removed  and  the  dark  clouds  be  dispersed. 

"  Brothers  :  As  we  haret  declared  for  peace,  we  desire  you 


1776.] 


LETTER   TO  THE   ONEIDAS. 


08 


will  not  apply  to  oar  Indian  brethren  in  New  England  for  their 
assistance.  Let  us  Indians  be  all  of  one  mind,  and  live  with 
one  another ;  and  you  white  people  settle  your  own  disputes 
between  yourselves. 

"Brothers  :  We  have  now  declared  our  minds;  please  to 
write  to  us,  that  we  may  know  yours.  We,  the  sachems  and  war- 
riors, and  female  governesses  of  Oneida,  send  ourlove  to  you, 
brother  governor,  and  all  the  other  chiefs  in  New  England."* 

Of  an  Indian  foe  the  inhabitants  of  Tryon  County  enter- 
tained a  special  dread.  In  the  communication  of  the  Palatine 
Committee  to  that  of  Albany,  therefore,  cited  a  few  pages 
back,  it  was  suggested  whether  it  would  not  be  expedient  to 
prevent  the  sending  of  powder  and  ammunition  into  the  Mo- 
hawk Valley,  unless  consigned  to  the  Committee,  to  be  sold  under 
their  inspection.  In  conclusion,  the  Committee  declared,  that, 
although  few  in  number,  they  were  determined  to  let  the  world 
see  who  were,  and  who  were  not,  attached  to  the  cause  of  Ame- 
rican liberty ;  and  they  closed  by  avowing  their  fixed  deter- 
mination, "  to  carry  into  execution  every  thing  recommended 
"  by  the  Continental  Congress,  and  to  be  free  or  die." 

Three  days  after  making  this  communication  to  their  Albany 
brethren,  that  is  to  say  on  the  21st  of  May,  the  question 
whether  Guy  Johnson  was  or  was  not  tampering  with  the  In- 
dians in  anticipation  of  *">stilities,  waj=!  solved  by  an  inter- 
cepted commimication  from  Thayendanegea  to  the  chiefs  of  the 
Oneida  tribe.  The  letter,  written  in  the  Mohawk  language, 
was  found  in  an  Indian  path,  and  was  supposed  to  have  been 
lost  by  one  of  their  runners.  The  following  is  a  translation, 
being  the  earliest  specimen  extant  of  the  composition  of  Brant. 

"  Wriilen  at  Cruy  Johnson^s,  May,  1776. 
"  This  is  your  letter,  yoa  great  ones  or  sachems.    Guy  John- 
son says  he  will  be  glad  if  you  get  this  intelligence,  you  Onei- 
das,  how  it  goes  with  him  now ;  and  he  is  now  more  certain 

*  The  translation  of  this  Oneida  proclamation  of  neutrality  was  made  by  Mi 
Kirkland,  for  Gordon's  History  of  the  Revolution.  It  was  signed  by  WUliam 
Sunoghfii,  JiTiekldsha  Watthaledgh,  William  Kanaghquaeatd,  Peter  Thayebeare, 
Jimmy  Tekayabeart,  J^tekbis  Jlghsetaare,  i.  e.  garter;  Thomas  Yoghtanotoea,  i.  e, 
spreading  of  the  dew ;  ^idam  Okmwano,  Q,uedeUi$  .Sgvotrondongxoas^  i.  e.  breaking 
of  the  twigs ;  Handtrebtkt  Tegahwteahdytn,  i.  e.  a  tielt  (of  wampum)  exteuded ; 
JoknJuf  Skemendm,  Thomat  Tevnitviha,  i.  e.  a  fallen  trae. 


:  :■    r 


'J  H 


"  ^ 


ml 


A 


64 


LIFE   Oj}'   BRANT. 


[1775. 


^    ♦'ill 


concerning  the  intention  of  the  Boston  people.    Guy  Johnson 

is  in  great  fear  of  being  taken  prisoner  by  the  Bostonians.     We 

Mohawks  are  obliged  to  watch  him  constantly.    Therefore  we 

send  you  this  intelligence,  that  you  shall  know  it ;  and  Guy 

Johnson  assures  himself,  and  depends  upon  your  coming  to  his 

assistance,  and  that  you  will  without  fail  be  of  that  opinion. 

He  believes  not  that  you  will  assent  to  let  him  suffer.     We 

therefore  expect  you  in  a  couple  of  days  time.    So  much  at 

present.     We  send  but  so  fur  as  to  you  Oneidas,  but  afterward 

perhaps  to  all  the  other  nations.    We  conclude,  and  expect  that 

you  will  have  concern  about  our  ruler,  Guy  Johnson,  because 

we  are  all  united. 

"  (Signed)  "  Aren  Kannenzarcn, 

"Johannes  Tegarihogf, 

"  Deyagodeaghnaweagh." 
"  Joseph  Buant 

"  G^ty  Johnsoti's  Interpreter." 

The  surface  of  this  intercepted  despatch  discloses  nothing 
more  than  a  desire,  on  the  part  of  Guy  Johnson,  to  strengthen 
his  domestic  forces  for  the  protection  of  his  person,  in  the  event 
of  any  attempt  to  seize  and  carry  him  away.  But  the  inhabit- 
ants allowed  him  no  credit  for  sincerity.  Information  had 
been  received  from  Canada,  through  the  emissaries  sent  thither 
by  the  revolutionary  leaders  in  Massachusetts,  that  secret  agents 
of  the  Crown  had  been  sent  among  the  Six  Nations,  to  stir  them 
up  against  the  Colonies.*  Hence  the  correspondence  of  the 
Massachusetts  Congress  with  Mr.  Kirkland  and  the  Indians, 
already  given ;  and  hence,  also,  the  increasing  apprehension  of 
the  people,  that  the  Indians  were  to  be  inflamed  and  let  loose 
upon  them.  Such,  consequently,  was  their  distrust  of  Johnson, 
that  they  neither  believed  there  was  any  design  against  his  per- 
son, nor  that  he  was  laboring  under  any  apprehension  of  the 
kind.  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt,  however,  that  Guy  John- 
son did  feel  his  position  to  be  critical.  General  Schuyler  had 
his  eye  upon  him ;  and,  beyond  question,  his  every  motion  was 
so  closely  watched  as  to  make  hirri  feel  very  uncomfortable.! 

*  Sparks. 

t  "  Watch  the  movements  of  the  Indian  agent,  Colonel  Guy  Johnson,  and  prevent, 
M>  far  as  you  can,  the  effect  of  his  influence,  to  our  prejudice,  with  the  Indians."— 
fMter  from  Washington  to  Om.  Scfiuylir,  June,  1775. 


!*-JS 


1775.] 


COL.   GUY   JOHNSON. 


65 


Evidence,  indisputable,  that  such  was  the  fact,  is  afforded  in 
the  correspondence  annexed.  The  following  letter  was  ad- 
dressed, at  about  the  same  time,  by  Guy  Johnson  to  the  magis- 
trates of  the  Upper  Mohawk  settlements : — 

«  Ouy  Park,  May  20th,  1775. 
"Gentlemen, 

"  I  have  lately  had  repeated  accounts  that  a  body  of  New 
Englanders,  or  others,  were  to  come  to  seize  and  carry  away 
my  person  and  attack  our  family,  under  colour  of  malicious 
insinuations  that  I  intended  to  set  the  Indians  upon  the  people. 
Men  of  sense  and  character  know  that  my  office  is  of  the 
highest  importance  to  promote  peace  amongst  the  Six  Nations, 
and  prevent  their  entering  into  any  such  disputes.  This  I  ef- 
fected last  year,  when  they  were  much  vexed  about  the  attack 
made  upon  the  Shawanese,  end  I  lost  winter  appointed  them  to 
meet  me  this  month  to  recr"  re  the  answer  of  the  Virginians^ 
All  men  must  allow,  that  if  the  Indians  find  their  council  fire 
disturbed,  and  their  superintenc'ent  insulted,  they  will  take  a^ 
dreadfiil  revenge.  It  is  therefore  the  duty  of  all  people  to  pre 
vent  this,  and  to  satisfy  any  who  may  have  been  imposed  on^ 
that  their  suspicions,  and  the  allegations  they  have  collected; 
against  me,  are  false,  and  inconsistent  with  my  character  and 
office.  I  recommend  this  to  you  as  highly  necessary  at  this 
time,  as  my  regard  for  the  interest  of  the  country,  and  self-pre- 
servation, has  obliged  me  to  fortify  my  house,  and  keep  men 
armed  for  my  defence,  till  these  idle  and  ridiculous  reports  are 
removed. 

"  You  may  lay  this  letter  before  such  as  are  interested:  in 
these  matters. 

"  I  am.  Gentlemen, 

«  Your  Humble  Servant,. 
"  To  the  magistrates  and  others  "  G.  Johnson," 

of  Palatine,  Canajoharie,  and 

the  Upper  Districts."* 

In  view  of  these  letters — the  intercepted  despatch  from-  Jo- 
seph Brant  and  ethers  to  the  Oneidas,  and  Johnson's  le'ter  to 
the  Committee — the  latter  body  adopted  a  series  of  resolii^ 


11 


*  > , 


I    'i)'4j] 


*  Thi  ->  letter  ia  transcribed  from  the  ortgla*!  in  tlie  auUior's  posseislon. 


66 


LIFE    OP   BRANT. 


[1776. 


f '  .  ill 


tions,  renewing  their  expressions  of  sympathy  for  the  suffer- 
ings of  their  brethren  in  Massachusetts  and  the  other  Colonies ; 
declaring  their  approbation  of  the  proceedings  of  the  New 
England  Colonies  in  the  existing  crisis  ;  denouncing  the  con- 
duct of  Colonel  Johnson  in  keeping  an  armed  force  constantly 
about  him,  and  stopping  travellers  upon  the  King's  highway, 
"  as  arbitrary,  illegal,  oppressive,  and  unwarrantable :"  and  de- 
claring their  determination  "  never  to  submit  to  any  arbitrary 
"  acts  of  any  power  under  heaven,  or  to  any  illegal  and  unwar 
"  rantable  action  of  any  man  or  set  of  men  "  whatever. 

In  addition  to  the  before- mentioned  intercepted  letter,  it  was 
ascertained  that  already  expresses  had  actually  been  sent  to  tht 
upper  tribes  of  the  Six  Nations,  to  invite  them  down  to  Guy 
Johnson's  house.  His  own  domestic  army  amounted  to  five 
hundred  men,  and  he  had  now  cut  off  all  free  communicotion 
between  the  upper  Mohawk  settlements  and  Albany.  And  al- 
though the  districts  of  Palatine,  Canajoharie,  and  the  German 
Flatts  were  sanctioning  the  proceedings  of  the  Continental 
Congress  with  much  unanimity,  they  were  in  a  great  measure 
unarmed  and  destitute  of  ammunition — not  having  more  than 
fifly  pounds  of  powder  in  the  districts.  Under  these  circum- 
stances, the  Committee  wrote  an  urgent  letter  to  Albany,  repre- 
senting their  situation,  and  suggesting  whether  it  might  not  be 
expedient  to  open  the  communication  through  the  lower  dis- 
tricts of  the  valley  by  force.  They  also  advised  the  sending  of 
two  trusty  messengers,  well  acquainted  with  the  Indian  lan- 
guage, to  the  upper  nations,  to  dissuade  them,  if  possible,  from 
obeying  the  summons  of  Guy  Johnson,  p.nd  to  enlighten  them 
in  respect  of  the  true  nature  and  causes  of  the  quarrel  with  the 
King's  government. 

This  letter  was  despatched  by  express,  and  the  Albany  Com- 
mittee replied  on  the  following  day,  advising  their  friends  of 
the  upper  distr'.cts  that  they  had  no  ammunition  to  spare,  and 
dissuading  them  from  any  attempt  to  re-open  the  communica- 
tion by  force.  That  project  was  accordingly  abandoned  ;  but 
the  Committee  sent  four  of  its  members  to  Albany,  to  gain 
information  as  to  the  condition  of  the  country  generally,  and 
with  instructions  to  procure  a  quantity  of  powder  and  lead— 
the  Committee  holding  itself  responsible  for  the  purchase  mo- 
ney.   Meantime  they  pushed  their  measures  of  internal  orga- 


1775.] 


SPIRIT   OF   THE   PEOPLE. 


(57 


nization  with  great  energy  and  success,  establishing  sub  com- 
mittees wherever  it  was  expedient,  and  assuming  the  exercise  of 
legislative,  judicial,  and  executive  powers.  Secret  articles  for 
mutual  succour  and  defence  were  prepared,  and  very  generally 
signed  by  the  Whigs  ;  and  threats  having  been  uttered  by  Guy 
Johnson,  that  unless  the  Committees  desisted  from  the  course 
they  were  pursuing,  he  would  s^^ize  and  imprison  certain  of 
their  number,  they  solemnly  bound  themselves  to  rescue  any 
who  might  thus  be  arrested,  by  force,  "  unless  such  persons 
"should  be  confined  by  legal  process,  issued  upon  ix  legal 
"  ground,  and  executed  in  o.  legal  manner." 

It  is  hsre  worthy,  not  only  of  specil  note,  but.  of  all  admira- 
tion, how  completely  ard  entirely  these  border-men  held  them- 
selves amenable,  in  the  most  trying  exigencies,  to  the  just 
execution  of  the  laws.  Throughout  all  their  proceedings,  the 
history  of  the  Tryon  Committees  will  show  that  they  were 
governed  by  the  purest  dictates  ». .  patriotism,  and  the  highest 
regard  to  moral  principle.  Unlike  the  rude  inhabitants  of 
most  frontier  settlements,  especially  under  circumstances  when 
the  magistracy  are,  from  necessity,  almost  powerless,  the  fron- 
tier patriots  of  Tryon  County  were  scrupulous  in  their  devotion 
to  the  supremacy  of  the  laws.  Their  leading  men  were  like- 
wise distinguished  for  their  intelligence;  and  while  North 
Carolina  is  disputing  whether  she  did  not  in  fact  utter  a 
declaration  of  independence  before  it  was  done  by  Congress,  by 
recurring  to  the  first  declaration  of  the  Palatine  Committee, 
noted  ill  its  propei  place,  the  example  may  almost  be  said  to 
have  proceeded  from  the  Valley  of  the  Mohawk. 

Simultaneously  with  his  letter  to  the  magistracy  of  the  up- 
per districts,  Guy  Johnson  had  despatched  another  of  the  same 
purport,  but  entering  more  into  detail,  to  the  Mayor,  Alderm.en, 
and  Commonalty  of  the  cities  of  Albany  and  Schenectady,  of 
which  the  following  is  a  copy.     The  date  is  wanting  : — 

"  Gentlemen, 

•'  As  the  peace  and  happiness  of  the  country  are  objects  which 
every  good  man  should  have  at  heart,  I  think  it  highly  neces- 
sary to  acquaint  you  that  for  a  few  days  I  have  been  put  to  the 
great  trouble  and  expense  of  fortifying  my  house,  and  keeping 
a  large  body  of  men  for  the  defence  of  my  person,  &c. ;  having 


n^x 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1776. 


rseeived  repeated  accounts  that  either  the  New  Englanders,  or 
some  persons  in  or  about  the  city  of  Albany  or  town  of  Sche- 
nectady, are  coming  up,  to  a  considerable  number,  to  seize  and 
imprison  me  on  a  ridiculous  and  malicious  report  that  I  intend 
to  make  the  Indians  destroy  the  inhabitants,  or  to  that  effect. 
The  absurdity  of  this  apprehension  may  easily  be  seen  by  men 
of  sense ;  but  as  many  credulous  and  ignorant  persons  may  be 
led  astray,  and  inclined  to  believe  it,  and  as  they  have  already 
sent  down  accounts,  examinations,  (kc.  from  busy  people  here, 
that  I  can  fully  prove  to  be  totally  devoid  of  all  foundation,  it 
has  become  the  duty  of  all  those  who  have  authority  or  influ- 
ence, to  disabuse  the  public,  and  prevent  consequences  which  I 
foresee  with  very  great  concern,  and  most  cordially  wish  may 
be  timely  prevented.  Any  diflerence  in  political  ideas  can  ne- 
ver justify  such  extravagant  opinions ;  and  I  little  imagined  that 
they  should  have  gained  belief  amongst  any  order  of  people, 
who  know  my  character,  station,  and  the  largo  property  T  have 
in  the  country,  and  the  duties  of  my  office,  which  are  to  pre- 
serve tranquility  among  the  Indians,  hear  their  grievances,  &c. 
and  prevent  them  from  falling  upon  the  trade  and  frontiers. 
These  last  were  greatly  threatened  by  the  Indians,  on  account 
of  the  disturbances  last  year  between  the  Virginians  and  the 
Shawancse,  during  which  my  endeavours  prevented  the  Six 
Nations  from  taking  a  part  that  would  have  possibly  affected 
the  public  ;  and  I  appointed  last  Fall  that  the  Six  Nations  should 
come  to  me  this  month,  in  order  to  receive,  amongst  other 
things,  final  satisfaction  concerning  the  lands  said  to  be  invaded 
by  the  Virginians,  who  have  now  sent  me  their  answer.  In  the 
discharge  of  this  duty,  I  likewise  essentially  served  the  public ; 
but  should  I  neglect  myself  and  be  tamely  made  prisoner,  it  is 
clear  to  all  who  know  any  thing  of  Indians,  they  will  not  sit  still 
and  isee  their  council  fire  extinguished,  and  superintendent  dri- 
ven from  his  duty,  but  will  come  upon  the  frontiers  in  revenge, 
with  a  power  sufficient  to  commit  horrid  devastation.  It  is, 
therefore,  become  as  necessary  to  the  public  as  to  myself,  that 
my  person  should  be  defended ;  but  as  the  measures  I  am  ne- 
cessitated to  take  for  that  purpose  may  occasion  the  propagation 
of  additional  falsehoods,  and  may  at  last  appear  to  the  Indians 
in  a  light  that  is  not  for  the  benefit  of  the  f  ublic,  I  should 
heartily  wish,  g?ntlemen,  that  you  could  take  such  measures 


1776.] 


COL.   OUY   JOHNSON. 


69 


-es  I  am  ne- 


;h  measures 


for  removing  these  apprehensions,  as  may  enable  me  to  dis- 
charge my  duties,  (which  do  not  interfere  with  the  pubUc,) 
without  the  protection  of  armed  men  and  the  apprehension  of 
insult ;  and  as  the  pubUc  are  much  interested  in  this,  I  must 
beg  to  have  your  answer  as  soon  as  possible. 

"  I  am,  Gentlemen, 

"  Your  most  humble  Servant, 
"  G.  Johnson."* 

"  To  the  Magistrates  and  Committee 
of  Schenectady,  and  to  the  Mayor, 


Corporation,  &c.  of  Albany, 
be  forwarded  by  the  former." 


To 


To  this  letter  the  municipality  of  Albany  promptly  replied, 
expressing  their  conviction  that  the  reports  were  utterly  ground- 
less, and  that  they  had  been  originated  for  the  purpose  ot 
awakening  hostile  feelings  in  the  minds  of  the  Indians.  They 
also  gave  the  Colonel  an  admonitory  hint  that  he  need  be  ap- 
prehensive of  no  indignity  upon  his  person,  or  injury  to  his 
property,  so  long  as  he  studied  to  promote  the  peace  and  wel- 
fare of  the  country,  by  executing  his  duties  as  superintendent 
of  the  Indians  "  with  an  honest  heart."  In  conclusion,  they 
exhorted  him  to  use  all  means  in  his  power  to  tranquilize  the 
Indians,  by  assuring  them  that  the  reports  were  without  any 
just  foundation,  and  "  that  nothing  would  afford  his  Majesty's 
«  subjects  in  general  a  greater  satisfaction  than  to  be,  and  con- 
"  tinue  with  them,  on  the  strictest  terms  of  jieace  and  friendship." 

On  the  whole,  however,  there  is  no  good  reason  to  doubt 
that  Guy  Johnson  was,  in  reality,  apprehensive  of  a  clandestine 
visit  from  the  Yankees,  and  possibly  of  an  abduction.  The 
great  influence  of  his  official  station,  and  his  equivocal  conduct, 
had  created  universal  distrust ;  and  the  affair  of  the  "  Tea 
Party  "  had  taught  the  loyalists,  that  the  Bostonians  were  as 
adroit  and  fearless  in  stratagem  as  in  deeds  of  open  daring  and 
bold  emprise.  Before  the  receipt  of  the  preceding  letters,  more- 
over, it  was  well  understood  that  he  had  arrested  and  searched 
the  persons  of  two  New  Englanders,  suspicious,  as  it  was 

*  This  letter  has  been  copied  from  the  original,  found  by  the  author  among  the  old 
papers  in  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  Albany. 


:  ,  '.  t 


i\ 


.m 


70 


LIFE  OF   BRANT. 


[1776. 


inferred,  and  probably  not  without  reason,  that  they  had  been 
despatched  on  a  mission  to  the  Indians,  with  whom  it  was 
poUcy  to  prevent  any  communication,  save  through  his  own 
interposition.  Nor  cou.d  ne  be  ignorant  of  the  fact,  that  at  that 
critical  conjuncture,  the  possession  of  his  person  might  be  of 
as  much  consequence  to  those  who  were  on  the  vet^c  of 
rebellion,  as  of  detriment  to  the  service  in  which  his  predilec- 
tions would  probably  induce  him  to  engage 


CHAPTER  IV. 


Council  of  the  Mohawk  chiefs  at  Quy  Park— A  lecond  council  called  by  Johnaon 
at  Cosby's  Manor — Proceeds  thither  witli  his  retinue — First  full  meeting  of  Tryon 
County  Committee — Correspondence  with  Quy  Johnson — No  council  held— 
Johnson  proceeds  farther  West,  accompanied  by  his  family  and  most  of  the  In* 
dians — Ciinscquent  apprehensions  of  the  people — Communication  from  Massa- 
chusetts Con»ress— Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point  taken  by  Ethar  Allen— Skenes- 
borough  utid  St.  Johns  surprised— Farther  proceedings  in  Massachusetts — Batllo 
of  Bunker  Hill — Death  of  Warren — Council  with  the  Oneidas  and  Tuscaroras  at 
Qorman  Fialts — Speech  to  the  Indians— Subsequent  council  with  the  Oneida*— 
Conduct  of  the  people  toward  Quy  Johnson — Speech  to,  and  reply  of  Oneidas— 
Guy  Johnson  moves  wcstwardly  to  Ontario — His  letter  to  the  Provincial  Congress 
of  New- York — Holds  a  great  Indian  council  at  the  West — Unfavourable  influence 
upon  the  dispositions  of  the  Indians— Causes  of  their  partiality  for  the  English — 
Great,  but  groundless  alarm  of  the  people — Guy  Johnson,  with  Brant  and  the 
Indian  warriors,  descends  the  St.  Lawrence  to  Montreal— Council  ther»— Sir  Guy 
Carleton  and  Gun.  Haldimand  complete  the  work  of  winning  the  Indians  over  to 
the  cause  of  the  Cro  vn. 

A  COUNCIL  of  the  Mohawk  chiefs  was  held  at  Guy  Park,* 
on  the  25th  of  May,  which  was  attended  by  delegates  from  Al- 
bany and  Tryon  Counties.  The  records  of  this  council  are 
very  scanty  and  unsatisfactory.  The  principal  chief  of  the 
Mohawk  tribe  at  that  time  was  Little  Abraham^ — a  brother 
of  the  famous  Hendrick  who  fell  at  Lake  George,  in  the  year 
1775.  The  council  having  been  opened  for  business.  Little 
Abraham  addressed  them  as  follows  : — 

"  He  said  he  was  glad  to  meet  them,  and  to  hear  the  reports 
concerning  taking  Guy  Johnson,  their  superintendent,  were 
false.  That  the  Indians  do  not  wish  to  have  a  quarrel  with  the 
inhabitants.  That  during  Sir  William  Johnson's  lifetime,  and 
since,  we  have  been  peaceably  disposed ;  that  the  Indians  are 
alarmed  on  account  of  the  reports  that  our  powder  was  stopped. 
We  get  our  things  from  the  superintendent.  If  we  lived  as 
you  do,  it  would  not  be  so  great  a  loss.  If  our  ammunition  is 
stopped,  we  shall  distrust  you.  We  are  pleased  to  hear  you  say, 
you  will  communicate  freely,  and  we  will  at  all  times  listen  to 
what  you  say  in  presence  of  our  superintendent" 

*  Guy  Park :  a  beautiful  situation  immediately  on  the  bank  of  the  Mohawk. 
The  elegant  stone  mansion  is  yet  upon  the  premises,  giving  the  best  evidences  of 
substantial  building. 

t  Little  Abraham  seems  rather  to  have  been  a  leading  chief  at  the  Lower  Castl* 
of  the  Mohawks— not  the  principal  War  Chief. 


72 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1775. 


After  a  consultation  with  each  other,  the  deputations  from 
the  two  County  Committees  replied,  in  substance,  that  •'  They 
were  glad  to  hear  them  expressing  a  desire  to  maintain  the  an- 
cieni  friendship  which  had  subsisted  between  their  fathers. 
They  assured  the  chiefs  that  the  reports  of  evil  designs  against 
their  superintendent  were  false.  They  farther  promised  the 
chiefs,  that  whenever  they  had  any  business  to  transact  with 
them,  they  would  meet  them  at  their  own  council  fires,  and  in 
presence  of  their  superintendent." 

To  which  the  Mohawk  speaker  responded  to  the  following 
eftect : — 

*'  The  Indians  are  glad  that  you  are  not  surprised  that  we 
cannot  spare  Col.  Johnson.  The  love  we  have  for  the  memory 
of  Sir  William  Johnson,  and  the  obligations  the  whole  Six  Na- 
tions are  under  to  him,  must  make  us  regard  and  protect  every 
branch  of  his  fomily.  We  will  explain  these  things  to  all  the 
Indians,  and  hope  you  will  do  the  same  to  your  people." 

This  council  having  been  but  thinly  attended,  and  only  by 
one  tribe  of  the  Indians,  the  superintendent  immediately  direct- 
ed the  assembling  of  another  in  the  western  part  of  the  county, 
to  attend  which  he  proceeded  to  the  German  Flatts,  with  his 
whole  family  and  retinue.  His  quarters  were  at  the  house  of 
a  Mr.  Thoni[)son,  on  Cosby's  manor,  a  few  miles  above  the 
flatts.  It  has  been  alleged  that  this  second  council  was  con- 
voked because  of  the  superintendent's  dissatisfaction  with  the 
first — a  conclusion  not  unlikely,  from  tiie  abse'  :e  of  the  west- 
tern  Indians,  who  had  been  invited. 

On  the  2d  of  June  there  was,  for  the  first  time,  a  full  meet- 
ing of  the  Tryon  County  Committee — the  loyalists  hitving 
previously  prevented  the  attendance  of  delegates  from  tlie 
lower,  or  Mohawk  district.*  This  Committee  addressed  a 
strong  and  patriotic  letter  to  the  superintendent,  formally  noti- 


more  our  ( 


*  It  may  be  interesting  to  some  to  give  the  names  of  this  body  of  men,  who  hod 
■ooAen  professed  their  wiUingncss  to  pml  their  lives  and  property  in  defence  of  the 
liberties  of  their  country.  (From  Palatine  district/ — Christopher  P.  Yates,  John 
Frey,  Andrew  Finlt,  Andrew  Rceber,  Peter  Waggoner,  Daniel  McDougal,  Jacob 
Klock,  George  Ecker,  Jun.,  Harmanus  Van  Slyck,  Christopher  W.  Fox,  Anthony 
Van  Veghtcn.  (Canajoharie  district) — Nicholas  Herkimer,  EbenezerCox,  William 
Seeber,  John  Moore,  Samuel  Campbell,  Samuel  Clyde,  Thomas  Henry,  John 
Fickard.      (Kingsland  and  Oerman   Flatts  districts) — Edward  Wall,  William 


iff!'" 


11775. 

tions  from 
at  "They 
lin  the  an- 
iir  fathers, 
rns  against 
)mised  the 
Lnsact  with 
res,  and  in 

B  following 

!ed  that  we 
he  memory 
ole  Six  Na- 
•otect  every 
rs  to  nil  the 
jple." 

md  only  by 
ately  direct- 
the  county, 
,ts,  with  his 
le  house  of 
3  above  the 
:il  was  con- 
on  with  the 
of  the  west- 
full  meet- 
lists  ht'.viug 
IS-  from  the 
addressed  a 
rmally  noti- 

»f  men,  who  had 
in  dfcfenceofthe 

P.  Yatee,  John 
[cDougal,  Jacob 

.  Fox,  Anthony 

[erCox,WiUiam 
as  Henry,  John 

Wall,  William 


1776.J 


COL.    GUY  JOHNSON. 


73 


fying  him  of  the  purposes  of  t^  ir  organization.  After 
adverting  to  the  oppressions  of  the  mother  country,  in  repeat- 
ed attempts  to  enforce  unconstitutional  enactments  of  Parlia- 
ment, and  asserting  their  principles  on  the  subject  of  taxation 
without  representation — principles  which  they  declared  to  be 
undeniable — they  avowed  their  object  to  be,  to  consult  as  to  the 
best  methods  of  saving  the  country  from  devastation  and  ruin  ; 
"  which  object,  with  the  assistance  of  Divine  Providence,  it 
"  was  their  fixed  determination  and  resolution  to  accomplish ;" 
adding,  with  emphasis,  "  and  if  called  upon,  we  shall  be  fore- 
"  most  in  sharing  the  toil  and  danger  of  the  field."  They 
once  more  adverted  to  the  distressed  situation  of  the  people  of 
New  England  in  the  common  cause ;  and  declared  that  they 
should  be  wanting  in  duty  to  their  country  and  to  themselves, 
were  they  longer  to  refrain  from  announcing  their  determina- 
tion to  the  world.  After  repelling  the  charges  promulgated 
against  them,  of  having  compelled  people  to  join  their  Com- 
mittees, and  of  having  drunk  treasonable  toasts,  they  proceeded 
to  discuss  matters  more  directly  personal  to  the  superintendent 
himself.  The  following  is  an  extract  from  this  portion  of  the 
letter : — 

"  We  are  not  ignorant  of  the  very  great  importance  of  your 
office  as  superintendent  of  the  Indians,  and  therefore  it  is  no 
more  our  duty  than  inclination  to  protect  you  in  the  discharge 
of  the  duty  of  your  proper  province  ;  .and  we  meet  you  with 
pleasure  in  behalf  of  ourselves  and  our  constituents,  to  thank 
you  for  meeting  the  Indians  in  the  upper  parts  of  the  County, 
which  may  be  the  means  of  easing  the  people  of  the  remainder 
of  their  fears  on  this  account,  and  prevent  the  Indians  com- 
mitting irregularities  on  their  way  dovv  n  to  Guy  Park.  And 
we  beg  of  you  to  use  your  endeavours  with  the  Indians,  to  dis- 
suade them  from  interfering  in  the  dispute  with  the  mother 
country  and  the  Colonies.  We  cannot  think  that,  as  you  and 
your  family  possess  very  large  estates  in  this  County,  you  arc 

Petry,  Jolin  Petry,  Augustine  Hess,  Frederick  Orendorf,  Qeorge  Wentz,  Michael 
Ittig,  Frederick  Fox,  George  Herkimer,  Duncan  McDougal,  Frederick  Helmer, 
John  Frink.  (Mohawk  district)— John  Morlett,  John  Bliven,  Abraham  Van 
Home,  Adam  ^'onda,  Frederick  Fisher,  Sampson  Sammnns,  William  Schuyler, 
Volkert  Veeder,  James  McMaster,  Daniel  Line — 42.  Christopher  P.  Yates  was 
chosen  chairman  of  this  body,— CampbtWs  Annalt, 


•t" 


;i  ' 


i   1 


K' 


r4 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1775. 


u 


unfavourable  to  American  freedom,  although  you  may  differ 
with  us  in  the  mode  of  obtaining  a  redresr  of  grievances. 
Permit  us  farther  to  observe,  that  we  cannot  pass  over  in  si- 
lence the  interruption  which  the  people  of  the  Mohawk  district 
met  in  their  meeting ;  which,  we  are  informed,  was  conducted  in 
a  peaceable  manner ;  and  the  inhuman  treatment  of  a  man, 
whose  only  crime  was  being  faithful  to  his  employers,  and  re- 
fusing to  give  an  account  of  the  receipt  of  certain  papers,  to 
persons  who  had  not  the  least  colour  of  right  to  demand  any 
thing  of  that  kind.  We  assure  you  that  we  are  much  con- 
cerned about  it,  as  two  important  rights  of  English  subjects  are 
thereby  infringed — to  wit,  a  right  to  meet,  and  to  obtain  all  the 
intelligence  in  their  power." 

Colonel  Nicholas  Herkimer  and  Edward  Wall  were  deput- 
ed to  deliver  the  letter  to  the  superintendent,  for  which  purpose 
they  proceeded  to  Cosby's  Manor,  and  discharged  their  trust. 
The  following  was  Colonel  Johnson's  reply — manly  and  direct ; 
and  with  which,  if  sincere,  certainly  no  fault  could  be  found, 
bating  the  lack  of  courtesy  in  its  commencement : — 

"  Thompson's,  Cosby's  Manor,  June  5th,  1775. 
"  Gentlemkn, 

"  I  have  received  the  paper  signed  Chris.  P.  Yates,  Chair- 
man, on  behalf  of  the  districts  therein  mentioned,  which  I  am 
now  to  answer,  and  shall  do  it  briefly,  in  the  order  you  have 
stated  matters.  As  to  the  letter  from  some  Indians  to  the 
Oneidas,  I  really  knew  nothing  of  it  till  I  heard  such  a  thing 
had  been  by  some  means  obtained  from  an  Indian  messenger, 
and  from  what  I  have  lieard  of  its  contents,  I  can't  see  any 
thing  material  in  it,  or  that  could  justify  such  idle  apprehen- 
sions ;  but  I  must  observe  that  these  fears  among  the  people 
were  talked  of  long  before,  and  were,  I  fear,  propagated  by  some 
malicious  persons  for  a  bad  purpose. 

"  As  to  your  political  sentiments,  on  which  you  enter  in  the 
next  paragraph,  I  have  no  occasion  to  enter  on  thern  or  the 
merits  of  the  cause.  I  desire  to  enjoy  liberty  of  conscience  and 
the  exercise  of  my  own  judgment,  and  that  all  others  should 
have  the  same  privilege  ;  but,  with  regard  to  your  saying  you 
might  have  postponed  the  affair,  if  there  had  been  the  least 
kind  ci  probability  that  the  petition  of  the  General  Assembly 


1775.] 


COL.    UUY    JOHNSON. 


75 


would  have  been  noticed,  more  than  that  of  the  delegates,  I 
must,  as  a  true  friend  to  the  country,  in  which  I  have  a  large 
interest,  say,  that  the  present  dispute  is  viewed  in  different 
lights  according  to  the  education  and  principles  of  the  parties 
affected ;  and  that,  however  reasonable  it  may  appear  to  a  con- 
siderable number  of  honest  men  here,  that  the  petition  of  the 
delegates  should  merit  attention,  it  is  not  viewed  in  the  same 
light  in  a  country  which  admits  of  no  authority  that  is  not  con- 
stitutionally established  ;  and  I  persuade  myself  you  have  that 
reverence  for  hjs  Majesty,  that  you  will  pay  due  regard  to  the 
royal  assurance  given  in  his  speech  to  Parliament,  that  when- 
ever the  American  grievances  should  be  laid  before  him  by 
their  constitutional  assemblies,  they  should  be  fully  attended 
to.  I  Have  heard  that  compulsory  steps  were  taken  to  induce 
some  persons  to  come  into  your  measures,  and  treasonable 
toasts  drank  ;  but  I  am  not  willing  to  give  too  easy  credit  to 
flying  reports,  and  am  happy  to  hear  you  disavow  them. 

"  I  f»m  glad  to  find  my  calling  a  Congress  on  the  frontiers 
gives  satisfaction ;  this  was  principally  my  design,  though  I 
cannot  sufficiently  express  my  surprise  at  those  who  have, 
either  through  malice  or  ignorance,  misconstrued  my  inten- 
tions, and  supposed  me  capable  of  setting  the  Indians  on  the 
peaceable  inhabitants  of  this  country.  The  interest  our  family 
has  in  this  country  and  my  own,  is  considerable,  and  they 
have  been  its  best  benefactors  ;  any  malicious  charges,  there- 
fore, to  their  prejudice,  are  hignly  injurious,  and  ought  to  be 
totally  suppressed. 

"  The  office  I  hold  is  greatly  for  the  benefit  and  protection 
of  this  country,  and  on  my  frequent  meetings  with  the  Indians 
depends  their  peace  and  security ;  I  therefore  cannot  but  be 
astonished  to  find  the  endeavours  made  use  of  to  obstruct  me 
in  my  duties,  and  the  weakness  of  some  people  in  withholding 
many  things  from  me,  which  are  indisputably  necessary  for 
rendering  the  Indians  contented ;  and  I  am  willing  to  hope 
that  you,  gentlemen,  will  duly  consider  this  and  discounte- 
nance the  same. 

"  You  have  been  much  misinformed  as  to  the  origin  of  the 
reports  which  obliged  me  to  fortify  my  house  and  stand  on  my 
defence.  I  had  it,  gentlemen,  from  undoubted  authority  from 
Albany,  and  since  confirmed  by  letters  from  one  of  the  Com- 


tPH 


76 


LIFK    OF    BUANT. 


[1775. 


mittee  at  Philadelphia,  that  a  large  body  of  men  were  to  make 
me  prisoner.  As  the  effect  this  must  have  on  the  Indians 
might  have  been  of  dangerous  consequences  to  you,  (a  circum- 
stance not  thought  of,)  1  was  obliged,  at  great  expense,  to  take 
these  measures.  But  the  many  reports  of  my  stopping  travel- 
lers were  false  in  every  particular,  and  the  only  instance  of 
detaining  any  body  was  in  the  case  of  two  New  England  men, 
which  I  explained  fully  to  those  of  your  body  who  brought 
your  letter,  and  wherein  I  acted  strictly  agreeable  to  law,  and  as 
a  magistrate  should  have  done. 

'•  I  am  very  sorry  that  such  idle  and  injurious  r-^ports  meet 
with  any  encouragement.  I  rely  on  you,  gentlemen,  to  exert 
yourselves  in  discoimtenancing  them ;  and  I  am  happy  in  this 
opportunity  of  assuring  the  people  of  a  country  I  regard,  that 
they  have  nothing  to  apprehend  from  my  endeavours,  but  that 
I  shall  always  be  glad  to  promote  their  true  interests. 

"  I  am,  Gentlemen, 'your  humble  Servant, 

"  G.  Johnson." 


I  I  In, 


This  reply  of  Colonel  Johnson,  together  with  a  written  re- 
port of  the  proceedings  of  himself  and  colleague,  and  their  in- 
terview with  Johnson,  was  transmitted  to  the  County  Com- 
mittee by  Mr.  Wall.  In  his  letter  to  the  Committee,  Mr.  Wall 
indulged  in  some  complaints,  in  regard  to  the  reprehensible 
conduct  of  the  people — probably  toward  Johnson  and  his  follow- 
ers, who  were  looked  upon  with  increasing  distrust.  But  the 
character  of  the  irregularities  complained  of  is  not  distinctly 
set  forth  in  Mr.  Wall's  communication. 

Guy  Johnson  did  not  remain  long  at  Cosby^s  Manor,  nor  did 
he  hold  the  Indian  council  there  which  had  been  notified,  but 
departed  immediately  farther  west.  His  removal  from  Thomp- 
son's was  thus  ainiounced  to  the  Committee  of  Palatine  by  Mr. 
Wall,  on  the  8th  of  June : — "  Our  people  arn  greatly  alarmed 
"  at  Colonel  Johnson's  motions,  and  cannot  understand  his  rea- 
"  sons  for  the  same.  We  dare  say,  that  before  now  you  have 
"  been  [made]  acquainted  that  he  has  removed  with  his  retinue 
"from  Mr.  Thompson's  to  Fort  Stanwix,  and  there  are  rumors 
*  that  he  intends  to  move  yet  farther.  We  leave  you  to  con- 
"jec'are  what  may  be  his  reasons." 

These  apprehensions  were  certairly  not  unreasonable.    For 


COL.   GUY  JOHNSON. 


77 


1775.] 

althoiiprh  Colonel  Johnson's  letters  were  plausible,  and  apparent- 
ly frank  and  sincere,  when  the  people  saw  him  setting  his  face 
thus  to  the  west,  and  moving  up  through  the  valley,  not  only 
with  his  own  family,  but  accompanied  by  a  large  retinue  of  his 
dependents  and  the  great  body  of  the  Mohawk  Indians — who 
left  their  own  delightful  country  at  this  time,  never  more  peace- 
ably to  return — it  is  not  strange  that  suspicions,  as  to  his  ulte- 
rior designs,  were  excited. 

This  feeling  was  not  diminished  by  the  reception,  just  at 
this  time,  of  the  following  communication  from  the  Provincial 
Congress  of  Massachusetts,  through  that  of  New- York  : — 


A''.    I 


onable.    For 


"  In  Provincial  Congrkss, 
"  Watertown,  June  i'Sth,  1775. 

"  To  the  Honourable  Delegates  of  the  Congress  of  the  Pro- 
vince of  New-  York : 

"  Gentlemen, 
"  Considering  the  exposed  state  of  the  frontiers  of  the  Colo- 
nies, the  danger  that  the  inliabitatits  of  Canada  may  possibly 
have  disagreeable  apprehensions  from  the  military  preparations 
making  in  several  of  the  Colonics,  and  the  rumors  tliat  there 
are  some  appearances  of  their  getting  themselves  in  readiness 
to  act  in  a  hostile  way — this  Congress  have  made  application  to 
the  Honourable  Continental  Congress,  desiring  them  to  take  such 
measures  as  to  them  shall  appear  proper,  to  quiet  and  conciliate 
the  minds  of  the  Canadians,  and  to  prevent  such  alarming  ap 
prehensions.  We  also  have  had  the  disagreeable  accounts  of 
methods  taken  to  fill  the  minds  of  the  Indian  tribes  adjacent  to 
these  Colonies  with  sentiments  very  injurious  to  us  ;  particu- 
larly wc  have  been  informed  that  Col.  Guy  Johnson  has  taken 
great  pains  with  the  Six  Nations,  in  order  to  bring  them  into  a 
belief  that  it  is  designed  by  the  Colonies  to  fall  upon  them  and 
cut  them  off.  We  have,  therefore,  desired  the  Honourable 
Continental  Congress  that  they  would,  with  all  convenient 
speed,  use  their  influence  in  guarding  against  the  evil  intended 
by  this  malevolent  misrepresentation ;  and  we  desire  you  to 
join  with  us  in  such  application. 

"  Jos.  Warren,  President." 
"Attest,  Samuel  Freeman,  Sec'y." 


i;n 


78 


LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


17i\ 


M.     ,l|r 


,t"i 


Immediately  after  the  receipt  of  this  communication,  a  lette? 
was  addressed  to  Colonel  Johnson,  by  the  Congress  of  New- 
York,  disclaiming,  in  the  most  unqualified  terms,  the  designs 
imputed  to  the  Provincial  authorities  in  regard  both  to  the  In- 
dians and  himself,  as  had  been  repeatedly  done  before.  But 
Johnson  would  never  allow  himself  to  be  persuaded  that  evil 
had  not  been  meditated  against  him  by  the  Whigs ;  and  by 
persisting  in  his  opinion,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  his  efforts  to 
prejudice  the  Indians — those,  especially,  who  were  the  most 
warmly  attached  to  him — against  the  Colonists  and  their  cause, 
were  the  more  successful. 

The  affair  of  Lexington  had,  of  course,  been  the  signal  for 
wa  throughout  the  Colonies.  The  forts,  magazines,  and  ar- 
senals were  everywhere  seized.  Troops  were  raised,  and 
money  for  their  support ;  and  it  was  not  many  weeks  before  an 
army  of  thirty  thousand  men  -'Dpeared  in  the  environs  of 
Boston,  under  the  command  of  General  Putnam— a  veteran  of 
the  old  French  war,  in  whom  the  people  had  great  confidence. 
Early  in  May,  Colonel  Ethan  Allen,  a  hardy  leader  of  the 
settlers  upon  the  New  Hampshire  grants,  (now  Vermont,)  con- 
certed an  expedition  against  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point. 
About  forty  volunteers  from  Connecticut  were  of  the  expedi- 
tion, which,  with  the  forces  collected  for  the  object  at  Castleton, 
made  up  the  number  of  two  hundred  and  thirty.  Allen  was 
unexpectedly  joined  by  Colonel  Benedict  Arnold,  who  had 
planned  the  same  enterprise.  They  readily  agreed  to  act  in 
concert ;  and  so  admirably  was  the  project  carried  into  execu- 
tion, that  the  Americans  actually  entered  the  fortress  by  the 
covered  way  just  at  daylight,  formed  upon  the  parade  ground 
within,  and  awoke  the  sleeping  garrison  by  their  huzzaj.  A 
slight  skirmish  ensued,  and  the  commander,  De  La  Place,  sur- 
rendered to  the  novel  summons  of  Allen — "  I  demand  a  sur- 
"  render  in  the  name  of  the  great  Jehovah  and  the  Continental 
"  Congress."  Colonel  Seth  Wainer  was  sent  thence  to  Crown 
Point,  which  was  easily  taken — the  garrison  consisting  of  only 
a  dozen  meti,  commanded  by  a  sergeant.  Arnold  proceeded 
Northward  to  St.  Johns,  and  succeeded  in  capturing  a  sloop  of 
war  by  surprise ;  while,  at  the  same  time,  the  pass  of  Skenesbo- 
rough,  at  the  southern  end  of  Champlain,  was  taken  possession  of 
— Col.  i^.kene  and  a  small  number  of  troops  being  made  prisoners, 


<uj  n 


km 


1775.] 


TICONDEROQA    AND    BUNKER    HILL. 


79 


and  several  pieces  of  cannon  taken.  Thus,  by  a  sudden  blow, 
and  without  the  loss  of  a  man,  was  the  command  of  Lakes 
George  and  Champlain  obtained. 

The  next  act  in  the  grand  drama  then  unfolding,  was  the 
bc^ttle  of  Bunker  Hill.  Toward  the  close  of  May  reinforce- 
ments of  troops  from  England  had  arrived  at  Boston,  with 
Generals  Howe,  Burgoyne,  and  Clinton,  all  of  whom  were 
officers  of  reputation.  The  Provincial  Congress  of  Massachu- 
setts had,  early  in  that  month,  renounced  General  Gage  as 
Governor  of  the  Colony,  declared  him  an  enemy  of  the  country, 
and  forbidden  obedience  to  his  orders.  On  the  other  hand, 
General  Gage  had  issued  his  proclamation,  promising  a  gracious 
pardon  to  all  who  would  lay  down  their  arms  and  return  to  the 
duties  of  peaceable  subjects,  excepting  only  Samuel  Adams 
and  John  Hancock,  whose  offences  were  declared  to  be  of  "  too 
"  flagitious  a  nature  to  admit  of  any  other  consideration  iha 
"that  of  condigr^L  punishment."  By  the  same  instrument 
Massachusetts  was  declared  to  be  under  martial  law.  General 
Gage  was  also  preparing,  in  other  respects,  for  more  energetic  ac- 
tion ;  but  every  measure  he  took,  and  every  moment  that  pass- 
ed, served  only  to  unite  and  embolden  the  Whigs,  and  increase 
the  audacity  witl,  which  they  now,  in  action  if  not  in  words 
contemned  the  royal  authority.  The  Provincial  troops  began 
to  assemble  in  force  around  Boston,  and  were  throwing  up  de- 
fences, when  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  at  once  and  for  ever 
severed  the  tie  that  bound  the  Colonies  to  the  parent  country. 
The  fighting  on  this  occasion  was  of  such  a  determined  charac- 
ter, as  to  show  the  enemy  that  it  was  no  pastime  upon  which 
they  had  entered.  One  of  the  British  officers,  in  writing  home 
to  a  friend,  declared  that  "  the  rebels  fought  more  like  devils 
"  than  men."  The  loss  of  the  British,  in  killed  and  wounded, 
was  1054.  That  of  the  Provincials,  139  killed  and  314 
wounded.  The  great  calamity  of  the  day  was  the  fall  of  the 
brave  and  accomplished  Warren,  who  was  shot  through  the 
head  early  in  the  action. 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed,  that,  with  the  evidence  before  thi'ni, 
of  Colonel  Johnson's  exertions  to  excite  the  Indians  against  the 
Provincial  cause,  the  friends  of  the  latter  were  by  any  means 
inactive.  On  the  contrary,  they  left  no  fair  and  honorable 
means  untried  so  far  to  win  upon  their  favour,  as  at  least  to 


e  '  kh.4 


J^ 


!h: 


f 


80 


LIFE    OF   BRANT. 


L1775. 


kvl.ll' 


i'ltmA 


secure  their  neutrality  in  the  contest ;  nor  were  they  wholly 
unsuccessful,  although  the  majority  of  the  Six  Nations  ulti- 
mately threw  themselves  into  the  opposite  scale.  Disappointed 
in  not  meeting  a  fuller  and  more  general  council  at  Guy  Park 
in  May,  a  conference  was  arranged  with  the  Oneidas  and  Tus- 
caroras,  through  the  agency  of  their  friend,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Kirk- 
land,  which  took  place  at  the  German  Flatts  on  the  28th  of 
June.  The  Indians  were  met  by  the  inhabitants  of  that  dis- 
trict,  and  also  by  a  deputation  from  Albany.  The  minutes  of 
that  meeting  were  not  preserved  at  large  among  the  papers  of 
the  Tryon  County  '^^cmmittee.  The  following  was  the  address 
of  the  inhabitants  to  the  Indians  : — 

"  Bkothers  :  We  are  glad  to  have  you  here  to  return  you 
thanks.  We  should  have  been  much  pleased  to  have  spoken 
with  you  at  the  appointed  place  ;  that  is,  by  your  superintend 
ent,  where  of  late  you  kept  your  council  fire ;  but  since  his 
removing  so  far  from  us,  we  do  not  think  it  wronger  imprudent 
to  communicate  our  sentiments  of  peace  to  you  here.  It  is  at 
this  place.  Brothers,  it  has  often  been  done  ;  and  hero  again  we 
renew  it,  and  brighten  the  old  chain  of  peace  and  brorh.erly 
love. 

"Brothers  :  We  cannot  see  the  cause  of  your  late  council 
fire,  or  superintendent  going  away  from  among  us.  Wc  did 
him  no  harm,  and  you  well  know  that  none  of  u .  e^'cr  did, 
and  you  may  depend  on  it,  there  was  no  such  thing  meant 
against  him.  He  told  our  people  he  v/as  going  up  to  Thomp- 
son's (Cosby's  Manor)  to  hold  a  council  fire  with  our  brothers, 
the  Five  Nations,  there.  We  helped  him  to  provisions  to  sup- 
port you  there,  and  every  thing  we  had  that  he  wanted.  But 
he  is  gone  away  from  among  us,  and  told  some  of  our  people, 
that  he  would  come  back  with  company  which  would  not 
please  us ;  which,  if  true,  it  is  certain  his  intentions  are  bad, 
and  he  mvay  depend,  that  whatever  force  he  may  or  can  bring, 
we  regard  not. 

"  Brothers  :  Our  present  meeting  does  not  arise  from  any 
unfriendly  thoughts  we  entertain  of  you,  or  from  any  tear  of 
ourselves.  It  is  purely  on  account  of  the  old  friendship  which 
has  so  long  been  kept  up  between  us  ;  that  friendship  we  want 
to  retain.  It  is  that  friendship  which  will  be  an  equal  benefit  to 
us.    It  is  as  much  wanted  on  your  side  as  ours. 


The  ans\ 
served.     Tl 
pledge  of  n 
assembled, 
directed  to  t 

Colonel  ( 
viously  left 
a  man  of  to 
to  remain  a 
inevitable  te 
the  whole  th 
and  he  had 
his  departui 
or  rather  no 
ed  and  jeah 
hegira,  with 
Mr.  Wall,  0 
ready  been 
what  respec 


X  • 


irrry.] 


INDIAN    NEGOTIATIONS. 


8t 


"Brothers  :  We  cannot  too  much  express  our  satisfaction 
of  your  conduct  toward  us  by  your  late  proceedings  with  the 
superintendent  at  the  carrying  place,  for  which  we  are  also 
obliged  to  you,  and  do  not  doubt  but  that  your  conduct  will  be 
blessed  with  greater  benefits  tiian  any  other  of  those  who  will 
hurry  themselves  into  mischief;  which  can  never  be  of  any 
other  benefit  to  them,  but  sorrow  for  the  innocent  blood  shed  on; 
an  occasion  wherewith  they  have  no  concern. 

"  Brothers  :  We  look  to  y^  :i  particularly  to  be  men  of 
more  understanding  than  others,  by  the  benefits  you  have  re- 
ceived in  learnmg ;  wherefore  we  confide  and  trust  more  freely 
in  you,  that  you  can  communicate  to  the  other  tribes  and  na- 
tions the  error  they  want  to  lead  you  in,  and  cannot  doubt  but 
your  wisdom  and  influence  with  the  other  nations  will  be 
attended  witli  that  liappy  success,  which  will  hereafter  be  a 
blessing  to  you  and  your  posterity. 

'  Brothers  :  What  we  have  said  is  supposed  to  be  sufiicient 
to  convince  you  that  our  meaning  is  for  our  joint  peace  and 
friendship  ;  in  which  we  hope  that  we  and  our  children  may 
continue  to  the  end  of  time." 

The  answer  of  the  Indians  to  this  address  has  not  been  pre- 
served. The  result  of  the  council,  however,  was,  to  obtain  a 
pledge  of  neutrality  from  the  greater  portion  of  the  Indians 
assembled,  The  efforts  of  Mr.  Kirkland  had  uniformly  been 
directed  to  the  same  humane  design. 

Colonel  Guy  Johnson,  as  we  have  already  seen,  had  pre- 
viously left  the  lower  district  of  the  Mohawk  Valley.  He  was 
a  man  of  too  much  discernment,  holding  the  opinions  he  did,, 
to  remain  at  Johnstown  an  inactive  spectator  of  events,  the 
inevitable  tendency  of  which  could  only  be  very  soon  to  rouse 
the  whole  thirteen  Colonies  to  arms  against  the  British  power, 
and  he  had  prudently  anticipated  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill  in 
his  departure.  But  his  movements  had  thus  far  been  pacific, 
or  rather  not  openly  belligerent;  and  it  is  probable  that  an  excit- 
ed and  jealous  people  may  not  have  treated  him,  during  his 
hegira,  with  all  their  wonted  respect.  Indeed,  the  complaint  oi 
Mr.  Wall,  of  the  objectionable  conduct  of  the  people,  has  al- 
ready been  noted  at  a  previous  page.  But  it  is  not  stated  in 
what  respect  they  had  been  offending.    Some  light,  however, 


H 


ilj 


LIFE    CF   DRAN 


[ms 


may  perhaps  be  thrown  upon  tl.o  sul^^^ipie  following  notes 
of  a  council  between  the  inhabitontP^ne  Upper,  or  Kings- 
land  district,  and  the  Oneida  Indians ;  from  which  it  will  be 
seen  that  the  inhabitr  *  cut  off  the  supplies  provided  by 

Colonel  Johnson  for  h.o  j.^rney:* 

"  KiNGSLANn  District.  At  a  council  held  upon  desire  of  the 
Oneidas,  July  1st,  1775,  the  following  speeches  were  deli- 
vered : 

To  THE  Oneidas. 

"Brothers:  The  reason  of  stopping  the  provisions  from 
Mr.  Thompson  to  Colonel  Johnson,  is,  that  we  suppose  him  to 
be  oui  enemy ;  and  for  all  that  he  gets  as  much  from  Niagara 
as  he  wants ;  and  wc  believe  he  is  only  getting  intelligence, 
irom  this  place,  how  matters  run.  We  have  done  for  him  and 
his  retinue  what  was  in  our  power  for  his  supply.  We  believe 
he  should  have  held  his  council  fire  at  Mr.  Thompson's,  or, 
furthest,  at  Fort  Stanwix.  But  you  have  heard,  Brothers, 
that  he  would  bring  a  force  along  with  him  which  we  would 
not  like.  That  was  the  reason  that  we  stopped  his  provisions. 
But  on  your  request,  as  you  think  it  was  not  well  done, 
we  will  hear  your  sentiments  about  it.  Not  being  laid  to  your 
or  our  charge,  wo  shall  then  let  pass  all  that  is  brought  to  him." 

Answer  op  the  Oneidas. 

"  Brothers  :  It  is  Sunday  to-day,  and  the  Lord  gave  six 
days  for  work  and  the  seventh  for  rest.  But  since  occasion 
happens,  we  give  you  our  positive  answer. 

"  Brothers  :  We  have  consulted  about  stopping  the  pro- 
visions at  Mr.  Thompson's,  and  we  don't  think  it  proper  to  do  it. 
If  it  should  have  been  for  his  own  use,  we  should  not  have 
mentioned  it ;  but  we  know  that  he  calls  up  the  Five  Nations, 
and  may  be  they  will  sufter  by  it.  So,  therefore,  let  him  have 
it.  All  that  we  have  said  we  can  be  answerable  for,  but  this 
act  we  cannot. 

"  Brothers  :  If  we  should  assent  to  these  things,  we  are 
jointly  brothers  ;  we  should  be  left  alone,  and  may  be  both  would 
be  disappointed.  We  are  obliged  to  have  a  care  over  our 
brothers  of  the  Five  Nations,  as  well  as  for  you,  so  that  we 

*  These  notes  are  quite  imperfectly  written,  by  a  very  incompetent  scribe.  Tlie 
author  has  endeavoured  to  arrive  at  the  true  import,  preserving  as  much  of  the  lan- 
guage as  possible. 


1775.] 


FLIGHT   OP   OUV   JOHNSON. 


83 


may  get  no  blame  afterward  for  it.  Then  we  don't  know  what 
Colonel  Johnson's  design  is.  Let  us  first  have  proof,  and  as 
soon  as  we  have  found  out  something,  we  shall  assemble  to- 
gether and  consider  of  it. 

"  Brothehs  :  We  ought  to  do  os  we  want  to  have  done  to 
us  by  others  ;  and  it  is  better  to  suffer  than  to  do  amiss. 

"  Bhothehs  :  As  long  as  we  are  brothers,  don't  let  us  then  suf- 
fer in  provisions,  if  they  are  to  be  got,  (without  your  loss.)  While 
we  belong  to  the  Five  Nations,  we  shall  help  one  another  as 
much  as  does  lie  in  our  power,  so  that  nobody  is  wronged  by  it. 

"  Brothers  :  You  did  leave  this  to  us,  though  you  consent- 
ed not  to  leave  us  to  bear  this  burden  quite  alone  upon  our  own 
shoulders.  If  you  can  find  a  fault  in  our  speech,  you  may 
speak  about  it." 

Rejoinder. 

"  Brothers  :  As  wo  have  heard  your  speech,  and  well  con- 
sidered it,  and  as  we  find  that  our  other  brothers  may  sufler 
by  it,  we  are  resolved  that  all  the  flour  and  other  provision 
which  is  really  brought  for  Colonel  Johnson,  may  be  sent 
thither  without  being  molested.  But  considering  that  it  may 
not  be  employed  for  the  use  proposed,  we  desire  the  favour  of 
you  to  acquaint  us  of  the  fact,  that  we  may  take  the  necessary 
measures  for  our  own  welfare. 

"Brothers:  We  are  greatly  obliged  for  your  brot'crly 
love  showed  to  us,  and  that  you  have  told  us,  out  of  the  bottom 
of  your  heart,  your  sense  of  this  matter.  We  confess  it  is  an 
evidence  of  sincere  friendship,  which  we  hope  will  ever  be 
maintained  between  us." 


\n 


I'] 


Making  a  very  brief  sojourn  at  Fort  Stanwix,  Guy  Johnson 
hastened  as  far  west  as  Ontario,  there  to  hold  a  grand  council 
with  the  Indians,  remote  from  the  white  settlements;  and  where, 
as  he  alleged,  their  action  might  bo  independent  and  unem- 
barrassed by  the  interference  of  the  Colonists.  It  was  at  On- 
tario that  he  received  the  letter  from  the  Provincial  Congress  ol 
New- York,  already  adverted  to  as  having  been  written  at  the 
solicitation  of  the  Congress  of  Massachusetts.  He  replied  to 
it  on  the  8th  of  July,  in  a  letter  glowing  with  loyalty,  and 
complaining  bitterly  of  the  malcontents,  and  those  in  opposi- 
tion to  regular  governments;   who,  as  the  reader  will  ob- 


84 


LIFE    OF    DRANT. 


[1776 


ki]'"'^ 


serve,  he  again  repeated,  wurc  exciting  the  Indians  against  him. 
The  letter  is  inserted  entire  : — 

Guv  Johnson  to  Peter  Van  Brvgh  Livingston. 

"  Ontario,  July  the  8th,  1775. 
"Sir, 

"  Though  I  received  your  letter  from  the  Provincial  Con- 
gress several  days  ago,  I  had  not  a  good  opportunity  to  answer 
it  till  now.  I  suppose,  however,  this  \yill  reach  i/on  safe,  not- 
withstanding all  the  rest  of  my  correspondence  is  interrupted 
by  ignorant  impertinents. 

"  As  to  the  endeavour  you  speak  of,  to  reconcile  the  unhappy 
differences  between  the  Parent  State  and  these  Colonies,  be  as- 
sured I  ardently  wish  to  see  them  ;  as  yet,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  1 
have  not  been  able  to  discover  any  attempt  of  that  kind,  but 
that  of  the  assembly,  the  only  true  legal  representatives  of  the 
people  ;  and  os  to  the  individuals  who  you  say  officiously  in- 
terrupt (in  my  quarter)  the  mode  and  measures  you  think  ne- 
cessary for  these  salutary  purposes,  I  am  really  a  stranger  to 
them.  If  you  mean  myself,  you  must  have  been  grossly  im- 
posed on.  I  once,  indeed,  went,  with  reluctance,  at  the  request 
of  several  of  the  principal  inhabitants,  to  one  of  the  people's 
meetings,  which  I  found  had  been  called  by  an  itinerant  New 
England  leather-dresser,  and  conducted  by  others,  if  possible, 
more  contci.iptible.  I  had,  therefore,  little  inclination  to  revisit 
such  men  or  attend  to  their  absurdities.  And,  although  I  did 
not  incline  to  think  that  you.  Gentlemen,  had  formed  any  de- 
signs against  me,  yet  it  is  most  certain  that  such  designs  were 
formed.  Of  this  1  received  a  clear  account  by  express,  from  a 
friend  near  Albany,  which  was  soon  corroborated  by  letters 
from  other  quarters,  particularly  one  from  a  gentleman  of  the 
Committee  at  Philadelphia,  a  captain  in  your  levies,  who  was 
pretty  circumstantial ;  and  since,  I  have  had  the  like  from  many 
others.  I  have,  likewise,  found  that  mean  instruments  were 
officiously  employed  to  disturb  the  minds  of  the  Indians,  to  in- 
terrupt the  ordinary  discharge  of  my  duties,  and  prevent  their 
receiving  messages  they  had  long  since  expected  from  me.  To 
enter  into  a  minute  detail  of  all  the  falsehoods  propagated  and 
all  the  obstructions  I  met  with,  though  it  could  not  foil  astonish- 
ing any  gentlemen  disposed  to  discountenance  them,  would  far 


1775.] 


OUY   JOHNSON    AT    THE    WEST. 


85 


exceed  tlie  limits  of  o  letter  or  the  time  I  have  to  spare,  as  1 
am  now  finisliing  my  Confjress,  entirely  to  my  satisfaction, 
with  1310  warriors,  who  came  hilhef  to  the  only  place  whore 
they  could  tnmsnct  business  or  receive  favours  without  inter- 
ruption ;  and  who  arc  much  dissatisfied  at  finding  that  the  goods 
which  I  was  necessitated  to  send  for  to  Montreal,  were  oblige(! 
to  hi!  ordered  back  by  the  merchant,  to  prevent  his  being  in- 
sulted, or  his  property  invaded  by  the  mistaken  populace. 
That  their  ainmuiiitiou  was  stopped  at  Albany — the  persons  ou 
this  commuuicatiou  employed  in  purchasing  provisions  for  tho 
Congress  insulted,  jiiid  all  my  letters,  as  well  as  even  some 
trifling  articles  for  the  use  of  my  own  table,  stopped.  And  thi>i 
moment  the  Mayor  of  Albany  assured  mo  that  he  was  the 
other  day  roused  out  oi  his  bod,  at  a  certain  Mr.  Thompson's 
above  the  Gcrnum  b'latts,  by  oue  Herkimer  and  fifteen  others, 
who  pursued  him  to  search  for  any  thiug  ho  might  have  forme. 
You  may  l)e  assured,  Sir,  that  this  is  far  from  being  agreeable 
to  the  Indians — that  it  might  have  produced  very  disagreeable 
consequences  bug  since,  had  not  compassion  for  a  deluded  peo- 
ple taken  place  of  every  other  consideration  ;  and  that  the  im- 
potent endeavours  of  a  missionary  (who  has  forfeited  his  ho- 
nour, pledged  to  me,)  with  part  of  one  of  their  tribes,  is  a  cir- 
cumstance that,  however  trilling,  increases  their  resentment. 

"I  should  be  much  obliged  by  your  promises  of  discount(!- 
nanci ng  any  attempts  against  myself,  &,c.  did  they  not  appear 
to  be  made  on  conditions  of  compliance  with  Continental  or 
Provincial  Congresses,  or  even  Committees  formed  or  to  bo 
formed,  many  of  whose  Resolves  may  neither  consist  with  my 
conscience,  duty,  or  loyalty.  I  trust  I  shall  always  manifest 
more  humanity,  than  to  promote  the  destruction  of  the  innocent 
inhabitants  of  a  Colony  to  which  I  liave  been  always  warmly- 
attached,  a  declaration  that  must  appear  perfectly  suitable  to  the 
character  of  a  man  of  honour  and  principle,  who  can,  on  no 
account,  neglect  those  duties  that  are  consistent  tiierewith, 
however  they  may  differ  from  sentiments  now  adopted  in  so 
many  parts  of  America. 

"1  sincerely  wish  a  speedy  termination  to  the  present  trou 
bles,  and  I  am,  "  Sir, 

"  Your  most  humble  Servant, 

"  P.  V.  P.  Livingston,  Esq.  G.  Johnson." 


•>h  If 


'i  i 


f^  r^^ 


Ml 


!':•  441 


n 


im 


86 


LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


L1775 


"  I  shall  have  occasion  to  meet  the  Indians  of  my  depart- 
ment in  different  quarters  this  season.' 


»» 


3  A 


Colonel  Johnson  was  accompanied  in  his  departure  by  Jo- 
seph Brant,  or  Thayendanegea,  his  secretary,  and  by  Colonel 
John  Butler  and  his  son  Walter.  By  the  preceding  letter,  the 
reader  will  have  seen  that  they  succeeded  in  convening  a  very 
large  council  at  Ontario.  The  greater  portion  of  the  Indians 
attending,  however,  were  probably  Cayugas  and  Senecas. 
These  were  now  far  the  most  numerous  of  the  Six  Nations,  al- 
though the  Mohawks  yet  stood  in  rank  at  the  head  of  the  con- 
federacy. Formerly  the  last-mentioned  tribe  had  been  the 
most  numerous  and  powerfiil  of  the  Cantons  ;  but  at  an  early  day 
after  the  planting  of  the  Colony  of  New- York,  the  French  had 
succeeded  in  seducing  a  large  section  of  the  Moliawks  to  return 
to  Canada,  whence  they  originally  came,  after  breaking  the 
vassalage  in  which  they  had  been  held  by  the  Algonquins. 
Their  proximity  to  the  whites,  moreover,  had  been  attended  by 
the  effect,  invariable  and  seemingly  inevitable,  in  regard 
to  their  race,  of  diminishing  their  numbers.  Added  to  all 
which,  their  warlike  character,  and  their  daring  ferocity,  expos- 
ing them  to  more  frequent  perils  than  were  encountered  by 
their  associated  Cantons,  had  contributed  still  farther  to  this  un- 
equal diminution. t 

It  is  not  known  that  any  record  of  this  council  was  preserved, 
although  the  speeches  interchanged  were  doubtless  written, 
since  that  was  the  universal  practice  in  the  conduct  of  Indian 
intercourse.  But  no  doubt  exists  as  to  the  fact,  that  the  super- 
intendent succeeded  in  still  farther  alienating  the  affections  of 
the  great  majority  of  the  Indians  from  the  Americans,  if  they  did 
not  immediately  join  the  ranks  of  the  invaders.    Nor,  when  all 

*  This  letter  was  copied  by  the  author  from  the  original,  in  the  State  Department, 
Albany. 

t  Among  the  manuscripts  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  I  have  fowd  a  census  of  the 
Northern  and  Western  Indians,  from  the  Hudson  river  to  the  great  Lakes  and  the 
Mississippi,  taken  in  1763.  The  Mohawk  warriors  were  then  only  160 ;  the 
Oneidas,  250;  Tuscaroras,  140 ;  Onondagas,  150;  Cayugas,  200;  Senecas,  1050. 
Total,  1950.  According  to  the  calculation  of  a  British  agent,  several  of  the  tribes 
must  have  increased  between  the  close  of  the  French  war  and  the  beginning  of  the 
American  Revolution,  as  it  was  computed  that,  during  tho  latter  contest,  the 
English  had  in  service  300  Mohawks,  150  Oneidas,  200  Tuscaroru,  300  Ononda- 
gas, 830  Cayugas,  and  400  Senecas.— .^utAor. 


tate  Department, 


1775.] 


DISPOSITION   OF   THE    INDIANS. 


87 


the  circumstances  of  their  case  and  position  are  dispassionately 
considered,  is  it  surprising  that  their  inclinations  were  favorable 
to  the  Crown.  On  the  contrary,  the  wonder  is  that  Colonel  John- 
son did  not  succeed  in  carrying  with  him  the  Oneidas  and  Tusca- 
roras  also ;  and  he  probably  would  have  done  so,  but  for  the  salu- 
tary though  indirect  influence  of  Mr.  Kirkland,  and  their  noble 
chief,  the  sagacious  Schenandoah — always  the  warm  and  un- 
wavering friend  of  the  Colonists.  With  regard  to  these  Indians, 
it  must  be  considered  that  they  had  then  been  in  alliance  with 
Great  Britain  during  a  period  of  more  than  one  hundred  years. 
In  all  their  wars  with  their  implacable  enemies  the  Algonquins, 
acting  in  alliance  with  the  French,  the  Six  Nations  had  been 
assisted  by  the  English,  or  fighting  side  by  side  with  them. 
For  a  long  series  of  years  Sir  William  Johnson  had  been  their 
counsellor  and  friend.  His  family  was  to  a  certain  extent 
allied  with  the  head  canton  of  the  confederacy,  and  he  was 
consulted  by  them  in  all  affairs  of  business  or  of  high  emer- 
gency, as  an  oracle.  They  had  drawn  their  supplies  through 
him  and  his  agents,  and  it  was  natural  that,  upon  his  decease, 
their  aftection  for  him  should  be  transferred  to  his  successor  in 
office,  who  was  also  his  son-in-law.  Miss  Molly,  moreover, 
was  a  woman  of  vigorous  understanding  and  of  able  manage- 
ment. And,  as  we  have  already  seen,  she  and  Colonel  Guy 
himself,  were  sustained  by  the  powerful  aid  of  Thayendanegea, 
who  united  the  advantages  of  education  with  the  native  saga- 
city of  his  race.  Added  to  all  which,  the  cause  was  considered, 
if  not  desperate,  ai  least  of  doubtful  issue ;  while  the  unenlight- 
ened Indians  had  been  taught  to  hear  the  name  of  the  king 
with  great  reverence,  and  to  believe  him  all-powerful.  They 
considered  the  officers  of  the  Crown  their  best  friends ;  and  it 
,  was  but  natural  that  they  should  hold  on  upon  the  great  chain 
which  they  had  so  long  laboured  to  keop  bright  between  them. 
It  has  already  been  remarked,  that,  thus  far.  Colonel  Guy 
Johnson  had  committed  no  act  of  actual  hostility.  While  this 
council  was  holding  in  Ontario,  however,  the  whole  valley  of 
the  Mohawk  was  filled  with  alarm,  by  reports  that  he  was  pre- 
paring an  expedition  to  return  upon  them,  and  lay  the  country 
waste  by  fire  and  sword.  On  the  11th  of  July,  Colonel  Her- 
kimer wrote  from  Canajoharie  to  the  Palatine  Committee,  that 
he  had  received  credible  intelligence  that  morning,  that  Guy 


vm  I 
rm  m 

trmm 


i- 


I-JM2 


''■  1^1 


88 


LIFE    OP   BRANT. 


[1775. 


''''■■'  >'.:  XM 


Johnson  was  ready  to  march  back  upon  them  with  a  body  of 
eight  or  nine  hundred  Indians,  and  that  the  attack  would  be 
commenced  from  the  woods  below  the  Little  Falls,  on  the 
northern  side  of  the  river.  He  therefore  proposed  sending  to 
Albany  immediately  for  a  corresponding  number  of  men.  An 
urgent  letter  was  forthwith  despatched  by  the  Committee  to 
Schenectady  and  Albany,  for  the  amount  of  assistance  mention- 
ed, •'  to  prevent  these  barbarous  enterprises,"  and  to  enable  them 
"  to  resist  their  inhuman  enemies  with  good  success — that  they 
"  might  not  be  slaughtered,  like  innocent  and  defenceless  sheep 
"  before  ravaging  wolves." 

From  the  positive  character  of  the  intelligence,  and  the  mys- 
terious movements  of  Guy  Johnson  and  his  followers,  the 
inhabitants  had  good  cause  of  alarm ;  more  especially  as  Sir 
John  Johnson  *  remained  at  the  Hall  in  Johnstown,  having  at 
his  beck  a  large  body  of  loyalists,  making  his  castle  (for  the 
Hall  was  now  fortified,)  their  head  quarters, — who,  in  the  event 
of  such  a  movement  by  his  brother-in-law  from  the  west, 
would  doubtless  be  prepared  to  join  the  Indians  in  the  enter- 
prise, and  between  them  both,  be  able  to  whelm  the  settlements 
in  destruction  at  a  single  blow.  Every  possible  preparation 
was  therefore  made  for  their  defence,  but  the  alarm  proved  to 
be  without  foundation ;  and  after  Guy  Johnson  had  completed 
his  business  at  Ontario,  he  returned  to  Oswego,  where  he  ry 
soon  afterward  convened  another  council  and  held  a  treaty,  at 
which  he  succeeded  in  still  farther  estranging  the  Indians  from 
the  Colonies.  The  particulars  of  this  council  have  never 
transpired  in  writing ;  but  some  interesting  references  to  it  will 
occur  in  an  Indian  speech  a  few  pages  onward.t 

From  Oswego,  Guy  Johnson  crossed  into  Canada,  and  thence 

♦  Sir  Jolin  Johnson  held  a  comniisp'on  as  Brigadier-gcnerol  of  nii;:;ia. 

t  The  following  passage  from  Ramsay's  History  of  the  llcvotution,  seems  to  refer 
tothis  Indian  convocation  at  Oswego.  There  was  no  other  meeting  during  that  year, 
to  which  this  notice  of  Ramsay  could  refer.  "  Colonel  Johns  had  repeated  con- 
ferences with  the  Indians,  and  endeavoured  to  influence  them  to  take  up  the  hatchet, 
but  they  steadily  refused.  In  order  to  gain  their  co-operation,  he  invited  them  to  a 
feast  on  a  Bostonian,  and  to  drink  his  blood.  This,  in  the  Indian  style,  meant  no 
more  than  to  partake  of  a  roasted  ox  and  a  pipe  of  wine  at  a  public  entertainment, 
which  was  given  on  desig^i  to  influence  them  to  co-operate  with  the  British  troops. 
The  Colonial  patriots  aflectod  to  understand  it  in  its  literal  sense.  It  furnished,  in 
their  mode  of  explication,  a  convenient  handle  for  operating  on  the  passions  of  the 
people." 


occur,  ton 


1775.] 


THE    CHIEFS    A^ISIT    MONTREAL. 


89 


descended  the  St.  Lawrence  to  Montreal,  accompanied  by  a 
large  number  of  the  chiefs  and  warriors  of  the  Six  Nations, 
who  were  invited  to  an  interview  with  Sir  Guy  Carleton  and 
Sir  Frederick  Haldimand — ^both  those  distinguished  officers 
being  in  that  city  at  the  time — and  were  induced  by  them  to 
embark  in  the  cause  of  the  King. 

It  has  often  been  asserted,  especially  by  British  historians, 
that  Sir  Guy  Carleton  was  opposed  to  the  employment  of  the 
Indians  in  the  contest,  from  principles  of  humanity.  Such, 
however,  was  not  the  fact.  Erant  repeatedly  asserted  in  after- 
life, in  speeches  delivered  by  him,  copies  of  which  are  yet  ex- 
tant, that  on  their  first  arrival  in  Montreal,  General  Carleton  • 
proposed  to  them  to  enter  the  service.  In  a  speech  delivered 
by  the  Chief  in  the  year  1803,  recapitulating  the  history  of  the 
services  of  the  Mohawks  in  that  war,  the  following  passages 
occur,  touching  the  point  now  under  discussion  : — "  We  were 
"  living  at  the  former  residence  of  Guy  Johnson,  when  the 
"  news  arrived  that  war  had  commenced  between  the  king's 
"  people  and  the  Americans.  We  took  but  little  notice  of  this 
"  first  report ;  but  in  a  few  days  we  heard  that  five  hundred 
"  Americans  were  coming  to  seize  our  superintendent.  Such 
"  news  as  this  alarmed  us,  and  we  immediately  consulted  to- 
"  gether  as  to  what  measures  were  necessary  to  be  taken.  We 
"  at  once  reflected  upon  the  covenant  of  our  forefathers  as  allies 
"  to  the  King,  and  said,  '  It  will  not  do  for  us  to  break  it,  let 
"what  will  become  of  us.'  Indeed,  it  is  a  long  time  since  the 
"  Governor  (Sir  Guy  Carleton)  said  to  us  :  'I  exhort  you  to 
"  continue  your  adherence  to  the  King,  and  not  to  break  the 
"  solemn  agreement  made  by  your  forefathers  ;  for  your  own 
"welfare  is  intimately  connected  with  your  continuing  the 
"  allies  of  his  Majesty.'  He  also  said  a  great  deal  more  to  the 
"  same  purport ;  and  on  this  our  minds  were  the  more  firmly 
"fixed,  for  wc  acknowledged  that  it  would  certainly  be  the 
"  bt-  -a  the  end,  for  our  families  and  ourselves  to  remain  under 
"the  King's  protection,  whatever  difficulties  we  might  have  to 
"  contend  with.  ******  a.  council  was  next  convened  at 
"  Montreal,  in  July,  1775.  at  which  the  Seven  Nations,  (or 
"  Caughnawagas,)  were  present,  as  well  as  ourselves  the  Six  Na- 
"  tions.  On  thi  occasion  General  Haldimand  told  us  what 
''  had  befallen  the  King's  subjects,  and  said,  now  is  the  time  for 


II, 


^■H-m 


,  '         -'  r  ■■' 


■  K  »£ 


90 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1775. 


!,! 


"  you  to  help  the  King.  The  war  has  commenced.  Assist  the 
"  King  now,  and  you  will  find  it  to  your  advantage.  Go  now 
"  and  fight  for  your  possessions,  and  whatever  you  lose  of 
"  your  property  during  the  war,  the  King  will  make  up  to  you 
"  when  peace  returns.  This  is  the  substance  of  what  General 
"  Haldimand  said.  The  Caughnawaga  Indians  then  joined 
"themselves  to  us.  We  immediately  commenced  in  good 
"  earnest,  and  did  our  utmost  during  the  war." 

The  speech  of  Brant,  from  which  the  preceding  extract  is 
taken,  was  written  in  the  Mohawk  language,  and  never,  by  him, 
rendered  into  English.  It  is  an  important  document,  develop- 
ing a  new  fact  in  regard  to  the  conduct  of  Sir  Guy  Carleton, 
and  has  accordingly  been  translated  for  the  present  work.  Strict 
historical  accuracy  is  often  of  slow  attainment ;  but,  after  all  de- 
ductions from  the  merits  ^f  General  Carleton,  afterward  Lord 
Dorchester,  enough  that  is  truly  excellent  and  great  will  remain 
to  leave  him  a  reputation  of  which  most  public  men  might  well 
be  proud. 


I'  .  II    ki- 


CHAPTER  V. 


il   i 


Meeting  of  the  second  Continental  Congress — Measures  of  defence — Declaration- 
National  fast — Organization  of  an  Indian  department — Address  to  the  Six  Na- 
tions—Council calfed  at  Albany — Preliminary  consultation  at  German  Flatts— 
Speeches  of  the  Oncidas  and  others — Adjourn  to  Albany — Brief  interview  with 
the  commissioners — Conference  and  interchange  of  speeches  with  the  Albanians — 
Proceedings  of  the  grand  council — Speeches  ot  the  commissioners — Replies  of  the 
Indians— Conclusion  of  the  grand  council — Resumption  of  the  conference  with 
the  Albanians — Speech  of  the  Albany  Committee — Reply  of  the  Indians--Dis« 
closures  of  Guy  Johnson's  proceedings  at  Oswego — Close  of  the  proceedings — 
Epidemic  among  the  Indians-  Small  ber.efit  resuUine  from  the  council— Proceed- 
ings in  Tryon  County  resumed — Doubtful  position  of  New-York — Symptoms  of 
disaffection  to  the  cause  of  the  people— Sir  John  Johnson— Sheriff  White  deposed 
by  the  people — The  royal  authorities  superseded  by  appointments  from  the  peo- 
ple— Affray  at  Johnstown — First  gun  fired  at  Sampson  Sammons-^Wbite  recom- 
missioned  by  Tryon — His  flight — Labors  of  the  Committee— Opposition  of  the 
Tories — Designs  of  Sir  John  Johnson  and  Sir  Guy  Carleton — Letter  and  depu- 
tation to  Sir  John — Prisoners  for  political  offences  sent  to  gaol — Letter  from  Pro- 
vincial Congress — Mohawks  commence  fighting  at  St.  Johns — Speech  of  the  Ca- 
najoharies  in  explanation— Indians  apply  tor  release  of  prisoners — Review  of  the 
progress  of  the  Revolution  in  other  parts  of  the  Colonies — Proceedings  of  Parlia- 
ment— Burning  of  Falmouth — Descent  upon  Canada — Ethan  Allen  taken — Ar- 
nold's expeditioi>— Siege  of  duebec — Fall  of  Montgomery — Caughnawaga  and 
Delaware  Indians. 

The  second  Continental  Congress,  composed  of  delegates, 
assembled  at  Philadelphia  on  the  10th  of  May.  Hostilities  hav- 
ing actually  commenced,  and  it  being  well  understood  that 
large  reinforcements  of  the  British  army  were  on  their  way 
from  England,  no  time  was  lost  in  preparing  for  the  public  de- 
fence. Protesting  that  they  "  wished  for  a  restoration  of  the 
harmony  formerly  subsisting  between  the  mother  country  and 
the. Colonies,"  they  resolved  again  to  present  "  a  humble  and 
dutiful  petition  to  his  Majesty  ;"  prepared  addresses  to  the  peo- 
ple of  Great  Britain  ;  to  those  of  Canada  ;  and  to  the  assembly 
of  Jamaica ;  voted  for  the  immediate  equipment  of  20,000  men ; 
voted  to  raise  three  millions  on  bills  of  credit  for  the  prosecution 
of  the  war  ;  and,  on  the  nomination  of  John  Adams,  commis- 
sioned George  Washington,  of  Virginia,  as  Commander-in- 
Chief.  On  the  4th  of  July  Congress  denounced  the  two  acts 
of  Parliament  of  the  preceding  session,  restraining  the  trade  and 
commerce  of  the  Colonies,  as  "unconstitutional,  oppressive, 
and  cruel ;"  and  on  the  6th  they  agreed  to  a  manifesto,  "  setting 
forth  the  causes  and  necessity  of  their  taking  up  arms."  Afler 
a  spirited  but  temperate  preamble,  presenting  a  historical  view 


W-r% 


,!"_> 


%'^. 


V 


«<'ri 


92 


LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


[1775. 


of  the  origin,  and  progress,  and  conduct  of  the  Colonies,  and  of 
the  measures  of  the  British  government  since  the  peace  of  1763 ; 
and  after  an  eloquent  recapitulation  of  the  grievances  which 
had  produced  the  collision,  and  proclaiming  their  confidence  of 
obtaining  foreign  aid  if  necessary,  and  of  ultimate  success ;  dis- 
avowing, moreover,  any  intention  to  dissolve  the  connexion 
between  the  parent  country  and  the  Colonies;  the  declaration 
proceeded — "We  most  solemnly,  before  God  and  the  world, 
"  dec;lark,  that,  exerting  the  utmost  energy  of  those  powers 
*'  which  our  beneficent  Creator  hath  bestowed  upon  us,  the 
"  arms  we  have  been  compelled  by  our  enemies  to  assume,  we 
"  will,  in  defiance  of  every  hazard,  with  unabating  firmness 
"  and  perseverance,  employ  for  the  preservation  of  our  liberties ; 
"behig  with  one  mind  resolved  to  die  fuee-mkn  rather  than 
"  live  SLAVES."  They  protested  that  they  would  lay  down 
their  arms  when  hostilities  should  cease  on  the  part  of  the 
aggressors,  and  not  before.  Reposing  their  confidence  in  the 
mercy  of  the  Impartial  Judge  and  Ruler  of  the  Universe,  and 
imploring  his  goodness  to  protect  and  carry  them  through  the 
conflict,  they  appointed  the  20th  of  July  to  be  observed  as 
a  day  of  public  immiliation,  fasting,  and  prayer  with  that  view. 
It  was  generally  observed,  and  was  the  first  national  fast  ever 
proclaimed  in  the  New  World.* 

But  amidst  all  the  arduous  duties  demanding  the  attention  of 
Congress,  the  importance  of  keeping  a  watchful  eye  upon  the 
Indians  was  universally  conceded.  The  position  of  the  Six 
Nations,  as  well  as  their  power  to  do  mischief,  could  not  but 
strike  the  observation  of  all.  They  had  served  as  an  usefiil 
barrier  between  the  English  settlements  and  the  French  in 
Canada,  in  former  wars,  and  were  often  actively  engaged  as 
auxiliaries.  Their  position,  and  their  utility,  would  be  now 
precisely  tlie  same  between  the  Americans  and  the  English 
in  Canada.  It  was  therefore  deemed  of  the  first  consequence, 
if  possible,  to  prevent  them  from  taking  sides  with  the  English — 
not,  however,  with  a  view  to  their  employment  in  arms  by  our- 
selves ;  since,  notwithstanding  the  disposition  manifested  by  the 
Congress  of  Massachusetts  to  employ  the  Indians,  and  the  ac- 
tual engagement  of  the  Stockbridge  Indians  as  auxiliaries,  it  was. 


*  Holmes's  Annals. 


1775.]  ADDRESS    TO    THE    SIX    NATIONS.  93 

nevertheless,  the  anxious  desire  of  the  Congress  to  keep  them  in 
a  position  of  neutrality  as  between  England  and  the  Colonies, 
and  at  peace  among  themselves,  and  with  all.  For  the  pur- 
pose of  closer  observation  and  more  efficient  action  in  respect 
to  the  Indian  relations  of  the  country,  therefore,  an  Indian  De- 
partment, with  three  sub-divisions,  Northern,  Middle,  and 
Southern,  was  established  on  the  12th  of  July,  and  Commissioners 
were  appointed  for  each — "  Avith  power  to  treat  with  the  In- 
"  dians  in  their  respective  departments,  to  preserve  peace  and 
"  friendship,  and  to  prevent  their  taking  any  part  in  the  present 
"  commotions."  The  Commissioners  of  the  Northern  Depart- 
ment were.  Major  General  Philip  Schuyler,  Major  Joseph 
Hawley,  Mr.  Turbot  Francis,  Mr.  Oliver  Wolcott,  and  Mr. 
Volkert  P.  Douw.  The  form  of  an  address  to  the  several 
tribes  of  Indians,  in  all  the  departments,  was  agreed  upon,  to  be 
altered  as  occasion  might  require  for  local  adaptation.  This 
address  was  framed  after  the  manner  of  Indian  speeches,  and 
contained  a  summary  history  of  the  Colonies,  and  of  the  rise 
and  progress  of  the  difficulties  between  them  and  the  parent 
country.  lu  the  course,  of  the  address,  the  Indians  were  in- 
formed of  the  nature  and  objects  of  the  contest  then  begun, 
and  were  strongly  advised  to  the  preservation  of  neutrality. 
The  Congress  said — "  We  desire  you  will  hear  and  receive 
*'  what  we  have  now  told  you,  and  that  you  will  open  n  good 
"  ear,  and  listen  to  what  we  are  now  going  to  say.  This  is  a 
"  family  quarrel  between  us  and  Old  England.  You  Indians 
"are  not  concerned  in  it.  We  do  not  wish  you  to  take  up  the 
"  hatchet  against  the  King's  troops.  We  desire  you  to  remain 
"  at  home,  and  not  join  on  either  side,  but  keep  the  hatchet 
"  buried  deep.  In  the  name  and  behalf  of  all  our  people,  we 
"  ask  and  desire  you  to  love  peace  and  maintain  it,  and  to  love 
"  and  sympathise  with  us  in  our  troubles  ;  that  the  path  mjxy 
"  be  kept  open  with  all  our  people  and  yours,  to  pass  and  repass 
"  without  molestation."  In  conclusion,  the  Congress  said — 
"  Let  us  both  be  cautious  in  our  behaviour  toward  each  other 
"  at  this  critical  state  of  affairs.  This  island  now  trembles  : 
"the  wind  whistles  from  almost  every  quarter  *  *  *  let  us 
"  fortify  our  minds,  and  shut  our  ears  against  false  rumors  *  *  • 
"  let  us  be  cautious  what  we  receive  for  truth,  unless  spoken  by 
"  wise  and  good  men.    If  any  thing  disagreeable  should  ever 


:!/■;' 


>  1. 1  ^f 


i!  m 


94 


LIFE    OF   BRANT. 


[1775. 


III  ' :  -.    ',  I 
Mil'.' 


,:■  t  l:* 


m 


€^: 


!:i:i 


"  fall  out  between  us,  the  Twelve  United  Colonies,  and  you, 
"  the  Six  Nations,  to  wound  our  peace,  let  us  immediately  seek 
"  measures  for  healing  the  breach.  From  the  present  situation 
"  of  our  affairs,  we  judge  it  wise  and  expedient  to  kindle  up  a 
"  small  council  fire  at  Albany,  where  we  may  hear  each  other's 
"  voice,  and  disclose  our  minds  more  fully  to  one  another."* 

Such  were  a  few  of  the  points  only  of  the  address,  which 
was  an  honest  and  earnest  attempt  to  prevent  the  savages  from 
taking  any  part  in  the  contest  whatever.  No  lime  was  lost  by 
the  Commissioners  of  the  Northern  department,  in  the  adoption 
of  measures  pursuant  to  its  wise  spirit  and  policy.  For  this 
purpose  a  treaty  was  appointed  to  be  held  with  the  Six  Na- 
tions at  Albany,  in  the  month  of  August,  and  the  tribes  were 
all  invited  to  attend.  Previous  to  the  day  of  meeting,  two  of 
the  Commissioners,  Mr.  Douw  and  Colonel  Francis,  met  a 
number  of  the  chiefs  and  warriors  in  a  preliminary  council  at 
the  German  Flatts,  which  was  not  well  attended.  This  con- 
ference was  holden  on  the  15th  and  16th  days  of  August. 
Colonel  Francis  opened  the  council  by  stating  the  objects  for 
which  the  twelve  United  Colonies  had  invited  the  proposed 
general  meeting  at  Albany,  which  they  now  solicited  all  the 
Six  Nations  and  their  allies  to  attend.  They  added — "  When 
"  we  meet  you,  our  brethren  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  your 
"  allies,  at  Albany,  we  will  rekindle  the  council  fire  which  our 
"  ancestors  and  yours  formerly  kindled  up  at  that  place,  and 
"  there  sit  down  and  converse  together  upon  the  present  situa- 
"  tion  of  the  twelve  United  Colonies,  and  disclose  to  you  their 
"  minds  thereon.  We  have  important  matters  to  communicate 
"  to  you,  our  brethren  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  your  allies, 
"  which  cannot  be  disclosed  until  the  council  fire  be  kindled  up 
"  at  Albany,  and  we  are  in  full  assembly."  Observing  that  the 
council  was  thinly  attenaed.  Colonel  Francis  urged  them  in  his 
speech  to  send  a  general  invitation  to  all  the  Six  Nations  to  ap- 
pear at  Albany ;  and  he  proposed  that  they  should  also  send 
belts  of  invitation  to  the  C  jhnawagas  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Montreal,  together  with  tUe  Indians  of  the  Seven  Nations  on 
the  St.  Lawrence.  Colonel  Francis  concluded  his  "  talk  "  as 
follows : — 

"  Brothers  :  As  many  mischievous  and  eviUdisposed  per- 

*  The  add^'fls  to  the  Indians  ia  long,  and  will  be  found  in  the  Appendix. 


II 


nies,  we 


1775.] 


COUNCIL    AT   GERMAN   PLATTS. 


95 


sons  may  attempt  to  raise  up  in  your  minds  sentiments  that 
are  unfriendly  to  your  brethren  of  the  twelve  United  Colo- 
nies, we  beg  you  will  shut  your  ears  and  fortify  your  minds 
against  any  such  evil  and  false  reports ;  and  if  any  such 
liars  and  deceivers  should  appear  among  you,  and  endeavour 
to  poison  your  minds,  be  assured  they  are  as  much  your  ene- 
mies as  the  enemies  of  your  brethren  of  the  twelve  United 
Colonies  together,  and  which  is  now  going  to  be  made  strong- 
er at  Albany."  A  Belt. 

To  this  Kanaghqnaesa,  an  Oneida  sachem,  replied  : — 

"  Brothers  :  You  have  now  opened  your  minds.  We 
have  heard  your  voicer.  Your  speeches  are  far  from  being 
contemptible.  But  as  the  day  is  far  spent,  we  defer  a  reply 
until  to-morrow,  as  we  are  weary  from  having  sat  long  in 
council.  We  think  it  time  for  a  little  drink :  and  you  must 
rtMTiember  that  the  twelve  United  Colonies  are  a  great  body." 

The  council  having  adjourned  over  to  the  16th,  Tiahog- 
wando,  an  Oneida  sachem,  made  the  following  reply  to  the 
speech  of  the  Commissioners  : — 

"Brother  Solihoany,*  and  our  Albany  Brothers,  attend! 
We  are  now  assembled  ot  the  German  Flatts,  at  which  place 
you  kindled  up  a  council  tire,  and  yesterday  called  us  together, 
and  acquainted  us  from  whence  you  came,  and  by  whose  au- 
thority— namely,  by  that  of  the  twelve  United  Colonies — and 
you  opened  your  business  to  us. 

"  Brothers  :  Now  attend.  Through  the  mercy  of  God 
we  are  brought  to  this  day,  and  the  Six  Nations  are  now  in  full 
assembly  at  this  place  ,where  we  smoke  a  pipe  in  friendship  and 
love.  We  are  glad  to  hear  your  voices.  You  are  come  to  in- 
vite us  down  to  Albany,  to  a  council  fire  of  peace. 

"Brothers:  We  thank  you  for  this  invitation.  It  meets 
with  our  entire  approbation.  Here  we  are,  of  every  tribe  in 
the  Six  Nations.     It  shall  be  done  as  you  have  said. 

"Brothers:  You  have  desired  that  all  our  confederates 
should  receive  this  invitation.  This  cannot  be  done  short  of 
one  year,  as  we  extend  very  far,  and  could  not  possibly  call  the 
extremities  of  our  confederacy  to  this  intended  meeting.  But 
possess  your  minds  in  peace.  When  this  Congress  is  over, 
and  the  council  fire  is  raked  up,  we  shall  acquaint  all  our  allies 

•  The  name  bestowed  upon  Colonel  Francis  by  the  Indians. 


•  -  mm 


)  '■, 


•m.^ 


.  ^t 


96 


LIt'K    OV    nUANT. 


[1776. 


:'!■    ■■  I 


'  'l 

,  I  II.   " 


'I     If. 

m 


with  what  has  passed.     This  is  the  answer  of  all  the  Six  Na- 
tions who  are  now  here  represented  from  every  tribe. 

"  Broth KRs,  attknd!  Yesterday  you  said  you  were  sen- 
sible our  confederacy  extended  to  Caughnawaga,  and  you  de- 
sired our  assistance  to  forward  this  your  belt  of  invitation  to 
the  Caughnawagas  and  the  seven  tribes  in  that  quarter. 

"Brothers:  Possess  your  minds  in  peace.  We,  the  Six 
Nations,  are  put  to  difficulty  to  grant  this  request.  We  are 
much  embarrassed,  for  this  reason.  The  man  is  now  there  who 
will  vex  your  minds,  and  never  consent  to  their  coming  down, 
and  will  draw  hard  upon  their  minds  another  way.*  He  is  of 
your  own  blood. 

"  Brothers  :  Possess  your  minds  in  peace.  We,  of  the 
Six  Nations,  have  the  minds  of  the  Caughnawagas  and  the 
seven  tribes  in  that  quarter.  At  our  central  council-house, 
wlien  this  took  place,  they  addressed  us  of  the  Six  Nations  in 
the  following  manner  : — '  You  are  better  capable  of  maintain- 
'  ing  peace  than  we  are  ;  therefore  we  deliver  up  our  minds  to 
'  you.'  For  these  reasons  we  advise  you  to  reconsider  your 
petition  to  us,  seeing  we  arc  so  embarrassed  we  cannot  grant 
it.  Perhaps  you  will  say  to  us,  when  your  intended  council 
fire  shall  be  over,  '  Brothers,  do  you  of  the  Six  Nations  ac- 
*  quamt  all  your  confederates  and  allies  of  what  has  passed  at 
'  this  council-fire  of  peace ;'  and  this  we  shall  do  with  great 
care  and  exactness.  Now,  Brothers,  you  see  how  we  are  em- 
barrassed, and  therefore  give  you  this  advice."     Belt  returned. 

To  this  Colonel  Francis  made  answer  : — 

"  Brkthrkn  op  thk  Six  Nations  :  It  gives  us  a  great  deal 
of  uneasiness  to  find  that  you  cannot  at  present  convey  this 
belt  to  our  friends  in  Canada.  We  have  heard  your  reasons, 
and  are  sorry  to  find  that  one  of  our  blood  is  already  there, 
endeavouring  to  draw  their  minds  from  us  when  we  mean  no- 
thing but  peace  towards  them.  As  there  are  a  great  many 
Englishmen  in  Canada,  we  know  not  who  you  mean.  We 
shall  therefore  be  glad  to  have  the  particular  man  pointed  out.'' 

To  this  request,  the  Mohawk  sachem.  Little  Abraham,  replied : 

"  Brothers  :  We  take  it  for  granted  that  you  aii  know  the 
very  man  we  mean.  We  said  he  was  of  your  blood.  We  see 
no  necessity  of  pointing  him  out  more  explicitly." 

*  *  Guy  Johnson  waa  doubtless  the  man  referred  to.  . 


♦  As  Mr.  Kirli 


1775.] 


COUNCIL    AT   ALBANY. 


97 


The  times  being  critical,  and  the  people  of  the  valley  being 
exceedingly  suspicious  of  the  movements  of  the  Indians,  the 
latter  were  not  altogether  without  apprehension  that  some  evil 
might  befal  them  in  their  course  to  Albany.  Tiahogwando 
therefore  addressed  the  council  upon  that  point  as  follows : — 

"  Brother  Solihoany,  and  our  Albany  Brother :  We  take 
it  for  granted  you  have  called  us  to  a  council  of  peace  and  en- 
tire friendship ;  and  you  have  taken  us  by  the  hand.  As  there 
are  men  of  different  minds,  and  some  of  them  may  be  ill  dis- 
posed, we  desire  you  will  admonish  your  own  people  that  they 
offer  us  no  abuse  in  the  way  down  to  your  council-fire  of  peace.. 
If  this  caution  should  be  neglected,  some  misfortune  mi(<:ht 
happen  ;  as  all  people  do  not  meet  so  much  like  brothers  as  for- 
merly, on  account  of  the  present  situation  of  affairs.  It  would 
be  unhappy  if  our  council-fire  should  be  crushed  by  any  mis- 
chief makers.  We  have  given  you  this  caution,  that  while  we 
are  marching  along  in  peace  and  quietness,  we  might  not  be 
alarmed  by  a  blow  struck  in  our  rear.  We  therefore  desire  you 
would  begin,  even  at  this  council-fire,  to  publish  your  admo- 
nitions to  unwise  and  ungovernable  people.  By  this  belt  we 
declare  to  you,  our  Brothers,  that  the  road  is  open  for  passing  ■ 
and  repassing,  and  frecj  from  all  embarrassments,  through  the 
Six  Nations,  as  it  has  been  for  a  long  time.  Therefore  we  de- 
sire that  we  may  have  the  same  open  road  down  to  your  in- 
tended council-fire  at  Albany."* 

Colonel  Francis  replied : — 

"Brethren  op  the  Six  Nations:  Pv  this  belt  you  de- 
sire that  we  may  clear  the  road  to  Albany,  that  norib  of  our 
people  may  injure  you.  The  road  shall  be  as,  clear  for  you  to 
go  to  Albany,  as  it  is  for  us  to  go  to  the  country  of  the  Si*  Na- 
tions. The  twelve  United  Colonies  have  given  us  great 
power  oVer  the  white  people.  We  will  appoint  white  men, 
who  speak  your  language  and  love  your  nations^  to  see  you 
safe  down  to  Albany,  and  to  provide  provisions  for  you  on  the 
way.  We  shall  set  out  for  Albany  to-morrow  morning,  to  pre- 
pare matters  for  kindling  up  the  great  council-fire  there." 

The  Board  of  Commissioners  for  the  Northern  Department 
met  at  Albany,  on  the  23d  of  August,  (with  the  exception  of 

*  As  Mr.  Kirkland  wk3  in  attendance  upon  this  council,  the  Indian  speeches  weia 
doubtless  interpreted  by  him.  g 


'  ?  1 

;  ''1'  4' 

'           .  t    ''Ml 

i 

m^k 

I;'! 

1 
1         > 

1 

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1 

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'  :i  - 

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ilH 

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,  1 

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:  1  i  1 

1  \ . 

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r 


■  h    ■!  ' -mi 


98 


LIFE   OF   DRANT. 


[1775. 


iir 


Major  HftAvley,  who  hnd  delined  his  appointment  in  conse- 
quence of  ill  health,)  nnd  made  the  necessary  arrangements  for 
holding  the  treaty.  An  invitation  was  given  to  the  civil  au- 
thorities of  Albany,  to  pay  the  sachems  and  warriors  a  compli- 
mcntary  visit  in  company  with  the  Commissioners,  which  was  ac- 
cepted. A  committee  of  the  principal  gentlemen  of  Albany  was 
lik«  wise  appointed,  to  join  in  the  complimentary  visit  on  (he 
24th.  On  reaching  the  quarters  of  the  chiefs,  they  were  ad- 
dressed as  follows : — 

"Brethern  of  the  Six  Nations: — We,  the  deputies 
appointed  by  the  twelve  United  Colonies,  the  descendants  of 
Quedar,  and  the  gentlemen  of  the  city  of  Albany,  congratulate 
you  on  your  arrival  here.  They  are  glad  to  see  you  well,  and 
thank  the  Grent  God  that  he  suffers  us  to  meet." 

In  the  course  of  this  interview,  the  sachems  intimated  a  de- 1 
sire  to  have  a  consultation  with  the  municipal  officers  of  the 
city  of  Albany  before  they  met  the  commissioners  in  formal 
council.  It  appears  that  there  had  been  some  cliploinatic  pas- 
sages between  the  Oneida  Indians  and  the  Albanians,  and  an 
interchange  of  messengers  ;  and  the  chiefs  were  now  desirous 
of  having  a  conference  with  them.  The  commissioners, 
anxious  to  humor  the  Indians,  assented  to  the  requco^ ;  and 
the  Albanians  appointed  a  committee,  consisting  of  Walter 
Livingston,  Jeremiah  Van  Rensselaer,  and  Samuel  Stringer, 
to  make  the  arrangements.  The  interview  took  place  the 
same  evening,  when  Seai^hnagerat,  an  Oneida  chief,  opened 
the  proceedings  with  a  speech  of  very  unusual  lenifth  for  an  In- 
dian. He  commenced  by  an  expression  of  his  gratification  that, 
on  opening  the  ashes  to  rekindle  the  old  council-fire,  they  hal 
found  some  of  the  sparks  remaining.  He  next  referred  to  the 
proceedings  of  a  previous  consultation  at  the  German  Flatts, 
touching  the  conduct  of  Guy  Johnson  in  removing  their  mis- 
sionaries, and  other  matters.  The  meeting  referred  to  seems 
to  have  been  a  partial  council,  to  which  the  Albanians  had  sent 
a  deputation,  the  object  of  which  was,  by  the  exhibition  of  some  I 
ancient  belts,  to  remind  the  Indians  of  a  former  covenant  of  | 
peace  with  Quedar,  and  to  dissuade  them  from  engaging  in 
the  existing  quarrel.  What  had  been  said  by  the  Albany  de- 
puties, at  the  conference  referred  to,  but  of  which  no  record 
seems  to  have  been  preserved,  was  now  repeated  in  substance 


it  in  consc- 


1776.] 


COUNCIL    AT    ALBANY. 


•» 


l)y  the  Oiieidu  chief,  after  the  Indiuii  maimer  of  conducting 
their  councils.  lie  then  procfcded  to  reply  jreria/im ;  from 
wliich  circumstance  it  is  probable  that  the  former  council-fire 
had  been  raked  up,  before  its  proceedings  were  brought  to  a 
close.  The  reply  now  made  was  decidedly  and  strongly  paci- 
fic. The  chief  admitted  that  "  evil  birds  "  had  been  busy  in 
circulating  unpleasant  rumors,  and  tliat  efforts  liad  been  made 
to  make  them  swerve  from  their  neutrality  by  Guy  Johnson 
or  his  agents— at  least,  such  was  the  inference  from  the  speech  ; 
but  he  over  and  over  again  protested  the  determination  of  the 
Six  Nations  to  avoid  interfering  with  the  controversy,  and  only 
exhorted  the  Colonists  to  keep  the  path  into  their  country 
open,  so  that  they  could  pass  and  repass  without  molestation. 
In  regard  to  the  removal  of  their  missionary,  the  chiefs  said 
Guy  Johnson  had  done  it  pursuant  to  "  a  belt  "*  received  from 
Governor  Gage.  He  expressed  the  greatest  respect  for  Mr. 
Kirkland ;  but  at  the  same  time,  under  the  circumstances  of 
the  case,  suggested  whether  it  would  not  on  the  whole  be  bet- 
ter for  Mr.  K.  to  leave  them  for  the  present,  luitil  the  storm 
should  be  over  and  gone. 

The  speech  having  been  ended,  the  Albanian  Coirimittee 
thanked  them  for  it,  and  promised  a  reply  after  the  grand  coun- 
cil with  the  Commissioners  of  the  Twelve  Colonies  should  bo 
terminated. 

That  council  commenced  its  sittings  on  the  day  following — 
August  25th.  The  Oneida  speaker  of  the  preceding  evening 
opened  the  couijcil  very  appropriately,  afler  which  the  Com- 
missioners, before  proceeding  formally  to  business,  proposed  that 
they  should  all  sit  down  and  smoke  the  pipe  of  peace  together. 
The  suggestion  was  acceded  to,  and  the  calumet  passed  round. 
This  ceremony  having  been  ended,  the  Commissioners  opened 
their  mission  by  a  very  appropriate  and  effective  speech,  remind- 
ing the  Indians  of  some  ancient  covenants  of  friendship  with 
the  Colonists,  and  repeating  to  them  a  portion  of  the  speech  of 
Cannassateego,  an  old  and  popular  sachem  of  the  Six  Nations, 
whose  name  and  character  were  held  in  great  reverence  by 
them,  delivered  thirty  years  before  at  a  great  couacii  held  ia 

•  An  order. 


■I     I, 


f» 


4^ 


5,,,' 


4-r 


"Ji 


1'  ir'i 


r 


''■'  ail 

■■■••!■'..  I  ■  ' 


I  \  -ii 


•  m '  M 


100 


LIFE   OP    BRANT. 


W 


r  .^m 


[1775, 


Lancaster.*    The  exhortation  was,  to  union  among  themselves, 
and  peace  and  friendship  with  the  Colonists. 

The  council  was  then  adjourned  to  the  26th,  when  the 
Commissioners  presented  the  address  from  the  Congress,  of 
which  particular  mention  has  been  made  on  a  preceding  page. 
The  deliberations  of  Indian  councils  are  slow  procedures. 
Their  language  is  composed  of  long  and  intricate  compounds, 
and  the  necessity  of  deliberate  and  thorough  interpretations,  so 
that  the  matter  spoken  and  explained  be  fastened  upon  the 
memories  of  the  Indians,  who  possess  not  the  advantage  of 
written  language,  renders  the  process  tedious.  The  entire  sit- 
tings of  two  days  were  therefore  required  for  the  delivery  and 
interpretation,  by  Mr.  Kirkland,  of  the  Congressional  "  talk '' 
with  which  the  Commissioners  were  charged.  At  the  close, 
one  of  the  chiefs  declared  that  the  address  contained  '•  nothing 
"  but  what  was  pleasant  and  good."  But,  as  the  matters  pro- 
posed were  of  high  importance,  they  requested  the  next  day  for 
separate  deliberation  among  themselves,  promising  on  the  suc- 
ceeding day,  August  27th,  to  make  their  reply.  It  was  not, 
however,  until  ihe  31st  of  August  that  the  Indians  were  rea- 
dy to  make  known  the  results  of  their  own  secret  councils. 
Their  answer  was  delivered  by  Little  Abraham,  the  Mohawk 
sachem  of  the  Lower  Castle.  It  was  an  able  speech,  thoroughly 
pacific.  But  there  was  one  declaration  which  it  is  difficult  to 
reconcile  with  the  admitted  veracity  of  the  Indians,  since  it 
was  inconsistent  with  the  well-known  course  of  Guy  Johnson, 
and  the  covenant  which  had  then  already  been  made  by  Brant 
and  his  followers,  with  Sir  Guy  Carleton  and  General  Haldi- 
mand  at  Montreal.  We  allude  to  the  declaration  of  Little 
Abraham,  that  Johnson  had  advised  them  to  assume  and  pre- 
serve a  neutral  position  at  the  recent  Oswego  council.  The 
proceedings  of  Brant  and  Guy  Johnson  at  Montreal  had  not 
then  probably  transpired  in  the  Mohawk  Valley.  Still  Guy 
Johnson  must  have  dissembled,  or  spoken  with  a  "forked 
tongue,"  to  those  Indians  whom  he  supposed  friendly  to  the 
Colonies,  or  so  great  a  mistake  could  not  have  been  made  by 
Little  Abraham. 


*  A  brother  of  CannasflatMgo  was  present  on  this  oocuion,  and  well  remem- 
bered hie  worde. 


1776.] 


COUNCIL   AT    ALBANY. 


101 


ion,  and  well  remem- 


In  the  course  of  their  speech,  the  chiefs  expressed  a  strong  at- 
tachment for  Sir  John  Johnson  as  the  son  of  their  old  friend,  Sir 
William,  who  was  born  among  them,  and  of  Dutch  extraction 
by  Ills  mother.*  They  desired  that  whatever  might  be  the 
cause  of  the  war,  Sir  John  might  be  left  unmolested.  Tlie 
same  request  was  also  interposed  in  behalf  of  their  missionary, 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Stewart,  who,  they  said,  had  been  sent  to  them 
by  the  King  ;  and  also  because  he  never  "  meddled  with  civil 
affairs,"  but  was  intent  only  on  "  instructing  them  in  the  way  to 
heaven." 

In  the  conclusion  of  his  speech,  Abraham  took  occasion  to 
refer  to  some  domestic  matters  between  themselves  and  the 
people  of  Albany.  He  charged  them  with  having  taken  two 
pieces  of  land  from  the  Mohawks,  without  paying  therefor  so 
much  even  as  a  pipe.  These  lands  the  Indians  desired  the 
Twelve  Colonies  to  restore,  and  put  them  into  peaceable  pos- 
session again.  "  If  you  refuse  to  do  this,"  said  he,  "  we  shall 
"  look  upon  the  prospect  as  bad ;  for  if  you  conquer,  you  will 
"  take  us  by  the  arm  and  pull  us  all  off."  In  thus  saying,  he 
spoke  with  the  spirit  of  prophecy ! 

When  little  Abraham  had  ended,  Tiahogtcando,  an  Onei- 
da, made  a  short  speech  on  the  subject  of  th  then  pending 
bloody  and  bitter  controversy  between  Connecticut  and  Penn- 
sylvania, respecting  the  territory  of  Wyoming,  of  which  a  full 
account  will  follow  in  its  proper  place.  The  Indians  avowed 
that  the  land  had  been  conveyed  by  Ihem  to  Penn,  as  a  free 
gift — the  Great  Spirit  not  allowin;;  them  to  sell  that  country. 
In  the  course  of  their  speeches,  the  chiefs  requested  that  the 
Indian  trade  might  be  re-opened  with  them,  both  at  Albany  and 
Schenectady,  and  that  somebody  might  be  appointed  to  guard 
the  tree  of  peace  at  Albany,  and  keep  the  council  fire  burning. 

On  the  1st  of  September  the  Commissioners  made  their  re- 
ply, conciliatory  in  its  character,  and  acceding  to  the  principal 
requests  of  the  Indians.  They  also  informed  the  chiefs  that 
they  had  appointed  General  Schuyler  and  Mr.  Douw  to  keep 
the  fire  burning.  Thus  ended  the  council  with  the  agents  of 
the  Colonies.  The  "unfinished  business"  with  the  Alba- 
nians was  resumed  on  the  next  day — September  2d — for  which 

♦  The  mother  of  Sir  John  was  a  German  lady,  but  in  the  Mohawk  Valley  the 
Germans  are  usually  called  Dutch  to  this  day. 


I' 


■■>  fy   *i 


m 


LIFE    OF    BRANT. 


[1775 


mi 


'[■li 'S 


purpose  a  council  was  formed  in  the  Presbyterian  church. 
The  Commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies  were  likewise  in  at- 
tendance. After  the  preliminaries  of  form  had  been  gone 
through  with,  the  Indians  were  addressed  at  length  by  the 
Albany  Committee.  In  the  course  of  their  speech,  they  ad- 
verted particularly  to  the  council  at  Oswego  and  the  proceed- 
ings of  Guy  Johnson  at  that  place,  respecting  which,  they  said, 
they  had  received  no  certain  advices,  and  of  which  they  wished 
to  be  fully  and  explicitly  informed.  In  regard  to  the  land 
question  interposed  by  the  Indians,  the  Committee  said  they  pre- 
sumed reference  was  had  to  the  lands  at  Ticonderoga.  That 
was  a  question  between  the  Indians  and  the  corporation  of  Al- 
bany ;  whereas  they  were  a  committee  from  the  people,  and 
could  not  entertain  the  question.  They  reminded  the  Indians, 
however,  that  the  question  had  been  agitated  before,  and  set- 
tled by  the  Colonial  Assembly.  They  also  gave  them  to  un- 
derstand that  the  Indians  were  not  the  party  having  cau.se  of 
complaint  in  that  matter. 

The  reply  of  the  Indians  was  delivered  by  Little  Abraham. 
Waiving  the  land  question,  he  proceeded  to  answer  the  ques- 
tions put  to  them  concerning  the  Oswego  council.  "  We  look 
"  upon  it,"  said  he,  "  that  God  will  punish  us  should  we  conceal 
■'  any  thing  from  you."  The  following  passages  are  quoted  from 
the  reply  of  Abraham  : — 

"  Brothers  :  The  transactions  of  that  treaty  were  very 
public.  The  Shawanese  were  there,  and  some  from  Detroit. 
Mr.  Johnson  told  us  that  the  fire  kindled  there  was  a  fire  of 
peace ;  that  all  the  white  people  were  the  King's  subjects, 
and  that  it  seemed  they  were  intoxicated  He  said  the  white 
people  were  all  got  drunk,  and  that  God's  judgment  hung  over 
them ;  but  he  did  not  know  on  which  side  it  would  fall.  Mr. 
Johnson  further  told  us,  that  the  present  council  fire  was  kin- 
dled on  account  of  the  present  dispute,  and  desired  us  not  to 
interfere,  as  tl  uy  were  brothers ;  and  begged  us  to  sit  still  and 
maintain  peace.  This  is  what  Colonel  Johnson  told  us  at  that 
council-fire.  He  also  said  he  had  his  eye  on  Mr.  Kirkland : 
that  he  was  gone  to  Philadelphia,  and  along  the  sea-coast :  that 
he  was  become  a  great  soldier  and  a  leader.  "  Is  this  your 
"  minister  ?"  says  he ;  "  do  you  think  your  minister  minds  your 
"  souls  ?    No.    By  the  tim-^  he  comes  to  Philadelphia,  he  will 


iir'ii 


1775.] 


COUNCIL    AT    ALBANY. 


103 


"  be  a  great  warrior,  and  when  he  returns,  he  will  be  the  chief 
«  of  all  the  Five  Nations." 

«  Brothers  :  There  were  present  five  people  of  Detroit, 
five  from  Caughnawaga,  and  two  of  the  Shawanese.  Colonel 
Johnson  told  them  that,  by  the  time  he  returned  from  Canada, 
they  should  have  all  their  men  there,  and  he  would  then  kin- 
dle a  council-fire  ;  and  he  would  also  desire  them  not  to  take 
any  part  in  this  dispute,  as  it  was  a  quarrel  between  brothers. 
He  also  told  them  that  he  was  going  to  the  Governor  of  Cana- 
da, who  was  of  a  different  opinion  from  him,  but  would  talk 
with  him.  And  he  further  said  that  he  would  tell  the  Caugh- 
nawaga Indians  the  same  that  he  told  us,  and  for  that  purpose 
desired  that  two  of  each  nation  might  go  along  and  hear  it. 
He  likewise  desired  us  to  consider  which  way  we  would  have 
our  trade — whether  up  this  river  or  from  Canada.  He  at  the 
same  time  assured  us  that  we  should  not  suffer  from  want  of 
goods,  as  we  were  not  concerned,  nor  had  any  hand,  in  the 
present  dispute.  He  also  said  something  about  the  council- 
fires.  He  said  there  were  two  fires  which  you  should  keep 
your  eyes  upon ;  and  if  they  call  you  down  to  Albany,  do  not 
you  go  ;  for  they  will  deceive  you,  and  tell  you  a  great  many 
fine  stories.  We  are  very  glad  that  your  language  and  Colo- 
nel Johnson's  so  well  agrees." 

This  report  of  the  proceedings  of  Guy  Johnson  at  Oswego 
was  certainly  unexpected,  and  entu*ely  at  variance  with  the 
tenor  of  his  conduct  previous  to  his  departure  from  the  Mohawk 
Valley,  and  during  his  progress  to  the  west.  It  is  barely  possi- 
ble that  he  had  not  fully  made  up  his  mind  as  to  the  course  he 
might  ultimately  pursue,  and  that  his  purpose  was  not  definitive- 
ly determined  upon,  until  after  his  meeting  with  Carleton  and 
Haldimand  at  Montreal.  And  it  is  abundantly  certain  that  his 
j>i)tions  of  Indian  neutrality,  even  had  he  entertained  them, 
were  very  speedily  abandoned. 

With  the  delivery  of  Abraham's  last-mentioned  speech,  how- 
ever, the  council  was  closed;  and  although  Schuyler  and 
Douw  had  been  appointed  to  keep  the  council  fire  burning,  yet 
the  ashes  were  soon  raked  up — ^never  to  be  opened  again  at 
Albany,  for  that  was  the  last  grand  Indian  council  ever  held  in 
that  city.* 

*  As  mentioned  in  the  Introduction  to  the  present  volume,  the  interesting  pro* 


'     >i 


^i  WA 


i 


!  I 


31 


'.t 


,J'S 


10-1 


LIFE    OF    BRANT. 


[1776. 


mm  ™ 


'Hd,' 


The  result  was  highly  satisfactory  to  the  Commissioners,  and 
apparently  so  to  the  Indians,  who  had  been  well  provided  for 
during  the  three  weeks  occupied  at  the  German  Flatts  and 
Albany.  On  their  departure,  moreover,  they  were  handsomely 
supplied  with  presents,  and  they  took  their  leave  with  mani- 
festations of  great  good-will. 

Most  unfortunately,  however,  soon  after  their  return  from 
Albatiy,  an  epidemic  disorder  appeared  among  them,  in  the 
formof  a  highly  malignant  fever.  It  was  a  disease  which  they 
had  never  seen,  and  by  it  great  numbers  were  swept  away. 
The  Schoharie  canton  of  the  Mohawks,  in  particular,  suffered 
very  severely.  Indeed,  they  were  almost  exterminated.*  The 
small  number  who  survived,  imbibed  the  impression  that  the 
Great  Spirit  had  sent  the  pestilence  upon  them  in  anger  for  not 
having  taken  sides  with  the  King,  They,  therefore,  followed 
their  brethren  from  the  Mohawk  Valley,  who  had  escaped  to 
Canada  with  Guy  Johnson.  In  the  subsequent  invasions  of 
the  Tryon  County  settlements,  these  Schoharie  Indians,  who 
thus  deserted  by  an  impulse  of  superstition,  were  among  the 
most  forward  and  cruel .f  It  should  also  be  borne  in  mind, 
that,  after  all,  the  council  comprised  but  an  inadequate  and  par- 
tial representation  of  the  Six  Nations,  with  the  exception  of  the 
Oneidas  and  the  lower  clan  of  the  Mohawks.  The  great  body 
of  the  Mohawk  warriors,  headed  by  Thayendanegea,  had  left 
the  country ;  and  the  most  influential  of  the  Onondagas,  Cay- 
ugas,  and  Senecas,  had  also  accompanied  Brant  and  Guy 
Johnson  to  Montreal ;  and  events,  at  no  very  distant  day,  proved 
that  the  Albany  treaty  had  been  held  to  very  little  purpose.  It 
is  not  consistent  with  the  nature  or  habits  of  Indians  to  re- 
main inactive  in  the  midst  of  war. 

Still,  for  the  time  being,  those  proceedings  were  not  without 
benefit  to  the  cause  of  the  country.     The  people  of  Tryon 

ceedings  of  which  a  mere  rtuthne  has  been  given  in  the  text,  have  never  before  been 
published  complete.  Their  importance — their  intrinsic  interest — and  the  fact  that 
it  was  the  last  grand  council  of  the  confederacy  ever  holden  in  Albany,  had  induced 
the  author  originally  to  arrange  the  whole  in  the  text.  But  their  great  length,  it  was 
thought,  would  too  seriously  obstruct  the  narrative.  Hence  they  have  been  trans- 
ferred to  the  Appendix.  It  was  the  first  design  of  the  author  to  abridge  the 
speeches,  but  an  attempt  soon  proved  that  their  force  and  spirit  would  be  lost  in 
the  process.  See  Appendix. 
*  Letter  of  John  M,  Brown,  on  the  early  histoiy  of  Schoharie.  f  Idem. 


1775.] 


SIR   JOHN   JOHNSON. 


106 


County  were  relieved,  by  the  stipulations  of  peace  and  neutral- 
ity, from  apprehensions  of  immediate  danger  from  without; 
and  the  Committee  of  Safety  was  consequently  enabled  to  direct 
their  attention,  not  only  to  the  more  efficient  organization  of 
the  settlements  for  defence,  but  to  the  civil  government  of  the 
county. 

But,  notwithstanding  the  fine  spirit  manifested  thus  far  by  a 
majority  of  the  people  in  the  interior,  and  that  too  under  all 
the  disadvantages  we  have  been  contemplating — notwit'.oiand- 
ing  the  decisive  tone  of  the  language  used  in  denouncin  ^  the  op- 
pressions of  the  Crown,-  -'.t  was  not  yet  exactly  certain  'lat  the 
Colony  of  New-York  would  range  itself  against  the  r(  -  au- 
thority. Governor  Tryon,  who  wo?  popular  in  the  Colony, 
had  recently  been  recalled  from  Nortk  Carolina,  and  again  ap- 
pointed Governor  of  New- York ;  and  he  was  exerting  his  utmost 
powers  to  detach  her  from  the  cause  of  the  Union — seconded 
by  the  Asia,  man  of  war,  then  lying  in  the  harbour,  and  com- 
manding the  city  of  New- York  by  her  guns.  The  captain  of 
the  Asia  had  threatened  to  destroy  the  town  should  General 
Lee,  who  was  then  approaching  with  an  army  from  the  east, 
be  allowed  to  enter  it ;  and  such  were  the  prevalence  of  terror 
and  the  power  of  intrigue,  that  disaffection  to  the  cause  of  the 
Union  began  to  exhibit  itself  openly  in  the  Provincial  Congress. 
Indeed,  avowals  of  a  design  to  plac^-  'hemselves  under  the  royal 
standard  were  unequivocally  uttered.  These  untoward  ap- 
pearances were  rendered  the  more  threatening  by  the  discovery 
of  a  secret  correspondence,  from  which  it  was  ascertained  that 
the  parent  government  was  preparing  to  send  a  fleet  into  the 
Hudson,  and  to  occupy  both  New-York  and  Albany  with  its 
armies.*  Of  these  designs  Sir  John  Johnson  was  probably 
well  aware,  and  the  hope  of  their  accomplishment  may  have  in- 
duced him  to  linger  behind,  watching  the  signs  of  the  times, 
after  the  departure  of  his  brother-in-law  and  his  army  of  fol- 
lowers. Sir  John  had  also  a  numerous  tenantry,  who  were 
mostly  loyalists ;  and  the  Scotch  colonists,  settled  in  large  num- 
bers in  Johnstown  and  its  neighbourhood,  of  whom  mention 
has  formerly  been  made,  being  loyalists  likewise,  constituted  for 
him  a  respectable  force  upon  which  he  could  rely  in  a  case  of 
emergency. 

■*■  Marshall's  Life  of  Wuhington. 


1        i 


V'iH^ 


^ 


t.':     ! 


i'l 


f       * 


I    '    > 


H 


'■»     <! 


'I 

■'!■• 


km 


P 


106 


LIFE    OF    BRANT. 


[1775. 


The  Dutch  and  German  population  of  the  valley,  however, 
were  chiefly  Whigs  ;  as  also,  by  this  time,  were  a  decided  ma- 
jority of  the  entire  white  population,  not  only  of  the  Mohawk 
Valley,  but  of  Schoharie,  Cfierry  Valley,  and  the  other  settle- 
ments in  the  southern  part  of  that  widely-extended  county. 
The  general  Committee  executed  their  functions  with  equal 
diligence  and  vigour.  The  inhabitants  were  enrolled  and  or- 
ganized  into  militia ;  the  Committee  deposed  the  sheriff,  Alex 
ander  White,*  and  caused  Colonel  John  Frey  to  be  appointed 
in  his  place  ;  and,  in  one  word,  they  took  upon  themselves  both 
the  civil  and  military  jurisdiction  of  tiie  large  section  of  coun- 
try, over  which  they  had  provisionally  assumed  the  govern- 
ment. White  had  rendered  himself  particularly  odious  to  the 
Whigs  from  the  first.  Under  some  trifling  pretext,  he  had  ar- 
rested a  Whig  by  the  name  of  John  Fonda,  and  committed  him 
to  prison.  His  friends,  to  the  number  of  fifty  men,  under  the 
conduct  of  Sampson  Sammons,  went  to  the  jail  at  night  and 
released  him  by  force.  From  the  prison  they  proceeded  to  the 
lodgings  of  the  sheriff,  and  demanded  his  surrender.  White 
looked  out  from  the  second  story  window,  and  probably  recog- 
nizing the  leader  of  the  crowd,  inquired — "  Is  that  you,  Sam- 
mons?" "Yes,"  was  the  prompt  reply;  upon  which  White 
discharged  a  pistol  at  the  sturdy  Whig,  but  happily  without 
injury.  The  ball  whizzed  past  his  head,  and  struck  in  the 
sill  of  the  door.  This  was  the  first  shot  fired  in  the  war  of  the 
Revolution  west  of  the  Hudson.  It  was  immediately  returned 
by  the  discharge  of  some  forty  or  fifty  muskets  at  the  sheriff, 
but  the  only  effect  was  a  slight  wound  in  the  breast — just  suf- 
ficient to  draw  blood.  The  doors  of  the  house  were  broken, 
and  White  would  have  been  taken,  but  at  that  moment  a  gun 
was  fired  at  the  hall  by  Sir  John.  This  was  known  to  be  a 
signal  for  his  retainers  and  Scotch  partisans  to  rally  in  arms ; 
and  as  they  would  muster  a  force  of  five  hundred  men  in  a 
very  short  time,  the  Whigs  thought  it  most  prudent  to  disperse. 
They  collected  again  at  Caughnawaga,  however,  and  sent  a 
deputation  to  Sir  John,  demanding  that  White  should  be  given 
up  to  them.t    This  demand,  of  course,  was  not  complied  with. 

•  The  first  liberty  pole  erected  in  the  Mohawk  Valley  was  at  the  German  Flatts, 
and  White,  with  a  band  of  loyallBts,  had  cut  down  the  emblem  of  rebellion, 
f  MS.  narrative  of  Jacob  Samm^nt. 


1775.] 


DEl'O.SIi'IUN    OP    SIIEUIFF    WHITE. 


lor 


After  his  (lismissul,  as  already  mentioned,  by  an  act  of  the  peo- 
ple "  in  their  sovereign  capacity,"  White  was  re-commissioned 
by  Governor  Tryon ;  but  the  County  Committee  would  not 
suffer  him  to  re-enter  upon  the  duties  of  the  office.  On  the  con- 
trary, so  high  was  the  popular  indignation  against  him,  that  he 
was  obliged  to  fly — setting  his  face  toward  Canada,  accompa- 
nied by  a  white  man  named  Peter  Bone,  and  two  or  three  In- 
dians. He  was  pursued  to  Jessup's  landing  on  the  Hudson 
River,  where  the  house  in  which  he  lodged  was  surrounded, 
and  the  fugitive  sheriff  taken  prisoner.  From  thence  he  was 
taken  to  Albany  and  imprisoned.*  Shortly  afterward  he  was 
released  on  his  parole,  and  left  the  country. 

The  exigencies  of  the  times  recpiired  prompt  and  vigorous 
action  ;  and  the  Committee  seems  to  have  been  composed  of  ex- 
actly the  right  description  of  men.  They  arrested  suspicious 
persons,  tried  them,  fined  some,  imprisoned  more,  and  executed 
others.  Their  duties  also  involved  the  preservation  of  the 
peace  in  a  critical  period,  among  a  mixed  population  of  border- 
men,  ever  more  or  less  disposed  to  impatience  under  legal  re- 
straint, and  of  course  requiring  the  controlling  power  of 
a  strong  arm.  And  yet  these  high  duties  were  generally  dis- 
charged with  great  satisfaction  to  the  public — the  loyalists  ex 
cepted,  of  course — and  their  resolutions  and  decrees  Avere  submit- 
ted  to  by  their  constituents  with  alacrity.  Their  influence  was 
likewise  successfully  exerted  in  winning  friends  to  the  popular 
cause,  by  deciding  the  wavering  and  confirming  the  irresolute.f 

Added  to  these  multifarious  duties,  was  the  necessity  of 
keeping  a  vigilant  watch  over  the  motions  of  Sir  John  John- 
son, whose  position  and  conduct  were  alike  equivocal,  and  the 
numerous  loyalists  by  whom  he  was  surrounded.  By  these 
people  every  possible  obstacle  was  thrown  in  the  way  of  the 
Committee,  and  no  method  of  annoying  and  embarrassing 
them  left  untried.  They  laboured  to  destroy  the  confidence  of 
the  people  in  the  Committee;  called  public  meetings  them- 
selves, and  chose  counter-committees  ;  now  attempted  to  cover 
the  Whig  Committees  with  ridicule,  and  now  again  charged 
them  with  illegal  and  tyrannical  conduct.t  The  consequence 
was,  mutual  exasperation — sometimes  between  near  neighbotirs; 

*  Narrative  of  Jacob  Satmnons.         f  CampbeU's  Annals.        |  Idora. 


i      i: : 


\     , 


i(   > 


I      ; 


108 


LIFE    OF    BRANT. 


[1775. 


;:  •  ■■!  . 


fe'H'i     .'■    '• 


a  m 


and  the  reciprocal  engendering  of  hostile  feeUngs  between 
friends,  who  ranged  themselves  under  opposing  banners.  These 
incipient  neighbourhood  quarrels  occasioned,  in  the  progress  ot 
the  contest  that  ensued,  some  of  the  most  bitter  and  bloody 
personal  conflicts  that  ever  marked  the  annals  of  a  civil  war. 
Several  members  of  the  Committee  subsequently  acted  a  dis- 
tinguished part  in  the  field  ;  many  of  them  sacrificed  their  es- 
tates; and  some  of  them  fell.  Among  them,  Christopher 
P.  Yates,  the  first  Chairman,  accompanied  General  Mont- 
gomery as  a  volunteer  to  Ticonderoga  and  Canada,  and  after- 
ward raised  and  commanded  a  corps  of  rangers.*  The  fate 
of  Nicholas  Herkimer  is  well  known,  though  his  death  will 
be  invested  with  new  and  additional  interest  in  the  progress  of 
this  narrative.! 

In  regard  to  Sir  John,  matters  were  now  fast  approaching  to 
a  crisis.  On  the  7th  of  September  the  Committee  wrote  to  the 
Provincial  Congress  in  New- York,  denouncing  his  conduct 
and  that  of  his  associates — particularly  the  Highlanders,  who, 
to  the  number  of  two  hundred,  were  said  to  be  gathered  about 
him,  and  by  whom  the  Whigs  "  were  daily  scandalized,  pro- 
"  voked,  and  threatened."  They  added — "  We  have  great  sus- 
"  picions,  and  are  almost  assured,  that  Sir  John  has  a  continual 
"  correspondence  with  Colonel  Guy  Johnson  and  his  party."t 

No  sooner  had  the  Congress  of  The  Twelve  United 
Colonies  agreed  to  the  Declaration,  or  manifesto,  mentioned 
in  the  beginning  of  the  present  chapter,  proclaiming  to  the 
world  the  causes,  and  the  necessity  of  their  appeal  to  arms, 
than  it  was  felt,  on  all  hands,  even  by  the  timid  and  hesitating, 
that  England  and  the  Colonies  now  stood,  not  in  the  relation 

*  Campbell's  Annuls. 

t  The  following  extract  is  from  a  letter  of  the  State  Committee  of  Safety,  under 
date  of  December,  1775,  signed  by  John  M'K.esson,  Clerk  of  tlie  Provincial  Con- 
gress:— "I  was  directed  by  this  Congress  to  assure  you  of  the  high  esteem  and 
"  respect  they  have  for  your  vigilant,  noble-spirited  County  Committee."  The  follow 
ing  was  from  Qenerai  Schuyler  in  the  summer  of  1776: — "The  propriety  of  your 
"conduct,  and  your  generous  exertions  in  the  cause  of  your  country,  entitle  you  to  the 
**  thanks  of  every  one  of  its  friends ;  please  to  accept  of  mine  most  sincerely." 
CampbeWs  Annals. 

X  It  was  afterward  ascertained  that  such  a  correspondence  was  carried  on 
through  the  Indians,  who  conveyed  letters  in  the  heads  of  their  tomahawks  and  in 
the  ornaments  worn  about  their  persons.  The  Indians  also  brought  powder  acroai 
from  Camda..— Campbell's  Mnah. 


'i-lll 


1775.]  SIR  JOHN   JOHNSON.  109 

of  parent  and  children,  but  in  the  attitude  of  two  nations  legal- 
ly at  war.  Hence  the  patriots  of  Tryon  County  began  to  look 
more  closely,  and  with  greater  assurance,  to  the  deportment  of 
Sir  John,  of  whose  designs,  as  has  been  seen,  they  had  from  the  first 
entertained  strong  suspicions.  The  movements  of  Sir  Guy  Carle- 
ton,  moreo'sr,  Governor-general  of  Canada,  who  had  been  com- 
niissioncd  to  muster  and  arm  all  persons  within  that  province, 
and  to  wage  war  by  land  and  sea  against "  all  enemies,  pirates,  or 
"  rebels,  either  in  or  out  of  the  province,"  to  "  take  them  and 
«'  put  them  to  death,  or  preserve  them  alive,  at  his  discretion," 
were  now  creating  great  uneasiness  on  the  northern  frontier, 
from  which  quarter  they  were  apprehending  a  formidable  inva- 
sion. The  management  of  the  northern  department  having 
been  committed  to  Generals  Schuyler  and  Montgomery,  who 
were  now  directing  a  force  upon  Montreal  and  Quebec,  the 
Tryon  County  Committee  determined  to  probe  the  intentions  of 
Sir  John  Johnson  at  once  and  to  the  bottom.  For  this  pur- 
pose, on  the  26th  of  October,  they  addressed  him  the  following 
letter : — 

"  Tryon  County  Coinmittee  Chamber^ 

Oct.  26,  1775. 
"Honorable  Sir, 

« As  we  find  particular  reason  to  be  convinced  of  your 
opinion  in  the  questions  hereafter  expressed,  we  require  you, 
that  you'll  please  to  oblige  us  with  your  sentiments  thereupon 
in  a  few  lines  by  our  messengers,  the  bearers  hereof,  Messrs. 
Ebenezer  Cox,  James  McMaster,  and  John  James  Klock,  mem- 
bers of  our  Committee. 

"  We  want  to  know  whether  you  will  allow  that  the  inhabit- 
ants of  Johnstown  and  Kingsborough  may  form  themselves 
into  companies,  according  to  the  regulations  of  our  Continent- 
al Congress,  for  the  defence  of  our  country's  cause ;  and 
whether  your  Honor  would  be  ready  himself  to  give  his  per- 
sonal assistance  to  the  same  purpose. 

"  Also,  whether  you  pretend  a  prerogative  to  our  County 
court-house  and  gaol,  and  would  hinder  or  interrupt  the  Com- 
mittee, to  make  use  of  the  same  public  houses,  to  our  want 
and  service  in  the  common  cause  % 


'  ifl 


no 


LIFr:    OF    DUANT. 


,|v  i  ■.  'M' 


■i  la:     'I'l 


[1775. 


"  We  don't  doubt  you  will  comply  with  our  reasonable  re 
quests,  and  thereby  oblige, 

"  Honorable  Sir, 
"  Your  obedient  and  humble  Servants. 
"  To  the  "  By  order  of  the  Committee, 

Honorable  Sir  John  Johnson,  "  Nicholas  Hrrkimer, 

Johnson  Hall"  "  Chairman." 

The  deputation  named  in  the  letter  waited  upon  Sir  John 
in  person,  to  receive  his  answer — the  substance  of  which  they 
reported  to  the  Committee  verbally  as  follows,  viz  : — 

"  1.  By  perusing  our  letter,  Sir  John  replied  that  he  thinks 
our  requests  very  unreasonable,  as  he  never  had  denied  the 
use  either  of  the  court-house  or  gaol  to  any  body,  nor  would 
yet  deny  it,  for  the  use  which  these  houses  have  been  built  for ; 
but  he  looks  upon  it  that  the  court-house  and  gaol  are  his  pro- 
perty till  he  is  paid  £700 — the  amount  of  which  being  out  of 
hi,5  pocket  for  the  building  of  the  same. 

"  2.  In  regard  of  embodying  his  tenants  into  companies,  he 
never  did  forbid  them,  neither  should  do  it,  as  they  may  use 
their  pleasure ;  but  we  might  save  ourselves  the  trouble,  he 
being  sure  that  they  would  not. 

"  3.  Concerning  himself,  he  said,  that  before  he  would  sign 
any  association,  or  would  lift  his  hand  up  against  his  King,  he 
would  rather  suffer  that  his  head  shall  be  cut  off. 

"  Further  he  replied,  that  if  we  should  make  any  unlawful 
use  of  the  gaol,  he  would  oppose  it,  and  also  he  mentions,  that 
there  have  many  unfair  means  been  used  for  increasing  the  as- 
sociation and  uniting  the  people  ;  for  he  was  informed  by  credi- 
ble gentlemen  in  New- York  that  they  were  obliged  to  unite, 
otherwise  they  could  not  live  there;  and  that  he  was  informed 
by  good  authority,  that  likewise  two  thirds  of  the  Canajoharie 
and  German  Flatts  people  have  been  forced  to  sign  the  articles  ; 
and  in  his  oj)inion  the  Boston  people  are  open  rebels,  and  the 
other  Colonies  have  joined  them." 

Immediately  on  receiving  this  report,  the  Committee  deter- 
mined to  bring  the  question  of  the  occupancy  of  the  gaol  to  an 
issue.  They  therefore  directed  that  two  of  their  prisoners, 
named  Lewis  Clement  and  Peter  Bowen,*  who  had  been  sen- 

*  A  subaequent  document  induces  the  belief  that  these  prisoners  were  Indians, 
though  it  is  not  so  distinctly  stated. 


•  if-'ti    k 


f' ' 


1775.]  SIR   JOHN   JOHNSON.  Ill 

tenced  to  certain  periods  of  confinement  for  political  offences, 
should  be  forthwith  conveyed  to  the  prison,  under  a  guard  com- 
manded by  Captain  Jacob  Skeber,  with  ins^tructi  ^ns,  that 
should  the  gaoler  refuse  to  receive  them  into  close  confinement 
for  the  time  specified,  or  should  they  be  opposed  by  Sir  John, 
then  Captain  Seeber  was  to  bring  th6m  to  the  house  of  "  our 
"  voted  and  elected  new  high  sheriff,  John  Frey,  Esq.  who  shall 
«'  immediately  inform  thereof  our  chairman  for  further  direc- 
« tions." 

Sir  John  did  not  allow  the  Committee  to  take  possession  ot 
the  gaol,  and  they  were  obliged  to  fit  up  a  private  house  as  a 
temporary  prison  ;  while  some  of  their  prisoners  were  sent  to 
Albany,  and  others  as  far  as  Hartford  for  safe  keeping.*  The 
Committee  apprised  the  Provincial  Congress  of  their  proceed- 
ings in  this  matter,  from  which  body  they  received  the  follow- 
ing communication  in  reply : — 

"  Dec.  9th.  The  Congress  have  this  day  entered  into  the 
consideration  of  your  letter  of  the  28th  of  October,  and  are  of 
opinion  that  your  application  to  Sir  John  Johnson,  requesting 
an  answer  ftoxn  him  whether  he  would  allow  his  tenants  to 
form  themselves  into  companies,  and  associate  with  their 
brethren  of  your  County,  according  to  the  resolves  of  the  Con- 
tinental Congress,  for  the  defence  of  our  liberties,  was  impro- 
per with  respect  to  him,  and  too  condescending  on  your  part, 
as  it  was  a  matter  that  came  properly  within  your  province : 
and  to  which  we  doubt  not  but  you  are  competent,  as  you  have 
a  line  of  conduct  prescribed  to  you  by  Congress.  With  respect 
to  your  second  question,  whether  he  won!  d  take  any  active  part 
in  the  controversy  at  present  existing  between  Great  Britain 
and  her  Colonies,  we  conceive  it  to  be  very  proper,  and  thank 
you  for  information  on  that  head. 

"  As  to  the  third  question,  we  conceive  that  he  has  no  claim 
nor  title  to  the  court-house  and  gaol  in  the  County,  as  we  are  cre- 
dibly told  that  his  father,  Sir  William  Johnson,  did  in  his  lifetime 
convey  the  same  to  two  gentlemen  in  trust  for  the  use  of  your 
County.  However,  as  an  attempt  to  use  the  same  for  the  pur- 
pose of  confining  persons  inimical  to  our  country  may  be  pro- 
ductive of  bad  consequences,  we  beg  leave  to  recommend  to  you, 


1     , 


(   > 


%  ,  f      ->       '    '{[ 


J     it         r    'U  lit' I 

''  ■    r'Mt 


*  Campbell's  Annals'. 


m.'i 


112 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1776. 


I      '!i, 


to  procure  some  other  place  which  may  answer  the  end  of  a 
gaol.  And  give  you  our  advice  not  to  molest  Sir  John  as  long 
as  he  shall  continue  inactive,  and  not  impede  the  measures  ne- 
cessary to  be  carried  into  execution  from  being  completed. 

"  We  are  extremely  sorry  that  Mr.  White  has,  by  liis  impru- 
dent conduct,  rendered  liimself  justly  offensive  to  you.  The 
best  advice  we  can  give  you  in  this  unpleasant  affair  is,  that  if  you 
are  of  opinion  that  his  contituiing  in  his  office  will  be  danger- 
ous to  your  liberties,  then  that  you  permit  the  office  to  be  ex- 
ercised by  his  deputies.  And  that  you  draw  up  a  petition,  get 
as  many  persons  of  your  County  to  sign  it  as  possible,  and  pre- 
sent it  to  the  Governor  of  the  Colony,  setting  forth  that  it  is 
very  disagreeable  to  tlie  people  in  generil  that  he  should  exe- 
cute that  office,  and  praying  that  he  may  be  displaced,  and  his 
place  supplied  by  a  person  who  would  be  acceptable  to  the  peo- 
ple of  your  County. 

"  We  are  respectfully, 
"  Gentlemen, 

"  To  Nicholas  Herkimer,  Esq.    )        "  Your  most  obedient 
Chairman,  and  the  >  "  humble  Servants, 

Committee  of  Tnjon  County.  )  "  By  order, 

Nathl.  Woodhull,  Pres." 

The  first  act  of  positive  liostility  on  the  part  of  the  Indians, 
during  this  bitter  and  bloody  contest,  was  committed  in  the 
Autumn  of  the  present  year.  General  Schuyler  having  been 
obliged  temporarily  to  leave  the  northern  army  in  consequence 
of  ill  health,  the  command  devolved  upon  General  Montgome- 
ry, who  had  advanced  a  second  time  upon  St.  Johns  and  cap- 
tured the  fortress— Sir  Guy  Carleton  having  been  repulsed  by 
Colonel  Warner  at  Longiieil,  in  his  attempt  to  cross  the  St. 
Lawrence  and  advance  to  its  succor.  It  appears  that,  either 
in  the  first  or  second  attack  upon  St.  Johns,  or  in  both,  tl;e 
Americans  had  been  opposed  by  some  of  the  Mohawk  Indians 
— those,  doubtless,  who  had  accompanied  Guy  Johnson  to  Ca- 
nada. Hence,  on  the  27th  of  October,  the  Tryon  County 
Committee  "unanimously  resolved,  that  a  letter  should  be 
"  sent  to  the  sachems  of  the  Canajoharie  Castle,  in  regard  to 
"the  return  and  present  abiding  of  some  Indians  in  their 
"  Castle  from  Canada,  who  have  acted  inimically  against  us, 


'     . 


if' 


HOSTILITY    OF   THE    INDIANS. 


113 


1775.] 

"  uud  fought  against  our  united  forces  near  the  fort  St.  John, 
<'  not  to  give  sheltijr  to  such  real  enemies  among  them." 

No  copy  of  the  letter  written  pursuant  to  this  resolution  has 
been  preserved.  It  is  noted  among  the  papers  of  the  Commit- 
tee, however,  that  the  sachems  and  warriors  of  Canajoharie 
Cnstle  appeared  before  them  in  person,  and  made  the  following 
answer  to  their  epistle  of  remonstrance  : — 

»  Broth Eus:  We  are  thankful  to  you  that  you  opened  to 
us  your  hearts,  and  we  comprehend  to  bo  all  true  what  you 
wrote  to  us.  Wc  live  together.  Gentlemen,  and  we  shall  do  our 
endeavour  to  answer  you  upon  all  the  contents  of  your  letter, 
us  much  as  we  can  remember  thereof. 

"Bhothkrs:  We  have  not  yet  forgotten  our  agreement 
made  in  Albany.  It  is  not  such  a  long  time  ago,  we  can  re- 
meiuber  if  yet.  Although  we  have  not  put  it  in  writing,  it  is 
yet  in  our  memory.  We  can  remembtr  very  well  that  there 
have  been  twelve  Governors  with  whom  we  agreed,  and  we  made 
a  level  road  to  the  Six  Nations,  to  Boston,  and  to  Philadelphia. 

"BuoTHKUs  :  We  have,  as  well  as  '.he  Senecas  and  others 
of  the  Six  Nations,  been  very  glad  to  make  that  road,  where 
we  went  and  shall  go.  It  is  all  peace  and  very  good.  The 
Nations  have  been  very  glad  for  the  making  of  that  good  road,, 
and  it  is  all  joeaceable.  But  we  are  afraid  you  make  the  first 
disturbance  on  the  sea-side — because  you  are  a  fighting  already. 
They  have  made  tliat  good  road,  but  they  will  not  hope  that 
we  should  spill  blood  upon  it.  You  said  in  your  letter  that 
you  cannot  keep  your  young  people  buck,  but  wc  think  you  are 
masters  of  them,  and  could  order  them.  Some  of  our  young 
people  are  now  in  Cf^nada,  and  perhaps  they  are  killed  ;  but  if. 
so  be,  our  hearts  Avill  not  be  sore  about  it. 

"  There  are  some  young  people,  among  them  here,  whom' 
wc  could  persuade  to  stay  and  not  to  meddle  themselves  with 
the  fighting  of  the  white  people ;  but  some  went  yet  away,  and 
wc  are  glad  to  see  them  back  again,  because  they  have  been 
debauched  to  go  away. 

"  Bkothers  :  The  Six  Nations  are  now  speaking  about  that 
good  road,  and  are  glad  ;  but  if  they  shall  perhaps  pass  that  road 
and  see  some  blood  spilled  upon  it,  then  they  would  be  surprised. 

"  Bro  I'HERS :  We  have  made  a  very  strong  agreement  of 

friendship  together,  and  we  beg  you  will  not  break  it  for  sake 

10 


:  ^\ 


{ 


V: 


' 

1  , 

:.  i  S 

1 

mm 


114 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1775. 


kii'Si    I   ■     ■    'i   'Ml 


'Hf.i ';!;-'';■ '■:¥': 


of  some  wrong  done  by  some,  v/ho  have  been  deoauched.    You 
will  drop  it,  we  hope,  for  the  present." 

Thr  Committee  replied  to  them  in  substance,  that  if  those  of 
their  young  men  who  had  first  spilt  the  blood  of  their  white 
brethren,  had  come  back  repenting  of  their  conduct,  they 
should  first  have  gone  to  the  Committee,  and  manifested  their 
sorrow  to  them.  Far  from  doing  so,  hov/^ever,  one  of  them, 
named  William  Johnson,  had,  on  the  contrary,  boasted  of  his 
hostile  proceedings,  and  spoken  boldly  aga!  ist  the  cause  of  the 
Americans. 

On  the  30th  of  October,  at  the  request  of  some  of  the  chiefs 
of  the  Mohawk  Caf;tle,  John  Marbatt  was  deputed  to  hold  a 
conference  with  them,  in  reference  to  the  iniprisonment  of  Cle- 
ment and  Bo  wen.  Marbatt  says,  in  his  letter  to  General  Herki- 
mer, Chairman  of  the  Committee: — 

"  The  heads  of  the  Mohawk  Castle  met  me  at  Abraham 
Quackenbush's,  and  made  a  speech  to  me.  They  said  we 
were  all  brothers,  and  all  brought  up  together,  and  hoped  that 
^•^e  might  remain  so.  They  said  they  were  very  sorry  for  their 
two  brothers,  Lewis  Clement  and  Peter  Bo  wen,  and  desired 
that  tbey  might  be  discharged.  It  was  so  hard  for  them  to  see 
their  brothrcn  in  *  onfinement  that  they  could  not  rest.  Where- 
on I  told  them  there  was  a  law ;  and  if  any  of  our  brothers 
transgressed  the  law,  they  must  expect  to  be  pun-ished  by  the 
law.  I  told  them  that  any  one  that  behaved  [well]  should  not  be 
disturbed  at  all.  But  they  begged  that  as  they  had  transacted 
this,  [offendedj  before  the  law  took  effect,  they  might  be  dis- 
charged ;  and  if  ever  they  transgressed  again,  they  had  nothing 
to  say  against  punishing  them.  They  told  me  that  they  want- 
ted  to  go  a  hunting,  and  could  not  go  from  home  contented 
until  this  matter  was  settled.  They  desired  me  to  give  them  an 
answer  against  next  Saturday.  Gentlemen,  I  hope  you  will 
settle  this  matter  for  peace's  sake.  Your  compliance  will  much 
oblige  your  friend  and  humble  servant,"  (kc. 

The  speech  from  the  Canajoharie  Indians,  just  recited, 
if  closely  scrutinised,  might  appear  somewhat  equivocal. 
Still,  it  was  not  belligerent ;  and,  when  taken  in  connexion 
with  the  preceding  letter,  the  presumption  is  reasonable,  thtt 
the  Mohawks  remaining  about  their  ancient  castles,  had  no^' 
yet  determined  to  swerve  from  their  engagement  of  neutrality. 


Irl 


Ml  ^ 


1775.] 


PROGRESS   OP   EVENTS. 


115 


^'i 


p''. 


Such  was  the  progress  of  the  Revolution,  in  the  County  of 
Tryon,  down  to  the  close  of  1775.  A  rapid  glance  at  contem- 
poraneous events  not  already  noted,  occurring  elsewhere,  will 
close  the  history  of  the  year.  The  battle  of  Bunker  Hill  had 
aroused  all  New  England  to  arms  ;  and  by  the  time  of  Gene- 
ral Washington's  arrival  to  assume  the  command,  during  the 
first  week  in  July,  the  British  forces  were  so  effectually  shut  up 
in  Bostcn,  as  to  be  obliged  to  send  out  small  vessels  to  a  distance 
for  supplies.  To  cut  up  this  species  of  coast- wise  commerce, 
the  Colonies  of  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  and  Connecticut 
each  fitted  out  two  small  cruisers,  before  Congress  had  made  a 
suggestion  respecting  a  naval  armament.  The  first  avowal  of 
offensive  hostility  against  the  mother  country,  was  contained 
in  the  act  of  the  Massachusetts  Congress  for  fitting  out  a  naval  ar- 
mament; and  among  the  first  fruits  was  the  capture,  by  Captain 
Manly  of  Marblehead,  of  a  large  British  ordnance  brig,  laden 
with  several  elegant  brass  pieces  of  artillery,  a  large  supply  of 
small  arms,  tools  and  utensils  of  all  warlike  descriptions,  &.c. 
Three  days  afterward  Captain  Manly  captured  three  more 
British  ships  laden  with  military  stores.  South  Carolina  was 
at  the  same  time  making  vigorous  preparations  for  war,  but 
hcd  not  exceeding  3,000  lbs  of  gunpowder  within  the  province. 
By  fitting  out  a  fast  sailing  vessel,  however,  they  were  ena- 
bled to  intercept  a  supply  vessel  off  St.  Augustine,  and  obtain 
a  large  and  timely  addition  to  their  stores — 15,000  pounds  of 
gunpo«rder  alone.  Meantime  the  affairs  of  the  Colonies  con- 
tinued to  form  the  leading  and  most  exciting  topic  of  debate  in 
the  British  Parliament.  Lord  North,  who,  it  is  now  known, 
acted  throughout  this  great  struggle  more  in  obedience  to  the 
positive  requisitions  of  the  King,  than  in  accordance  with  his 
own  private  wishes,  insisted  upon  the  strongest  measures  of 
compulsion.  General  Conway,  Colonel  Lutterell,  Mr.  James 
Grenville,  the  Duke  of  Grafton,  and  Lord  Lyttleton,  spoke  in 
favor  of  concession  to  the  Colonies,  and  argued  in  favor  of  re- 
pealing every  enactment  respecting  the  matters  in  dispute  with 
the  Colonies,  subsequent  to  the  year  1 763.  The  ministers  con- 
tended that  they  might  as  well  acknowledge  the  independence 
of  the  Colonies  at  once.  Mr.  Burke,  during  this  season,  made 
his  great  speech  oa  American  affairs,  and  introduced  his  con- 
ciliatory bill,  proposing  "  a  renunciation  of  the  exercise  of  tax- 


,'Mfi  *| 


fM 


i'    ,! 


If- 


V.^ 


116 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


mm 


r'j:.! 


,1"  ,   .  ■  ;  ,r''l  V  .  :Sti    ■   U 


'» 


'"!f  !-' 


'  ^ 


iliiii 


[1775. 


"  ation,  without  at  all  interfering  with  the  question  of  right. 
"  It  preserved  the  power  of  levying  duties,  for  the  regulation  of 
"  commerce ;  but  the  money  so  raised  was  to  be  at  the  disposal 
''  of  the  several  general  assemblies.  The  tea  duty  was  to  be 
"  repealed,  and  a  general  anmesty  granted."  This  proposition, 
though  regarded  with  more  favor  than  the  others,  was  rejected ; 
and  the  Administration  was  sustained  in  the  policy  of  sending  a 
large  sea  and  land  force  against  the  Colonies,  accompanied  with 
offers  of  mercy  upon  a  proper  submission.*  The  Continental 
Congress,  however,  still  continued  its  efforts  to  prevent  a  final 
separation ;  and  another  address  to  the  King  was  adopted,'be- 
seeching  the  interposition  of  his  royal  authority  to  afford  rehef 
from  their  afflicting  fears  and  jealousies,  and  restore  harmony  by 
the  adoption  of  such  measures  as  would  effect  a  permanent  recon- 
ciliation. This  petition,  signed  by  John  Hancock,  was  presented 
in  Parliament  on  the  7th  of  December,  and  gave  rise  to  several 
motions  for  a  pacification — all  of  which  were  rejected.! 

The  military  operations  of  the  Autumn  were  chiefly  confined 
to  the  expedition  against  Canada.  Lord  Dunmore,  it  is  true, 
had  given  several  additional  impulses  to  the  Revolutionary 
spirit  in  Virginia,  by  the  manner  of  his  opposition ;  and  the 
enemy  had  still  farther  exasperated  the  people  of  New  England 
by  burning  the  town  of  Falmouth,  in  the  north-eastern  part  of 
Massachusetts.  Having  timely  notice,  the  people  fled  from  the 
town,  which  was  furiously  bombarded,  and  139  dwelling- 
houses  and  278  warehouses  were  burnt.  The  invasion  of  Ca- 
nada, by  Generals  Schuyler  and  Montgomery,  has  already  been 
incidentally  mentioned.  General  Schuyler  had  issued  a  suitable 
proclamation  to  the  inhabitants  of  Canada,  on  entering  that  ter- 
ritory ;  but  he  u  as  obliged  by  ill  health  to  relinquish  the  com- 
mand to  General  Montgomery.  St.  John's  surrendered  on  the 
3d  of  November ;  but  while  the  siege  was  pending.  Colonel 
Ethan  Allen,  with  thirty-eight  of  his  Green  Mountain  boys, 
was  captured,  and  sent  to  England  in  irons.J  Allen  deserved 
his  fate,  however,  for  his  rashness  and  disobedience  of  orders. 
Still,  he  was  very  near  capturing  Montreal  with  the  small 
party  he  had  led  in  advance,  as  was  subsequently  admitted  by 
one  of  the  British  oflicers. 

The  fort  at  Chambke  fell  into  the  hands  of  Montgomery, 


*  Holinea'a  AonaJa,  Par.  R^sttr. 


t  Idem. 


I  Idem. 


1776.] 


CAMPAIGN   IN   CANADA. 


117 


together  with  a  large  quantity  of  military  stores,  which  were 
of  great  use ;  among  them  were  three  tons  of  powder.  Montreal 
was  next  taken  by  the  Provincials — General  Carleton  es- 
caping in  a  boat  with  muffled  oars  to  Three  Rivers,  from 
whence  he  hastened  to  Quebec.  Montgomery,  with  his  little 
army,  was  swift  to  follow  him  thither ;  where  his  arrival  had 
"jeen  anticipated  by  Colonel  Arnold,  with  upward  of  700  New 
England  infantry  and  riflemen,  with  whom  he  had  performed  the 
incredible  service  of  traversing  the  unexplored  forest,  from  the 
Kennebec  to  the  mouth  of  the  Chaudiere.  Uniting  the  forces 
of  Arnold  with  his  own,  Montgomery  laid  siege  to  Quebec  on 
the  1st  of  December.  His  artillery,  however,  was  too  light  to 
make  any  impression  upon  its  walls,  and  it  was  at  length  de- 
termined, if  possible,  to  carry  the  town  by  a  combined  assault 
from  two  directions — one  division  to  be  led  by  Montgomery  and 
the  other  by  Arnold.  The  enterprise  was  undertaken  on  the 
31st  of  December,  and  the  year  closed  by  the  repulse  of  both 
divisions  and  the  fall  of  Montgomery. 

The  success  which  had  marked  the  American  arms  in  the 
early  part  of  the  Canadian  campaign,  made  a  strong  impres- 
sion upon  the  Caughnawaga  Indians.  The  Canadians,  gene- 
rally, were  exceedingly  averse  to  engaging  in  the  unnatural 
contest,*  and  were  strongly  inclined  to  favor  the  cause  of  the 
Colonies  ;  and,  notwithstanding  the  descent  of  Brant  and  the 
Mohawks  to  Montreal,  and  the  solicitations  of  Governor  Carle- 
ton,  the  Caughnawagas  sent  a  deputation  to  General  Washing- 
ton, at  Cambridge,  as  early  as  the  month  of  August,  avowing 
their  readiness  to  assist  the  Americans  in  the  event  of  an  ex- 
pedition into  Canada.t  This  assurance  was  fulfilled.  In  a 
letter  from  Sir  Guy  Carleton  to  General  Gage,  written  in 
August,  which  was  intercepted,  the  Canadian  Governor  said — 
"  Many  of  the  Indians  have  gone  over  to  them  (the  Americans), 
"  and  large  numbers  of  the  Canadians  are  with  them."  "  1  had 
"  hopes  of  holding  out  for  this  year,  though  I  seem  abandoned 
"  by  all  the  world,  had  the  savages  remained  firm.  I  cannot 
"  blame  these  poor  people  for  securing  themselves,  as  they  see 
"  multitudes  of  the  enemy  at  hand,  and  no  succour  from  any 
"  part,  though  it  is  now  four  months  since  their  operations 
"  against  us  first  began."!    The  subsequent  reverses  of  the 

*  Letter  of  Washington  to  the  president  of  Congress,  Aug.  4th,.1775. 
t  Letter  of  Washington  to  Qen.  Schuyler.  |  Sparks. 


\,<  tfi 


'dA 


m 


'^1 


^ ; 


i, 


if  ' 

Ti 


'um\ 


118 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1775. 


Americans,  however,  changed  the  masters  of  those  Indians,  and 
they  were  ere  long  found  warring  in  the  ranks  of  the  Crown. 

But  all  the  Indians  did  not  join  the  British  standard.  Not- 
withstanding that  the  Delawares  had  been  engaged  in  the  Cre- 
sap  war,  the  year  before,  they  refused  the  solicitations  of  the 
British  emissaries  and  the  Senecas  to  taV  ^  up  the  hatchet  with 
them  in  this  contest.  A  meeting  of  Indict  s  was  held  in  Pittp 
burgh,  to  deliberate  upon  the  question,  at  which  a  select  depu- 
tation of  the  Senecas  attended.  Captain  White  Eyes,  a  sensi- 
ble and  spirited  warrior  of  the  Lenape,  boldly  declared  tliat  he 
would  not  embark  in  a  war,  to  destroy  a  people  born  on  the 
same  soil  with  himself.  The  Americans,  he  said,  were  his 
friends  and  brothers,  and  no  nation  should  dictate  to  him  or 
his  tribe  the  course  they  should  pursue.* 

Heckewelder. 


pi! !  s. :  ■' 


»€'')| 


''Armr. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


Lord  Duntnore — Glance  at  the  South — Suspicious  conduct  of  Sir  John  Johnsons- 
Conduct  of  the  Tories  in  Tryon  County — Gen.  Schuyler  directed  by  Congress 
to  march  into  that  County  and  disarm  the  Tories — Preliminary  mission  to  the 
Lower  Mohawks — Message  to  them — Their  displeasure  and  reply — March  of 
Schuyler — Meets  the  Indians  at  Schenectady — Interview  and  speeches — Advance 
of  Schuyler — Letter  to  Sir  John  Johnson — ^Interview — Negotiations  of  capitula- 
tion — Terms  proposed — Schuyler  advances  to  Caughnawaga — Joined  by  Tryon 
County  Militia — JFarther  correspondence  with  Sir  John — Interview  with  the  In- 
dian mediators — Terr"!  of  surrender  adjusted — Schuyler  marches  to  Johns- 
town — Sir  John,  ^m  lionsehold,  and  the  Highlanders,  disarmed — Troops  scour 
the  country  to  bt.ij.^  in  the  loyalists — Disappointment  as  to  the  supposed  Tory 
Depot  of  warlike  munitions — Return  of  Schuyler  to  Albany — Resolution  of  Con- 
gress— Additional  trouble  with  Sir  John — Preparations  for  his  seizure — Expedi- 
ton  of  Col.  Dayton — Flight  of  the  Baronet  and  his  partisans  to  Canada — Their 
sufferings — And  subsequent  conduct — How  the  violation  of  his  parole  was  con« 
sidered. 

The  dawn  of  the  New  Year  was  lighted  up  by  the  confla- 
gration of  Norfolk,  by  order  of  Lord  Dunmore,  the  royal  Go- 
vernor of  Virginia.  His  Lordship  had  previously  retired  with 
his  adherents  to  the  fleet ;  and  this  act  of  Vandalism  was  di- 
rected by  way  of  retaliating  upon  the  Whigs  of  that  borough, 
for  having  refused  supplies  to  the  Liverpool  man  of  war.  The 
l)eople  themselves  destroyed  the  buildings  nearest  the  water, 
in  order  to  deprive  the  ships  even  of  those  sources  of  supply. 
After  cruising  for  a  time  on  he  coast  of  Virginia,  and  being 
every  where  repulsed — some  oi'  his  ships  having  been  driven  on 
shore,  and  their  crews  captured  and  imprisoned  by  the  Colonists 
— his  Lordship  was  obliged  to  destroy  those  of  his  vessels  which 
were  not  sea-worthy,  and  seek  refuge  himself  in  Florida  and 
the  West  Indies.  Another  incident  adverse  to  the  royal  arms, 
was  the  defeat,  by  the  Provincials  under  General  Moore,  of 
General  M'Donald,  (commissioned  by  Governor  Martin,)  in  his 
attempts  to  bring  North  Carolina  to  obedience.  The  battle  re- 
sulting in  this  defeat  was  gallantly  fought  at  Moore's  Creek 
Bridge,  by  Colonels  Caswell  and  Lillington,  commanding 
about  1000  minute  men  and  militia.  A  large  quantity  of  arms 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Provincials ;  and  the  defeat,  equally 
unexpected  and  decisive,  greatly  depressed  the  spirits  of  the 
loyalists  in  that  quarter. 

Resuming  the  history  of  the  Mohawk  Valley :  although  the 


f  » 


1.    ' 


t 


>k 


r  '  ifP 

itVJ 

I  m 


1  ^'ii 


1  .* 


m 


V 


t 


.     w  .11.  .E 


120 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1776. 


1  1:. 


I" ; 


i!i 


Autiimn  of  the  preceding  year  had  passed  quietly  away  in  that 
region,  yet  no  small  degree  of  uneasiness  was  created,  early  in 
the  winter,  by  the  suspicious  conduct  of  Sir  John  Johnson ; 
heightened,  as  will  appear  in  the  sequel,  by  false  representa- 
tions sent  forth  by  a  man  who,  in  the  end,  proved  to  be  an  im- 
postor. Such  were  the  spirit  of  the  times  moreover,  and  the 
jealousies  mutually  entertained,  that  it  is  more  than  probable 
the  measures  of  Sir  John  were  concerted  in  consequence  of 
apprehensions  honestly  indulged,  and  in  all  likelihood  awaken- 
ed by  the  same  or  a  kindred  imposture.  At  all  events  Sir  John 
was  actively  engaged  in  defensive  preparations,  with  a  view,  as 
it  was  believed,  of  throwing  up  fortifications  around  the  baro- 
nial hall.  His  adherents,  as  we  have  seen,  were  numerous, 
particularly  among  the  Scotch  Highlanders,  by  several  hun- 
dreds of  whom  he  was  surrounded  ;  and  reports  became  rife, 
that,  in  addition  to  these,  the  works  he  was  erecting  were  to  be 
garrisoned  by  three  hundred  Indians,  to  be  let  loose  upon  the 
settlements  as  opportunities  might  occur. 

It  was  undoubtedly  true  that  the  Tories  of  that  region  were 
preparing  actively  to  espouse  the  royal  cause,  and  enlistments 
for  the  King's  service,  it  is  very  likely,  were  secretly  making. 
Information  to  this  effect  was  laid  before  Congress  in  Decem- 
ber. It  was  also  declared,  by  a  man  named  Connell,  that  a 
considerable  quantity  of  arms  and  ammunition,  and  other  war- 
like articles,  had  been  collected  and  concealed  by  the  Torif^s  at 
Johnstown,  to  be  used  when  the  proper  moment  for  action  ar- 
rived. The  facts  disclosed  by  Connell  were  supported  by  his 
deposition  ;  whereupon  a  resolution  was  adopted  by  Congress, 
directing  General  Schuyler  to  be  informed  of  these  circum- 
stances, and  requesting  him  to  adopt  the  most  speedy  and  effec 
tual  measures  for  securing  the  said  arms  and  military  stores ; 
for  disarming  the  loyalists,  apprehending  their  leaders,  and 
taking  such  measures  in  general  as  might  be  judged  necessary 
to  ensure  the  tranquility  of  the  frontier.*  This  resolution  was 
received  by  General  Schuyler  at  Albany  early  in  January,  and 
no  time  was  lost  in  concerting  measures  for  its  execution. 

*  The  sum  of  forty  dollari  was  appropriated  by  CongresB  for  this  object ;  and 
the  Special  Committee  having  the  subjectin  charge,  were  directed  to  count  the  gold 
knd  silver  in  the  treasury,  and  forward  the  aama  to  Qeneral  Schuyler  under  a  guard ! 
— Vide  Jour.  Con. 


':  ■•i'i, 


1776.] 


EXPEDITION    TO   TRYON   COUNTY. 


121 


General  Schuyler  having  at  that  time  no  troops  at  his  disposal, 
was  under  the  necessity  of  communicating  with  the  sub-com- 
mittee of  safety  of  Albany  County,  for  which  purpose,  in  order 
that  a  knowledge  of  tlie  business  with  which  he  was  charged 
might  not  transpire,  he  previously  administered  to  them  the 
oath  of  secrecy.  They  were  at  first  embarrassed  in  devising  a 
pretext  for  the  preparations  it  was  necessary  to  make  4br  the 
expedition  ;  but  the  opportune  arrival  of  a  letter  and  an  affida 
vit,  (probably  from  Connell,)  irom  Tryon  County,  containing 
accounts  exactly  suited  to  the  emergency,  afforded  ample  rea- 
sons for  a  call  upon  the  militia.  General  Schuyler  at  first 
supposed  that  a  force  of  three  hundred  men,  with  the  assistance 
they  would  be  certain  to  receive  from  the  Whigs  of  Tryon 
County,  would  be  amply  sufficient.  It  was  determined,  how- 
ever, in  order  to  produce  a  deeper  effect  upon  the  loyalists 
against  whom  they  were  proceeding,  to  march  with  a  force  of 
seven  hundred  men. 

Nevertheless,  in  order  to  preserve  the  good-will  of  the  Indians 
of  the  Lower  Mohawk  Castle,*  and  guard  against  taking  them 
by  surprise  or  giving  them  unnecessary  alarm,  Mr.  Blcecker, 
the  Indian  interpreter,  residing  at  Albany,  was  despatched  to 
the  Castle  on  the  1.5th,  charged  with  a  belt  and  the  following 
message  to  the  Indians : — 

"  Brothers  :  I  am  sent  by  the  Commissioners  of  the  United 
Colonies,  to  acquaint  you  that  the  brethren  of  Albany  have 
received  information  that  several  persons  in  and  about  Johns 
town  are  busy  in  enlisting  men  to  cut  our  throats,  and  are  ma- 
king ether  hostile  preparations  to  assist  in  enslaving  this  coun 
try,  and  to  prevent  and  stop  up  the  road  of  communication  to 
the  Westward.  Your  Albany  Brothers,  on  this  alarming  occa- 
sion, have  collected  their  warriors,  and  are  now  sending  them 
up  the  river  in  order  to  inquire  into  the  truth  of  the  report,  and 
act  thereupon  as  they  may  judge  needful. 

"  Brothers  :  Be  not  alarmed  at  these  preparations ;  nothing 
is  intended  against  you ;  our  own  safety  and  liberty  impel  us 
to  this  measure ;  you  can  rest  perfectly  satisfied  that  we  will 
invariably  pursue  our  friendly  disposition  towards  you,  and  ex- 


J' 

■lin 


H  it 


<^n 


*  The  Mohawks  of  the  Lower  Castle,  with  Little  Abraham,  hod  not  been  drawn 
KWty  'ty  Thayendanegea  and  Guy  Johnson. 


122 


LIFE    OF   BRANT. 


[1776. 


mmm 


mm 


i 


«'i 


|-il;l 


'it.t.i  >■■  •:: 


i  \:f 


ii  '(> 


h  t 


'  f 


pect  that  you  will,  agreeable  to  the  promises  you  made  us  at 
Albany,  take  no  part  in  the  present  struggle. 

"  Bkothers  :  Wc  promised  you  last  Summer  that  Sir  John 
and  his  family  should  not  be  molested  while  he  took  no  mea- 
sures against  us.  We  are  yet  of  that  mind  ;  and  if  he  ho  acted 
as  an  honest  man,  he  need  not  fear  any  danger. 

"  Brothers  :  Lest  the  preparations  and  march  into  your 
country  should  alarm  the  Six  Nations,  we  desire  that  you  will 
send  some  of  your  young  men  with  this  speech  to  the  end  of 
the  House  of  the  Six  Nations,  that  no  uneasiness  may  take 
place  in  their  minds." 

The  Indians  were  by  no  means  pleased  with  tlie  proposed 
invasion  of  the  Valley  ;  anticipating,  probably,  an  injurious  ef- 
fect upon  their  own  people,  and  perhaps  injury  to  Sir  John,  to 
whom  they  were  sincerely  attached.  After  due  deliberation, 
Mr.  Bleecker  was  sent  back  with  a  belt  containing  tiie  follow^ 
ing  reply  to  the  Commissioners,  or,  in  other  words,  to  General 
Schuyler : — 

"  Brothers  :  This  belt  wc  present  to  the  Commissioners  oi 
the  twelve  United  Colonies  and  our  Brothers  of  Albany,  and 
desire  them  that  the  troops  that  were  coming  up  should  not 
come  up  so  speedily ;  that  perhaps  a  mode  might  be  pointed 
out  to  have  it  settled  in  an  easier  manner  ;  that  perhaps,  in  case 
the  troops  came  up,  it  might  be  a  means  to  stop  up  the  road, 
and  perhaps  create  an  uneasiness  in  their  minds,  as  they  and 
Sir  John  were,  as  it  were,  one  blood  ;  and  that  the  General 
should  do  all  in  his  power  to  have  it  settled  without  the  troops 
going  up  ;  that  he  was  a  wise  man,  and  should  set  his  thoughts 
a  thinking  to  have  it  settled,  by  appointing  three  or  four  per- 
sons to  treat  with  Sir  John  about  it ;  that  they  would  retain 
the  belt  sent  by  the  Commissioners  till  such  time  as  they  heard 
from  the  Commissioners,  and  in  case  the  troops  did  not  come, 
then  they  would  send  the  belt  forward  to  the  other  nations ; 
but  if  they  came  up,  then  they  would  keep  the  same  in  their 
hands;  that  three  of  their  nation  should  immediately  go 
to  Sir  John,  and  desire  him  to  remain  silent  and  be  at  peace; 
and  that  in  case  there  were  any  in  Johnstown  that  were 
Tories,  they  would  settle  them,  and  mf.ke  them  remain  peace- 
able. That  all  the  uneasiness  in  the  minds  of  Sir  John,  and 
tne  others  in  Johnstown,  originates  (irom  accounts  that  they 


1776.] 


INTEBVIKW   WITH    THE    INDIANS. 


183 


receive  from  people  in  Albany ;  that  they  daily  have  accounts 
from  thence  that  the  New  England  people  are  coming  up  to  de- 
stroy Sir  John  and  his  possessions." 

Accompanying  this  message,  the  Squaws  also  took  the  sub- 
ject in  hand,  and  charged  the  interpreter  with  a  belt  with  the 
following  message  on  their  own  behalf: — 

«  Brothers,  the  Commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies  and 
the  people  of  Albany :  This  belt  we  present  you,  and  hereby 
renew  the  covenant  that  was  made  last  summer  ;  and  we  beg 
that  no  disturbance  shall  be  made  up  here,  and  that  the  said 
covenant  may  not  thereby  be  broken  :  that  in  case  the  troops 
were  to  come  up,  it  might  create  great  uneasiness,  as  they  and 
Sir  John  were  of  one  blood ;  and  that  in  case  Sir  John  was  dis- 
turbed, it  might  touch  their  blood,  and  we  beg  some  other  mode 
may  be  pointed  out  whereby  this  uneasiness  may  be  settled." 

General  Schuyler,  however,  did  not  wait  for  the  return  of 
his  messenger  from  the  Indians,  but  proceeded  to  Schenectady 
on  the  16th,  at  the  head  of  a  strong  division  of  militia,  and  ac 
companied  by  General  Ten  Broeck,  Colonel  Varick,  and  se 
vera!  other  officers.  The  militia  turned  out  with  great  alacrity, 
notwithstanding  the  severity  of  the  weather  and  the  badness  of 
the  roads.  On  the  evening  of  his  arrival  at  Schenectady, 
General  Schuyler  was  met  by  a  deputation  of  the  Mohawks, 
headed  by  Little  Abraham,  who,  in  a  very  haughty  tone,*  ad- 
dressed him  as  follows  : — 

"  We  intended  to  have  gone  down  to  Albany  in  order  to 
speak  to  you ;  but  thank  God  that  he  has  given  us  an  oppor- 
tunity to  meet  you  here,  as  we  have  some  matters  to  commu- 
nicate to  you." 

To  which  General  Schuyler  replied  with  corresponding  bre- 
vity:— 

"  I  am  very  glad  to  see  you  here,  and  I  shall  be  glad  to  hear 
what  the  Brothers  have  to  say,  as  my  ears  are  always  open  to 
them." 

Whereupon  Abraham  proceeded  to  address  the  General  and 
his  associates  as  follows  : — 


■(  ,:  , 


-n 


"f'-V'M 


*  General  Schuyler'n  official  report,  from  which  document  the  whole  narrative  of 
this  expedition  is  drawn.  This  document,  it  ia  believed,  has  never  yet  been  pub- 
iiahed  entire,  and  has  only  recently  been  discovered  at  Washington,  by  Peter 
Force,  Eaq.  who  obligingly  favored  the  author  with  the  use  of  it. 


124 


LIFE    0        JRANT. 


[1776.  ■    1776.] 


■  Ill     ' 1 1 '  I; 


f  1    iliil:|'!'  /       ' 

II  l!UI 


illfrlil'!?! 


f  ¥  u    V-ITV  " 


•'A' 


PH  ■ 


WW 


f%'k^i>i 


"  Brothers  :  You  lately  sent  to  our  place  four  men,  who  ar- 
rived to  us  last  Sunday  morning.*  They  told  us  they  were 
sent  up  to  us  by  you  to  inform  us  of  those  military  preparations 
which  were  making  down  in  this  quarter.  By  them  you  let 
us  know  that  you  thought  it  not  prudent  to  send  armed  men 
amongst  us  without  previously  notifying  us.  Likewise,  Bro- 
thers, your  messengers  informed  us  of  the  reasons  of  your  com- 
ing in  this  manner.  You  informed  us  that  you  had  heard  that 
there  were  a  number  of  men  embodied  at  Sir  John's,  about 
Johnstown.  You  told  us  likewise,  that  as  soon  as  tliey  had 
completed  their  body,  they  intended  to  destroy  the  settlements 
up  and  down  the  river.  You  informed  us  that  you  were  com- 
ing up  to  inquire  into  the  truth  of  the  report,  and  who  it  was 
that  gave  out  commissions,  and  what  were  their  designs.  At 
the  same  time  you  assured  us  that  no  harm  was  intended 
against  us,  the  Six  Nations,  as  we  had  last  summer  publicly  en- 
gaged that  we  would  take  .no  part  against  you  in  your  dispute 
with  the  great  King  over  the  Great  Water. 

"  Brothers  :  You  told  us  that  you  would  come  to  search 
into  the  truth  of  the  report,  and  you  assured  us  also  that  you 
would  not  be  the  first  aggressor,  and  that  it  should  be  our  own 
fault  if  any  blood  was  spilt.  You  told  us  that  you  would  ac- 
quaint the  Lower  Castle  first  of  the  design,  that  they  should  send 
up  to  the  Upper  Castle,  and  they  to  the  Oneida,  and  they  to 
Onondaga,  and  so  through  the  whole  Six  Nations. 

"  Brothers  :  We  thanked  your  messengers  for  the  speech 
delivered  to  us,  and  we  would  consider  of  it  for  some  time  to 
return  them  an  answer  accordingly.  Brothers,  a  small  number 
of  us  who  take  care  of  the  news  met  in  council  on  this  occa- 
sion. We  thanked  your  messengers  for  informing  us  first 
of  your  designs.  We  said  we  knew  the  agreement  which  was 
entered  into  with  the  whole  twelve  United  Colonies.  At  that 
meeting  you  remember  it  was  agreed  to  remove  all  obstacles 
out  of  the  way  of  the  path  of  peace,  to  keep  it  so  that  we  might 
pass  and  repass  without  being  annoyed. 

"  Brothers  :  you  told  us  that  you  came  to  inquire  into  the 

*  The  Mohawk  chief  seenii  h»^fl  to  refer  to  an  embaisy  to  their  castle  a  few 
ddya  previous  to  that  performed  jy  Mr.  Bleecker,  not  mentioned  by  General  Schuy- 
ler. Or,  v^rhapi,  a  wrong  date  waa  given  to  the  message  transmitted  by  the  inter- 
preter. 


[1776.  ■    1776.] 


SPEECH    OP    LITTLE    ABRAHAM. 


125 


truth  of  the  report,  whicJi  might  be  done  by  4  or  6  witliout 
any  danger  in  making  the  inquiry.  We  proposed  your  send- 
ing up  six  persons  to  inquire  into  the  truth  of  this  matter,  as  it 
would  be  a  shame  to  interrupt  them,  as  no  person  would  he  so 
mean  to  give  them  any  obstruction.  As  for  sendmg  your  belt 
forward,  we  thought  to  retain  it  until  we  had  heard  whether 
our  proposal  had  been  accepted  or  no.  And  we  desire  that  you 
would  consider  of  this  matter,  and  keep  your  troops  at  home, 
and  let  us  know  your  mind  ;  and  if,  after  considering  of  our  pro- 
posals, you  do  not  agree  to  them,  that  you  will  then  let  us  know 
what  you  intend  to  do.  They  likewise  sent  word  to  you  that 
when  they  had  heard  from  you,  whether  you  accepted  of  our 
proposals,  we  would  then  do  as  you  desire  in  sending  up 
the  news. 

"Brothers:  We  expected  an  answer  to  our  proposals; 
but  none  arrived  until  we  were  informed  by  a  woman  who 
returned  from  Albany,  that  those  preparations  were  actually 
making,  and  that  troops  were  actually  marching  in  the  country. 
Wc  then.  Brothers,  took  the  matter  into  consideration,  and  de- 
termined it  was  best  for  a  party  to  meet  you,  and  you  see  us 
this  day.  Brothers,  arrived.  Wc  ^ome,  Brothers,  to  beg  of  you 
that  you  take  good  care  and  prudence  of  what  you  are  going 
about.  We  beg  of  you.  Brothers,  to  remember  the  engagement 
which  was  made  with  the  twelve  United  Colonies  at  our  inter- 
view last  summer,  as  we  then  engaged  to  open  the  path  of 
peace,  and  to  keep  it  undefiled  from  blood.  At  the  same  time 
something  of  a  different  nature  made  its  appearance.  You  as- 
sured us,  Brothers,  that  if  any  were  found  in  our  neighborhood 
inimical  to  us,  you  would  treat  them  as  enemies.  The 
Six  Nations  then  supposed  that  the  son  of  Sir  William  was 
pointed  at  by  that  expression.  We  then  desired  particularly 
that  he  might  not  be  injured,  as  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  in- 
jure the  cause ;  and  that  therefore  he  might  not  be  molested. 
The  Six  Nations  then  said  they  would  not  concern  themselves 
with  your  operations  in  other  parts,  but  particularly  desired  that 
this  path  might  be  free  from  blood.  And  now,  Brothers,  we 
repeat  it  again ;  we  beg  of  you  to  take  good  care  and  not  to  spill 
any  blood  in  this  path,  and  the  more  especially.  Brothers,  as  it 
is  but  of  this  day  that  the  Six  Nations  had  so  agreeable  an  in- 
terview with  the  Colonies,  and  our  chiefs  are  now  hunting  in 


>i| 


i'  ' 


X.t  >! 


■h;  .: 


126 


LIFE   OF    BRANT. 


[1776. 


I'*  'l 


t:l: 


S  : ';'. 


litS 


fl'l ,11 1!  I  III 


the  woods,  and  not  dreaming  that  there  is  any  prospect  that 
this  path  is  or  will  be  defiled  with  blood. 

"  We  informed  you.  Brothers,  that  we  had  lieard  of  a  woman, 
that  you  weve  advancing,  and  that  you  had  cannon.  We  then 
took  it  into  consideration.  Wo  t^iought  it  strange  that  connon 
should  be  brought  into  the  coimtry,  as  the  twelve  United  Colo- 
nies had  so  lately  opened  the  puth  of  peace.  As  you  will  re- 
member that  this  path  was  opened  last  Spring,  and  the  Six  Na- 
tions agreed  to  keep  it  open.  We  then  thought  what  could  in- 
fiuenco  the  twelve  United  Colotiies  to  open  this  path,  and  from 
the  present  appearance  it  is  as  if  with  a  design  that  the  cannon 
should  pass  free  from  all  obstruction. 

"Brothers,  ATTKND !  It  was  your  request,  and  a  matter 
agreed  upon  by  the  twelve  United  Colonies,  that  we  should 
mind  nothing  but  peace  ;  therefore,  Brothers,  as  wc  mean  to 
observe  that  agreement,  we  have  expressed  ourselves  us  above, 
and  as  Brothers  :  we  mind  nothing  but  peace.  We  look  upon 
ourselves  as  mediators  between  the  two  parties ;  therefore, 
Brothers,  as  your  messengers  declared  that  you  would  not  k 
the  aggressors,  we  informed  Sir  John  of  this,  and  earnestly 
bogged  of  him  not  to  be  the  aggressor,  or  the  means  of  spillinj; 
blood ;  and  at  tlie  same  time  assured  him,  that  if  we  found  that 
he  should  be  the  aggressor,  we  would  not  pay  any  farther  at- 
tention to  him;  and  likewise  told  him,  that  if  our  Brothers  of 
the  United  Colonies  were  the  aggressors,  wo  should  treat  them 
in  the  same  manner.  This  is  what  we  told  Sir  John,  as  we 
look  upon  ourselves  to  be  the  mediators  between  both  parties, 
and,  as  we  have  said  before,  desired  him  not  to  be  the  aggressor. 
To  which  Sir  John  replied,  that  we  knew  his  disposition  very 
well,  and  that  he  had  no  mind  to  be  the  aggressor.  He  assured 
us  that  he  would  not  be  the  aggressor,  but  if  the  people  came 
up  to  take  away  his  life,  he  would  do  as  well  as  he  could,  as 
the  hw  of  nature  justified  every  person  to  stand  in  his  own 
defence. 

"  According  to  the  news  we  have  heard,  it  is  as  though  Sir 
John  would  shut  up  the  path  of  peace  in  that  quarter  ;  but  it 
s  impossible  he  should  do  it,  as  he  had  but  a  mere  handful  of 
friends ;  but.  Brothers,  if  this  company,  who  now  are  passing 
by,  should  go  up,  and  any  thing  bad  should  happen,  we  shall 
look  on  you  as  shutting  up  the  path. 


1776.] 


SPEKCII    OF    LlTTr.K    Anri.MIAM. 


127 


"  It  hns  been  represented  to  you,  nrotiicrs,  tliat  it  seems  that 
Sir  John  is  making  military  jireparations,  and  that  he  is  making 
a  woman,  ■  a  fort  round  his  house ;  but.  Brothers,  as  we  live  so  near  him, 
we  sliould  certainly  know  it  if  any  thing  of  that  nature 
should  be  done,  especially  as  we  go  there  so  frequently  ^n  ac- 
count of  our  father,  the  minister,  who  sometimes  performs  di- 
vine service  at  that  place.  We  have  never  seen  ony  hostile 
preparations  made  there  ;  there  is  no  cannon,  or  any  thing  of 
tliat  kind,  and  all  things  remain  in  the  same  situation  it  was  in 
the  lifetime  of  Sir  William. 

"  Broth KRs:  We  would  not  conceal  any  thi.ig  from  you. 
Ir  would  not  be  right  to  use  deceit,  neither  do  we  mean  to  do 
it.  The  minds  of  our  counsellors  ore  very  much  grieved ;  and 
aggrieved  at  that  part  of  the  disposition  of  those  whom  we  may 
call  our  warriors ;  there  are  some  among  us  of  different  minds, 
as  there  are  among  you,  Brothers.  Our  counsellors,  remem- 
bering: the  covenant  we  last  Summer  made  with  our  Brethren. 
the  Twelve  Colonies^  have  all  along  stron^^'ly  urged  our  war- 
riors to  peace,  and  have  checked  them  when  a  contrary  dispo- 
sition appeared.  Our  minds  are  very  much  aggrieved  to  find 
any  of  our  warriors  of  different  sentiment.  We  have  hitherto 
been  able  to  restrain  them,  and  hope  still  to  be  able  to  do  it,  fox 
matters  are  not  now  carried  to  extremity ;  but  if  they  are,  our 
warriors  will  not  be  restrained,  because  they  will  think  them- 
selves deceived  if  this  military  force  comes  into  the  country. 

"  We  have  declared  to  you.  Brothers,  th.it  we  would  not  de- 
ceive, and  that  we  mean  to  declare  our  minds  to  you  openly 
and  freely.  We,  the  sachems,  have  all  along  inculcated  to  the 
warriors  sentiments  of  peace,  and  they  have  hitherto  been 
obedient  to  us,  though  there  have  been  frequent  rumours  that 
they  should  be  disturbed  ;  yet  we  have  hitherto  been  able  to 
calm  their  minds.  But  now.  Brothers,  so  large  a  party  coming, 
alarms  the  minds  of  our  warriors.  They  are  determined,  Bro- 
thers, to  go  and  be  present  at  your  interview  with  Sir  John, 
and  determined  to  see  and  hear  every  thing  that  should  be 
there  transacted  ;  and  if  it  shall  then  appear  that  this  party  shall 
push  matters  to  extremes,  we  then  cannot  be  accountable  for 
any  thing  that  may  happen.  But  as  for  us,  Brothers,  the 
counsellors  are  fully  determined  ever  to  persevere  in  the  path  of 
peace. 


.  "4 


.  H 


:.1 


tut-     i    ^ 


128 


LIFE    OP    BRANT. 


[1776. 


!?1:'-!fir   111 


Wk- 


"  Brothkrs,  attend  !  Though  I  have  finished  what  I  had 
purposed  to  say,  yet  I  will  nrld  one  thing  more.  When  the 
news  of  your  approach  arrived  at  our  town,  it  caused  great 
confusion  ;  some  were  ready  to  take  to  their  arms,  observing 
that  those  reports  respecting  the  unfriendly  disposition  of  the 
Colonies  were  now  verified,  I  begged  of  them,  Brothers,  to 
possess  their  minds  in  peace  for  a  few  days.  I  told  them  that 
I  myself  would  go  to  Albany,  and  inquire  into  the  truth  of  the 
matter ;  I  was  so  conscious  of  my  own  innocency,  that  no  hos- 
tile appearance  could  deter  me,  however  formidable.  I  there- 
fore desired  them  to  sit  still  until  my  return,  which  might  be  in 
two  days  if  I  went  to  Albany.  This,  Brothers,  is  the  present 
situation  of  our  people,  l^hey  are  waiting  to  see  what  news  I 
bring." 

"  Brothers  :  When  1  made  this  request  (/  the  warriors  that 
they  should  sit  still  till  my  return,  they  told  me  that  they 
would,  which  they  are  now  in  xpectation  of,  and  will  do  no- 
thing till  I  get  back.  But,  Brothers,  after  my  return  I  will  re- 
peat to  them  the  speech  you  will  now  make  to  me,  and  if  any 
of  our  people  should  still  persist  to  be  present  at  your  inter 
view  with  Sir  John,  we  hope.  Brethren,  you  will  not  think 
hard  of  us  as  counsellors,  as  it  is  not  in  our  power  to  rule  them 
as  we  please.  If  they  should  go,  and  any  thing  evil  should 
happen,  we  beg  to  know,  Brothers,  ichat  treatment  we  may 
expect  who  remain  at  home  in  peace. 

"  Brothers  :  This  is  all  we  have  to  say.  This  is  the  bu- 
siness which  has  brought  us  down,  and  we  now  expect  an  an- 
swer to  carry  heme  to  our  people." 

To  which  General  Schuyler d'^livered the  following  answer: 

"  Brothers  of  the  Mohawk  Nation  :  We,  the  Commis- 
sioners appointed  by  the  Congress,  and  your  Brothers  of  Albany 
and  Schenectady,  have  paid  great  attention  to  the  speech  you 
have  delivered  us.  We  now  desire  you  to  open  your  ears,  and 
attentively  listen  to  what  we  have  to  say  in  answer. 

"Brothers:  It  pleased  us  to  hear  you  declare  that  you 
would  speak  your  minds  freely.  We  assure  you  that  we  shall 
do  the  same,  and  hide  nothing  from  you  of  what  is  in  our 
thoughts. 

"  Brothers  :  We  were  in  hopes  that  the  message  which  we 
sent  you  by  Mr.  Bleecker  would  have  eased  your  minds,  and 


have  convin< 


1776.]  GEN.  Schuyler's  reply.  129 

have  convinced  you  that  no  hostile  intentions  existed  against 
you  or  any  other  Indians ;  for  if  they  had,  we  would  not  have 
sent  you  that  message,  neither  would  we  have  supplied  you 
with  powder,  as  we  did  last  Summer  and  again  the  other  day. 

"Brothers:  We  are  extremely  sorry  that  you  have  not 
complied  with  our  request,  to  send  the  speech  which  we  sent 
you  by  Mr.  Bleecker,  to  the  Six  Nations  in  the  manner  which 
we  required, 

"  CuoTHERs  :  You  told  us  that  five  or  six  men  would  have 
been  sufficient  to  go  to  Johnstown  and  inquire  what  was  trans- 
acting tliera,  and  that  these  people  would  be  in  no  danger,  as 
it  would  be  a  shame  to  interrupt  them.  We  acknowledge, 
Brothers,  that  it  would  have  been  a  shame  if  we  had  sent  them 
and  they  had  been  interrupted ;  but  we  have  full  proofs  that 
many  people  in  Johnstown,  and  the  neighbourhood  thereof,, 
have  for  a  considerable  time  past  made  preparations  to  carry 
into  execution  the  wicked  designs  of  the  King's  evil  coun- 
sellors. 

Brophers  :  It  is  very  true  that  last  Summer  the  United 
Colonies  promised  that  the  path  to  the  Indian  country  shoiild 
be  kept  open.  They  again  repeat  tiiat  promise ;  and  although 
it  is  by  the  special  order  of  Congress  that  this  body  of  troops 
are  now  marching  up,  yet  it  is  not  to  shut  the  path,  but  to  keep 
it  open,  and  to  prevent  the  people  in  and  about  Johnstown  from 
cutting-  oif  the  conununication  between  us  and  our  brethren  of 
the  Six  Nations,  and  our  other  brethren  livmg  up  the  river. 

"  Brothers  :  Although  we  have  before  observed  that  the 
people  living  in  and  about  Johnstown  are  making  hostile  pre- 
parations against  us,  yet  we  will  not  shed  a  drop  of  their  blood 
unless  they  refuse  to  come  to  an  agreement  by  which  we  may 
be  safe,  or  unless  they  oppose  us  with  arms.  We  do  not  mean 
that  any  of  our  warriors  should  set  their  foot  on  any  of  the 
lands  you  possess,  or  that  of  the  Six  Nations,  unless  our  ene- 
mies should  take  shelter  there ;  for  those  we  are  resolved  to 
follow  wherever  they  go.  We  again  repeat,  that  we  have  no 
quarrel  with  you,  and  we  do  expect  that  you  will  not  interfere 
in  this  family  contest,  but  stand  by  as  indifferent  spectators, 
agreeable  to  the  engagement  of  the  Six  Nations  made  to  us  last 
Summer  at  their  own  request. 

<<  Brothers  :  We  assured  you  last  Summer,  that  as  we  had 

11 


'h:  fm 


130 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


mM'4 
"lii} 


i:r 


m  ;  'ii'i  if;  ,s  !; 


[1776. 


no  quarrel  with  any  Indians,  we  would  not  touch  p  hair  of  their 
heads ;  yet  when  our  warriors  were  at  St.  Johns,  they  were  at- 
tacked by  Indians.  Two  of  your  tribe,  and  some  others,  were 
killed.  You  have  never  blamed  us  for  it,  because  you  well 
knew  that  our  lives  are  dear  to  us ;  we  have  a  right  to  kill  any 
man  who  attempts  to  kill  us.  You  ought,  therefore,  not  to  be 
surprised  if  we  take  every  precaution  to  prevent  being  destroyed 
by  the  friends  of  the  King's  evil  counsellors. 

"  Brothers  :  In  a  little  time  we  may  be  called  upon  to  go 
and  fight  against  our  enemies  to  the  eastward,  who  are  em- 
ployed by  the  King's  evil  counsellors ;  and  can  you  think  it 
prudent  that  we  should  leave  a  set  of  people  who  are  our  ene- 
mies, in  any  part  of  the  country,  in  such  a  situation  as  to  be 
able  to  destroy  our  wives  and  children,  and  burn  our  houses 
in  our  absence  ?  Would  you  leave  your  wives  and  children  in 
such  a  situation  ?  The  wisdom  by  which  you  have  conducted 
your  affairs  convinced  us  that  you  would  not;  and  yet  so  cau- 
tious are  we  that  no  blood  may  be  shed,  that  we  shall  send  a 
letter  to  Sir  .Tohn,  inviting  him  to  meet  us  on  the  road  between 
this  place  and  his  house,  which  if  he  does,  we  make  no  doubt 
but  every  thing  will  be  settled  in  an  amicable  manner ;  and  that 
he  may  be  under  no  apprehensions,  we  do  now  assure  you  that 
if  we  do  not  come  to  an  agreement,  he  will  be  permitted  safely 
to  return  to  his  own  house. 

"  Brothers  :  We  thank  you  that  you  have  concealed  no- 
thing from  us,  and  we  assure  you  that  we  scorn  deceit  as  much 
as  you  do ;  and  therefore  we  shall  now  speak  our  minds  freely 
on  what  you  have  said  respecting  the  conduct  which  your 
warriors  mean  to  hold.  We  have  no  objection,  nay,  we  wish 
that  you  and  they  should  be  present,  to  hear  what  we  shall  pro- 
pose to  Sir  John  and  the  people  in  and  about  Johnstown  who 
are  our  enemies ;  but  we  beg  of  you  to  tell  your  warriors,  that 
although  we  have  no  quarrel  with  them,  yet  if  we  should  be 
under  the  disagreeable  necessity  of  fighting  with  our  enemies, 
and  your  warriors  should  join  them  and  fight  against  us,  that 
we  will  do  as  we  did  at  St.  Johns,  repel  force  by  force. 

"  Brothers  :  You  have  asked  us,  if  your  warriors  should 
go  and  if  any  thing  evil  should  happen,  what  treatment  you 
may  expect  who  remain  at  home  in  peace  1 

'^  Brothers  ;  In  the  treaty  held  a(  Albany  last  Summer,  you 


1776.] 


GEN.  Schuyler's  reply. 


131 


Summer,  you 


and  your  warriors  were  present,  and  you  and  they  jointly 
promised  to  remain  neuter  and  not  to  interfere  in  this  quarrel. 
Should  your  warriors,  therefore,  now  take  up  arms  against  us, 
we  must  consider  it  as  a  breach  of  the  treaty  so  far  as  it  re- 
spects the  lower  Mohawk  Castle  ;  of  which  breach  we  shall 
complain  to  our  Brethren,  the  other  nations,  and  at  the  same 
time  lay  the  matter  before  our  great  council  at  Philadelphia, 
whose  determination  thereupon  will  be  our  future  guide. 

"  Brothers  :  We  are  surprised  that  the  least  doubt  should 
remain  on  your  minds  with  respect  to  our  friendly  intentions 
towards  you,  after  the  many  instances  we  have  given  you  of 
our  love  and  friendship ;  but  we  must  impute  it  to  the  wicked 
insinuations  cf  our  mutual  enemies,  who  wish  for  nothing  so 
much  as  to  see  the  ancient  covenant  which  has  so  long  subsist- 
ed between  us  broken. 

"  Brothers  :  You  have  observed  that  you  would  pay  no 
regard  to  that  party  that  should  be  th**  first  aggressor.  We 
cannot  be  the  aggressors ;  for  if  our  enemies  in  and  about 
Johnstown  had  had  no  evil  intentions  against  us,  we  should  never 
have  even  come  thus  far  with  an  army.  Whoever  takes  up  arms 
against  another,  although  he  has  not  yet  struck, must  be  consider- 
ed as  the  aggressor,  and  not  he  who  tries  to  prevent  the  blow. 

"  Brothers  :  We  have  now  freely  and  fully  disclosed  to  you 
our  minds.  We  hope  you  will  remember  what  we  have  said, 
and  repeat  it  to  your  Brothers,  counsellors,  and  warriors  ;  and, 
lest  you  should  not  be  able  to  recollect  every  part  of  this 
speech,  you  may  have  ypur  Brothers  Ka-ragh-qua-dirhoh,  and 
Ti-ze-de-ron-de-ron,  [Deane  and  Bleecker,]  interpreters,  to  at- 
tend you  if  it  be  agreeable  to  you. 

"  Brothers  :  Your  women  have  sent  us  a  belt.  We  beg 
you  to  assure  them  of  our  regard,  and  to  entreat  them  to  pre- 
vent your  warriors  from  doing  any  thing  that  would  have  the 
least  tendency  to  incur  our  resentnent,  Q;r  interrupt  that  har- 
mony which  we  wish  may  subsist  to  the  end  of  time." 

To  this  the  Indians  made  the  following  brief  reply : — 

"  Brother  Schuyler  the  Great  Man,  attenI)  !  We 
!iave  this  evening  heard  what  you  have  to  say,  and  we  are  glad 
of  it,  and  thank  you  for  it. 

"  Every  thing  that  has  been  said  to  us,  Brother,  has  been 
perfectly  agreeable  to  us. 


?.  .'ii 


^- 


V  i.\ 


« :i' 


132 


LIFE    OF    BRANT. 


[1776. 


"  I  shall  not  attempt,  Brother,  to  make  a  particular  reply  to 
every  thing  that  has  been  said  to  us.  Indeed,  it  would  not  be 
proper  at  this  time. 

"  We  are  very  glad,  Brother,  that  you  have  determined  to 
write  to  Sir  John,  requesting  an  interview  with  him  in  hopes  of 
an  amicable  agreement. 

"  Brother  :  You  mention  that  it  would  be  agreeable  to  you 
that  the  warriors  and  counsellors,  or  sachems,  should  attend. 

"  Brother  :  We,  the  sachems,  will  attend,  though  we  should 
do  it  at  the  risk  of  our  lives. 

"  Brother  :  We  should  be  glad  if  you  would  inform  us  of 
the  time  and  place  of  your  interview  with  Sir  John.  You 
likewise  told  us,  that  if  it  was  agreeable  to  us,  that  your  inter- 
preters should  attend  to  recapitulate  the  speech  you  have  made, 
which  likewise  is  agreeable  to  us  ;  and  we  desire  that  they  may 
go  with  us,  for  by  that  means  all  mistakes  may  be  prevented. 

"  Brother  :  You  may  depend  on  it  that  we  will  use  our 
utmost  influence  with  our  warriors  to  calm  their  minds.  You 
may  depend  on  it,  likewise,  that  our  sisters  will  use  their  ut- 
most influence  for  the  same  purpose." 

General  Schuyler  assured  them  again  of  his  pacific  inten- 
tions, and  that  nothing  unpleasant  should  happen  to  them.  He 
also  informed  them,  that  if  they  desired  to  attend  the  expedition 
to  Johnstown,  or  to  be  present  at  the  intended  interview  with 
Sir  John,  as  mediators,  they  should  be  protected  in  that  charac- 
ter. With  this  understanding  they  took  their  departure  the 
same  night.  A  letter,  of  which  the  following  is  a  copy,  was 
at  the  same  time  despatched  to  Sir  John  Johnson : — 

General  Schuyler  to  Sir  John  Jotinson. 

"  Schenectady,  Jan.  16,  1776. 

"  S\R, 

"  Information  having  been  received  that  designs  of  the  most 
dangerous  tendency  to  the  rights,  liberties,  property,  and  even 
lives  of  those  of  his  Majesty's  faithful  subjects  in  America  who 
are  opposed  to  the  unconstitutional  measures  of  his  ministry, 
have  been  formed  in  a  part  of  the  County  of  Tryon,  I  am  or- 
dered to  march  a  body  of  men  into  that  County,  to  carry  into 
exec'  on  certain  resolutions  of  my  superiors,  and  to  contravene 
those  dangerous  designs. 


1776.]  c 

"  Influencec 

with  my  ordei 

may  be  shed. 

me  to-morrow, 

I  propose  then 

you  my  word 

may  choose  si 

to  the  place  wl 

the  place  of  yt 

•''  Rutgers  B 

hereof,  gentleir 

I  dare  say  th( 

will  favour  me 

"  You  will  J 

may  be  the  res 

perfectly  satisfii 

«  To 
"  Sir  John  Ji 

General  Scht 
I7th— his  force 
ihey  numberoc 
about  sixteen  rn 
by  Sir  John,  atl 
the  Scotchmen, 
terview  was  the 
terms  to  Sir  Jo 
"Terms  offe 
Major-general  ii 
commanding  in 
son,  Baronet,  ar 
on  as  have  evin 
ministry^  to  can 
!  of  which  the 
I  which  they  hav( 
recourse  to  arm: 
"First:   Tht 
honour,  immedi 
military  stores, 


1776.] 


CORRESPONDENCE   WITH    SIR   JOHN. 


133 


iform  us  of 
ohn.  You 
your  inter- 
have  made, 
\t  they  may 
)revented. 
ill  use  our 
inds.  You 
ise  their  ut- 


5  of  the  most 
ty,  and  even 
(Vmerioawho 
his  ministry, 
on,  I  am  or- 
to  carry  into 
,0  contravene 


« Influenced,  Sir,  by  motives  of  humanity,  I  wish  to  comply 
with  my  orders  in  a  manner  the  most  peaceable,  tliat  no  blood 
may  be  shed.  I  therefore  request  that  you  will  please  to  meet 
me  to-morrow,  at  any  place  on  my  way  to  Johnstown,  fio  which 
I  propose  then  to  march.  For  which  purpose  I  do  hereby  give 
vou  my  word  of  honour,  that  you,  and  such  persons  as  you 
may  choose  should  attend  you,  shall  pass  safe  and  unmolested 
to  the  place  where  you  may  meet  me,  and  from  thence  back  to 
the  place  of  your  abode. 

"  Rutgers  Bleecker  and  Henry  Glen,  Esqrs.  are  the  bearers 
hereof,  gentlemen  who  are  entitled  to  your  Lsst  attention,  which 
I  dare  say  they  will  experience,  and  by  whom  I  expect  you 
will  favour  me  with  an  answer  to  this  letter. 

"  You  will  please  to  assure  Lady  Johnson,  that  whatever 
may  be  the  result  of  what  is  now  in  agitation,  she  may  rest 
perfectly  satisfied  that  no  indignity  will  be  offered  her. 

"  1  am.  Sir, 
"  To  "  Your  humble  Servant, 

"  Sir  John  Johnson,  Barofiet.^'  "  Ph.  Schuyler." 

General  Schuyler  resumed  his  march  on  the  morning  of  the 
I7th — his  forces  constantly  increasing,  until  before  nightfall 
ihey  numbered  upward  of  three  thousand.  Having  proceeded 
about  sixteen  miles  from  Schenectady,  the  expedition  was  met 
by  Sir  John,  attended  by  several  of  his  leading  friends  among 
the  Scotchmen,  and  two  or  three  others.  The  result  of  the  in- 
torview  was  the  proffer,  by  General  Schuyler,  of  the  following 
terms  to  Sir  John  and  his  retainers : — 

"  Terms  offered  by  the  Honourable  Philip  Schuyler,  Esq., 
Major-general  in  the  army  of  the  thirteen  United  Colonies,  and 
commanding  in  the  New- York  department,  to  Sir  John  John- 
son, Baronet,  and  all  such  other  persons  in  the  County  of  Try- 
on  as  have  evinced  their  intentions  of  supporting  his  Majesty's 
ministry^  to  carry  into  execution  the  unconstitutional  measures 
of  which  the  Americans  so  justly  complain,  and  to  prevent 
which  they  have  been  driven  to  the  dreadful  necessity  of  having 
recourse  to  arms. 

"  First :  That  Sir  John  Johnson  shall,  upon  his  word  of 
I  honour,  immediately  deliver  up  all  cannon,  arms,  and  other 
military  stores,  of  what  kind  soever,  which  may  be  in  his  own 


{ 


\4 


1 .'' 


134 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1776. 


I'll' i    . 

!'ri   ^fj      ] 


I'.h 


possession,  or  which  he  has  caused  to  be  delivered  into  the 
possession  of  any  persons  whatsoever,  either  directly  or  indi- 
rectly, or  that  to  his  knowledge  may  be  concealed  in  any  part 
of  the  said  County :  That  he  shall  distinguish  all  such  mill. 
taxy  stores  of  what  kind  soever  as  belong  to  the  Crown,  or 
were  furnished  with  the  design  of  arming  the  Indians  or  the 
inhabitants  of  Tryon  County,  from  those  which  may  be  private 
property,  in  order  that  a  proper  inventory  may  be  taken  of  the 
last  articles,  that  the  same  may  be  restored,  or  the  value  of 
them  refunded,  when  this  unhappy  contest  shall  be  over. 

"  Secondly  :  General  Schuyler,  out  of  personal  respect  for 
Sir  John,  and  from  a  regard  to  his  rank,  consents  that  Sir  John 
shall  retain  for  his  own  use  a  complete  set  of  armor,  and  as 
much  powder  as  may  be  sufficient  for  his  domestic  purposes. 

'•'  Thirdly  :  That  Sir  John  Johnson  shall  remain  upon  his 
parole  of  honour  in  any  part  of  Tryon  County  which  he  may 
choose,  to  the  eastward  of  the  district  of  unless  it 

should  appear  necessary  to  the  Honourable  the  Continental 
Congress  to  remove  him  to  some  other  part  of  this,  or  any 
other  Colony ;  in  which  case  he  is  immediately  to  comply  with 
such  orders  as  they  may  think  proper  to  give  for  that  purpose. 

"  Fourthly  :  That  the  Scotch  inhabitants  of  the  said  County 
shall,  without  any  kind  of  exception,  immediately  deliver  up 
all  arms  in  their  possession,  of  what  kind  soever  they  may  be ; 
and  that  they  shall  each  solemnly  promise  that  they  will  not  at 
any  time  hereafter,  during  the  continuance  of  this  unhappy 
contest,  take  up  arms  without  the  permission  of  the  Continent- 
9\  Congress,  or  of  their  general  officers ; — and  for  the  more 
faithful  performance  of  this  article,  the  General  insists  that  they 
shall  immediately  deliver  up  to  him  six  hostages  of  his  own 
uoiuination. 

"Fifthly:  That  such  of  the  other  inhabitants  of  Tryon 
County  as  have  avowed  themselves  averse  to  the  measures  of 
the  United  Colonies,  shall  also  deliver  up  their  arms,  of  what 
kind  soever  they  may  be,  and  enter  into  the  like  engagement 
as  is  stipulated  in  the  preceding  article,  both  with  respect  to 
their  future  conduct  and  the  number  of  hostages. 

"  Sixthly  :  That  all  blankets,  strouds,  and  other  Indian  arti- 
cles belonging  to  the  Crown,  and  intended  as  presents  to  the 
Indians,  shall  be  delivered  up  to  a  commissary  appointed  by 


im 


1776.] 


NEGOTIATIONS   WITH   SIR   JOHN. 


135 


General  Schuyler,  in  the  presence  of  three  or  more  of  the  Mo- 
hawk chiefs,  in  order  that  the  same  may  be  dispensed  amongst 
the  Indians,  for  the  purpose  of  cementing  the  ancient  friendship 
between  them  and  their  brethren  of  the  United  Colonies,  for 
which  sole  purpose  they  ought  to  have  been  furnished. 

"  Seventhly :  If  Sir  John  Johnson,  and  the  people  referred  to 
in  the  aforegoing  articles,  shall  justly  abide  by,  and  perform 
what  is  thereby  required  of  them,  the  General,  in  behalf  of  the 
Continental  Congress,  doth  promise  and  engage,  that  neither 
Sir  John  Johnson  nor  any  of  those  people  shall  be  molested  by 
any  of  the  other  inhabitants  of  the  said  County,  or  by  any  of 
the  inhabitants  of  the  thirteen  United  Colonies ;  but  that,  on  the 
contrary,  they  will  be  protected  in  the  quiet  and  peaceable  en- 
joyment of  their  property ; — the  sole  intent  of  this  treaty  being 
to  prevent  the  horrid  effects  of  a  civil  and  intestine  war  betwixt 
those  whj  ought  tc  be  brethren.  That  all  the  arms  which 
sliall  be  delivered  up  in  consequence  of  the  preceding  articles 
shall  be  valued  by  sworn  appraisers.  That  if  the  Continental 
Congress  should  have  occasion  for  them,  they  may  be  taken. 
If  not,  they  will  be  delivered  to  the  respective  proprietors  when 
this  unhappy  contest  shall  be  at  an  end." 

In  the  course  of  the  interview,  Sir  John  assured  General 
Schuyler  that  the  Indians  would  support  him,  and  that  numbers 
of  them  were  already  at  Johnson  Hall  for  that  purpose.  He 
was  assured,  in  return,  that  though  averse  to  the  shedding  of 
blood,  if  the  proffered  terms  were  not  acceded  to,  force  would 
be  opposed  to  force  without  distinction  of  persons,  and  that  the 
consequences  of  resistance  would  be  of  the  most  serious  descrip- 
tion. In  conclusion,  Sir  John  begged  until  the  evening  of  the 
following  day  to  consider  of  the  propositions,  which  request 
was  granted,  and  the  Baronet  took  his  leave. 

In  about  an  hour  after  his  departure,  Abraham,  and  another 
of  the  Mohawks,  made  their  appearance  at  General  Schnyler's 
quarters.  On  being  informed  of  what  Sir  John  had  said  re- 
specting the  Indians  being  in  arms  at  the  Hall  for  his  defence, 
Abraham  pronounced  the  story  untrue,  and  repeated  his  assur- 
ances that  the  Mohawks  would  interfere  in  no  other  way  than 
as  mediators.  The  General  replied  that  he  hoped  they  would 
not,  but  he  at  the  same  time  assured  them  with  emphasis,  that 


i .  %■ 


136 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1776. 


m 


if  they  should  do  so,  he  should  not  hesitate  a  moment  in  de- 
stroying every  one  who  opposed  him  in  arms. 

On  the  following  day,  (the  18th,)  General  Schuyler  moved 
forward  to  Caughnawuga,  four  miles  from  John  itown,  where  he 
was  joined  by  Colonel  Herkimer  and  the  Tryon  County  mili- 
tia. A*  aboi  t  6  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  Sir  John's  answer  to 
t  ■  .1^  terms  proposed  to  him  was  received,  as  follows  : — 

■'  Le.  ■!  proposed  by  Sir  John  Johnson,  Baronet,  and  the 
pt  ./'o  of  >\ir»gsborough  and  the  adjacent  neighborhood,  to  the 
Honorable  i !  iiip  Schuyler,  Esq.  Major  General  in  the  army 
of  the  thirteen  United  Colonies,  and  commanding  in  the  New- 
York  Department. 

"  First :  That  Sir  John  Johnson  and  the  rest  of  the  gentle- 
men expect  that  all  such  arms  of  every  kind  as  ere  their  own 
property  may  remain  in  their  possession  ;  all  the  other  arms 
shall  be  delivered  up  to  such  person  or  persons  as  may  be  ap- 
pointed for  that  purpose  ;  as  to  military  stores  belonging  to  the 
Crown,  Sir  John  has  not  any. 

"  Secondly  :  Answered  in  the  first. 

"  Thirdly  :  Sir  John  expects  that  he  will  not  b*^  confined  to 
any  certain  County,  but  be  at  liberty  to  go  where  he  pleases. 

"  Fourthly :  The  Scotch  inhabitants  will  deliver  up  their 
arms  of  what  kind  soever  they  may  be,  and  they  will  each 
solemnly  promise  that  they  will  not  at  any  time  hereafter,  during 
the  continuance  of  this  unhappy  contest,  take  up  arms  without 
the  permission  of  the  Continental  Congress  or  of  their  general 
officers.  Hostages  they  are  not  in  a  capacity  to  give — no  one  man 
having  command  over  another,  or  power  sufficient  to  deliver 
such.  Therefore  this  part  of  the  article  to  be  passed  over,  or  the 
whole  included — women  and  children  to  be  required,  being  a  re- 
quisition so  inhuman  as  we  hope  the  General  will  dispense  with." 

"  Fifthly:  Answered  in  the  fourth. 

"  Sixthly  :  Sir  John  has  not  any  blankets,  strouds,  or  other 
presents,  intended  for  the  Indians. 

"  Seventhly  :  If  the  above  proposals  are  agreed  to  and  signed 
by  the  General,  Sir  John  and  the  people  referred  to  will  rely  on 
the  assurances  of  protection  given  by  the  General. 

[Signed]  "  John  Johnson, 

"  Allan  M'Donell." 
"  To  the  Hon.  Philip  Schuyler,  Major-general" 


blood,  so  far  a; 


5,  or  other 

,nd  signed 
ill  rely  on 

DN, 
)NELL." 


1776.] 


NEGOTIATIONS)    WITH    SIR    JOHN. 


137 


This  answer  was  in  all  respects  unsatisfactory,  as  will  appear 
by  the  annexed  letter  from  General  Schuyler  in  reply  : — 

General  Schuyler  to  Sir  John  Johnson,  Bahonet.    . 

"  Cauuhnawaga,  Jan.  18th,  8  o'clock,  P.  M.,  1776. 
'  Gentlemen, 
«  Messrs.  Adams  and  M'Donell  have  delivered  me  your  an 
ssver  to  my  proposals  of  yesterday's  date.     The  least  attention 
to  the  articles  I  offered,  when  compared  with  yours,  must  con- 
vince you  that  you  omitted  replies  to  several  of  them,  and  con 
sequGiitly  that  what  you  have  sent  me  is  very  imperfect,      id 
also  unsatisfactory.  I  waive  pointing  out  some  of  the  in  con  is- 
tcncies  in  your  proposals,  as  the  whole  are  exceptionable  ei    opt- 
injS  the  last. 

"  I  must  therefore  obey  my  orders,  and  again  repeat,  thri*  in 
the  execution  of  them,  I  shall  strictly  abide  by  the  law  of  hu- 
manity ;  at  the  same  time  assuring  you,  that  if  the  le&  resist- 
ance is  made,  I  will  not  answer  for  the  consequences,  which 
may  be  of  a  nature  the  most  dreadful. 

"  If  Lady  Johnson  is  at  Johnson  Hall,  I  wish  she  would  re- 
tire,  (and  therefore  enclose  a  passport,)  as  I  shall  march  my 
troops  to  that  place  without  delay. 

« You  may,  however,  still  have  time  to  reconsider  the 
matter,  and  for  that  purpose  I  give  you  until  12  o'clock  this 
night — after  which  I  shall  receive  no  proposals ;  and  I  havo 
sent  you  Mr.  Robert  Yates,  Mr,  Glen,  and  Mr.  Ducr,  to  receive 
the  ultimate  proposals  you  have  to  make.  Tiiis  condescension 
I  make  from  no  other  motive  than  to  prevent  the  effiision  of 
blood,  so  far  as  it  can  be  effected  without  risking  the  safety  of 
the  County,  or  being  guilty  of  a  breach  of  the  positive  orders 
I  have  received  from  the  Honorable  Continental  Congress. 

"  I  am,  Gentlemen, 
"  With  due  respect, 

'Your  humble  Servant, 
"  Ph.  Schuyler." 
"  To  Sir  John  Johnson  and  Mr.  Allan  M^Donell." 

Immediately  after  the  preceding  letter  had  been  despatched 
to  the  Hall,  the  sachems  of  the  Lower  Castle,  with  all  their 
warriors  and  several  from  the  Upper  Castle,  called  upon  Ge« 


!    ' 


«f    7 


I  m 


I  i 


\  ^ 


138 


LIFE    OF    BUANT. 


[1776. 


>.» 


j  i  |: 


'  I 


't\ 


t'.'.  ^^ 


inifi-^'^'li 


#J  I'^trF'-^- 


neral  Schuyler,  having  come  to  his  quarters  directly  from  the 
residence  of  the  Baronet.  They  informed  the  General  that 
Sir  John  had  related  to  them  the  suhstance  of  the  terms  of 
surrender  that  had  been  proposed.  Sir  John,  they  said,  had 
declared  to  them  that  all  he  desired  was  protection  for  his  fami- 
ly and  friends  from  insult  and  the  outrages  of  riotous  people, 
and  protested  that  he  had  no  unfriendly  intentions  against  the 
country.  The  Indians  therefore  begged  the  General  to  accept 
the  terms  as  offered  by  Sir  John.  The  General  told  the  chiefs 
that  he  could  not  accept  of  those  terms,  and  pointed  out  the  ob- 
jections. He  likewise  informed  them  of  the  tenor  of  the  letter 
he  had  just  transmitted  to  the  Hall.  The  Indians  were  appa- 
rently contented  with  those  reasons  and  with  the  course  adopt- 
ed, but  begged  that,  should  the  answer  of  Sir  John  be  still  un- 
satisfactory, the  General  would  give  him  vuitil  4  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  that  they  might  have  time  to  go  and  "  shnke  his 
head,"  as  they  expressed  it,  "  and  bring  him  to  his  senses." 
They  likewise  begged  it  as  an  additional  favor,  that  General 
Schuyler  would  not  remove  Sir  John  out  of  the  country. 
They  apologized  for  the  threats  of  their  own  warriors,  alleg- 
ing t.iic  if  was  attributable  to  the  circumstance  of  their  not 
being  present  at  the  treaty  of  Albany ;  and  ngain  repeated  the 
assurance  that  they  would  never  take  arms  against  the  Colo- 
nies. In  reply.  General  Schuyler  complimented  the  Indians  for 
their  pacific  intentions,  and  informed  them  that  he  should  ac- 
cede to  their  request,  although  the  conduct  of  Sir  John  had 
been  so  censurable  that  he  should  be  justified  in  holding  him  a 
close  prisoner.  His  reasons  for  granting  the  request,  the  Gene- 
ral told  them,  were  two-fold : — first,  to  show  the  love  and 
affection  of  the  Americans  for  the  Indians,  and  to  convince 
them  that  they  could  obtain,  by  asking  as  a  favor,  that  which 
they  could  not  obtain  by  demanding  as  a  right.  Secondly,  that 
by  leaving  Sir  John  amongst  them,  they  might,  by  their  exam- 
ple and  advice,  induce  him  to  alter  his  conduct. 

The  extension  of  the  time  until  4  o'clock  was  unnecessary 
however,  the  following  answer  from  Sir  John  having  been  re- 
ceived at  12  o'clock,  at  midnight : — 

"  Answers  to  the  terms  proposed  by  the  Honorable  Philip 
Schuyler,  Esq.  Major-general  in  the  army  of  the  thirteen 
United  CJoloiiies,  and  commanding  in  the  New- York  Depart- 


1770.] 


NEGOTIATIONS    WITH    SIR   JOHN. 


139 


ment,  to  Sir  John  Johnson,  Baronet,  the  inhabitants  of  Kings- 
borough,  and  the  neighborhood  adjacent. 

"  First  and  second  articles  agreed  to,  except  a  few  favorite 
family  arms. 

"  Third :  Sir  Joi^i  Johnson  having  given  his  parole  of  honor 
not  to  take  up  arms  against  America,  and  conceiving  the  design 
of  this  military  operation  to  be  with  no  other  view  than  that  of 
amoving  the  jealousies  of  which  his  countrymen  are  unhap- 
pily and  unjustly  inspired  with  against  him,  can  by  no  means 
think  of  submitting  to  this  article  in  its  full  latitude,  though, 
for  the  sake  of  preserving  peace  and  removing  any  suspicions 
of  undue  influence,  he  consents  not  to  go  to  the  westward  of  the 
German  Flatts  and  Kingsland  Districts.  To  every  other  part 
of  the  continent  to  the  southward  of  this  County,  he  expects  the 
privilc'i^e  of  goiug. 

"  Fourthly :  Agreed  to,  excepting  that  part  of  the  article 
which  respects  the  giving  hostages.  After  the  Scotch  inhabit- 
ants have  surrendered  arms,  the  General  may  take  any  six 
prisoners  from  amongst  them  as  he  chooses,  without  resistance. 
They  expect,  however,  that  the  prisoners  so  taken,  will  be 
maintained  agreeable  to  their  respective  ranks,  and  that  they 
may  have  the  privilege  of  going  to  any  part  of  the  province  of 
New  Jersey  or  Pennsylvania,  which  the  General,  or  the  Coiiti- 
nental  Congress  may  appoint.  They  likewise  expect,  from  the 
General's  humanity,  that  provision  will  be  made  for  the  main- 
tenance of  the  prisoner's  wives  and  children,  agreeable  to  their 
respective  situations  iu  life.  Yet,  for  the  sake  of  promoting  the 
harmony  of  the  country,  they  will  not  break  off  this  treaty 
merely  on  that  account,  provided  the  General  thinks  he  can- 
not exert  a  discretionary  power  in  this  matter ;  in  which  case 
they  rely  upon  the  General's  influence  with  the  Continental 
Congress,  which  they  cannot  persuade  themselves  will  be  inat- 
tentive to  the  voice  of  humanity,  or  to  the  feelings  of  parents 
who  may  be  torn  from  their  families.  Those  to  whose  lot  it 
may  fall  to  be  taken  prisoners,  it  is  expected  will  be  allowed  a 
few  days  to  settle  their  business,  and,  if  gentlemen,  to  wear  their 
side  arms. 

"  Fifth :  Neither  Sir  John  Johnson  nor  the  Scotch  gentle- 
men, can  make  any  engagement  for  any  other  persons  than 
those  over  whom  they  may  have  influence.    Neither  can  they 


# 


!     * 


■}■  '  li 


f'. 


I 


ilnl 


iH 


!^'l 


.Jr.ii  Jr 


-^u 


140 


LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


[1776. 


possibly  know  the  namos  of  nil  such  persons  who  hnvc  shown 
themselves  averse  to  tiic  measures  of  the  United  Colonics. 
They  give  their  word  and  honor,  that,  so  far  as  depends  on 
them,  the  inhabitants  shall  give  up  their  arms,  and  enter  into 
the  like  engagement  with  the  Scotch  inhabitants.  The  Gene- 
ral has  it  more  in  his  power  to  discover  those  who  are  obnoxious, 
and  to  make  as  many  as  he  pleases  prisoners.  Neither  shall 
they  adopt  the  quarrel  of  any  such  persons  as  their  own. 

"  Sixth  :  Sir  John  gives  his  word  of  honor  that  he  has  no 
blankets,  strouds,  or  other  presents,  belonging  to  the  Crown, 
intended  for  the  Indians ;  and  therefore  this  requisition  cannot 
be  complied  with. 

"  Seventh  :  If  the  above  proposals  arc  agreed  to,  and  signed 
by  the  General,  Sir  John  and  the  people  referred  to  will  rely  on 
the  assurances  of  protection  given  by  the  General.  But  as  it 
will  be  impossible  lor  the  arms  to  be  collected  till  Saturday 
next  at  twelve  o'clock,  all  tlie  men  referred  to  in  the  above 
articles  will  be  then  paraded  in  Johnstown,  and  ground  their 
arms  in  the  presence  of  such  troops  as  the  General  may 
appoint." 

[Signed.]  "  John  Johnson, 

"  Allan  M'Donell." 

"  Johnson  Hall,  January  18M,  1776." 


The  Indians  were  yet  present  at  the  quarters  of  General 
Schuyler  when  this  despatch  was  received  from  Sir  John,  and, 
on  being  informed  that  matters  were  likely  to  terminate  amica- 
bly, they  retired  with  warm  expressions  of  gratification.  The 
following  letter  was  thereupon  despatched  to  the  Hall : — 

General  Schuyler  to  Sir  John  Johnson. 

"  Caughnawaoa,  January  19, 1776. 

"  General  Schuyler's  feelings  as  a  gentleman  induce  him  to 
consent  that  Sir  John  Johnson  may  retain  the  few  favorite  fa- 
mily arms — he  making  a  list  of  them. 

"  The  General  will  also  consent  that  Sir  John  Johnson  may 
go  as  far  to  the  westward  as  the  German  Flatts  and  Kingsland 
Districts  in  this  County,  and  to  every  other  part  of  this  Colony 
to  the  Southward  and  Eastward  of  said  Districts,  provided  he 
does  not  go  into  any  seaport  town.     The  General,  however, 


1776.]  TilR   TORIES    DISARMED.  141 

believes,  that  if  Sir  John's  private  business  sliould  icquire  liis 
going  to  any  of  the  other  ancient  EngUsh  Colonies,  he  will  be 
permitted  the  indulge.'.ce  by  applying  to  Congress  for  leave. 

"The  General  will  take  six  of  the  Scotch  inhabitants  prison- 
ers, since  they  prefer  it  to  going  as  hostages.  It  has  been  the 
invariable  rule  of  Congress,  and  that  of  uM  its  officers,  to  treat 
prisoners  with  the  greatest  humanity,  and  to  pay  all  due  defer- 
ence to  rank.  lie  cannot  ascertain  the  places  to  which  Con- 
gress may  please  to  send  them.  For  the  present  they  will  go 
to  Reading  or  Lancaster  in  Pennsylvania.  Nor  can  ho  make 
any  promises  with  respect  to  the  maintenance  of  the  women 
and  children.  His  humanity  will  certainly  induce  him  to 
recommend  to  Congress  an  attention  to  what  has  been  request- 
ed on  that  head.  •  General  Schuyler  expects  that  all  the  Scotch 
inhabitants,  of  whatsoever  rank,  who  are  not  confined  to  their 
beds  by  illness,  will  attend  with  their  arms,  and  deliver  them  on 
Saturday  at  12  o'clock.  If  this  condition  be  not  faithfully  per- 
formed, he  will  consid»^r  himself  as  disengaged  from  any  en- 
gagements entered  into  with  tliem. 

"  General  Schuyl'  r  never  refused  a  gentleman  his  side-arms. 

"  Tiie  prisoners  that  may  be  taken  must  be  removed  to  Al- 
bany immediately,  where  the  General  will  permit  them  to  re- 
main a  reasonable  time  to  settle  tti.:!"  family  affairs. 

"  If  the  terms  General  Schuyler  has  offered  on  the  17th  inst. 
are  accepted  with  the  above  qualifications,  fair  copies  will  be 
made  out  and  signed  by  the  parties,  one  of  which  will  be  de- 
livered to  Sir  John  and  Mr.  M'Donell,  signed  by  the  General. 
To  prevent  a  waste  ot  time,  the  General  wishes  Sir  John  and 
Mr.  M'Donell  immediately  to  send  an  answer. 

"  He  remains,  with  due  respect, 
"  fStr  John's  and  Mr.  M'Donell's  humble  Servant, 

"Ph.  Schuyler." 

These  terms  were  acceded  to  by  Sir  John,  and  on  the  same 
day  General  Schuyler  marched  to  Johnstown — having  pre- 
viously detailed  several  detachments  of  his  troops  to  scour  the 
country,  and  bring  in  the  disaffected  not  comprehended  in  the 
arrangements  with  the  Baronet.  On  the  same  afternoon  Sir 
John  delivered  up  the  arms  and  ammunition  in  his  possession — 
the  quantity  of  both  being  much  smaller  than  was  expected. 


•■fH*' 


).' 1-  ym 


'"        :t 


vPM  ''I'll 


''^m 


142 


LIFE    OP   BRANT. 


[1776. 


m  ^1  ;■■  .  T 


!M':  *!   i  ■'  ^v' 


''i'i  .M 


'VI 'i 


'»     £i 


On  Saturday,  the  20th,  General  Schuyler  paraded  his  troops  at 
12  o'clock  at  noon,  to  receive  the  surrender  of  the  Highlanders, 
who,  to  the  number  of  between  two  and  three  hundred, 
marched  to  the  front  and  grounded  their  arms.  These  having 
been  secured,  the  Scotchmen  were  dismissed  with  an  exhorta- 
tion to  remain  peaceable,  and  with  an  assurance  of  protection 
if  they  did  so. 

The  General's  attention  was  next  directed  to  the  discovery 
and  capture  of  the  secret  depot  of  arms  and  ammunition,  of 
which  information  had  been  given  by  Conneil.  Two  of  the 
persons  named  in  his  affidavit  were  taken,  but  they  denied, 
most  unequivocally,  all  knowledge  upon  the  subject.  Conneil 
was  then  produced  to  confront  them  ;  but  they  still  persisted  in 
maintainmg  their  innocence,  and  denounced  him  as  a  perjured 
villain.  Conneil  was  then  sent  with  a  number  of  officers  to 
point  out  the  spot,  where,  as  he  alleged,  the  arms  were  con- 
cealed. He  conducted  them  to  a  pond  of  water,  containing  a 
small  island,  or  mound,  in  the  middle,  within  which  he  declared 
the  arms  were  buried.  The  snow  and  ice  were  forthwith  re- 
moved, and  the  mound  dug  down.  Conneil  had  particularly 
described  the  manner  in  wliich  the  arms  had  been  deposited 
under  ground  ;  but  it  was  soon  discovered  that  the  earth  had 
not  recently  been  disturbed,  if  ever ;  and  in  the  end  it  was 
ascertained,  to  the  satisfaction  of  all,  that  the  fellow  was  a  base 
impostor.  General  Schuyler  leturned  to  Caughnawaga  that 
evening.  On  the  two  following  days  upward  of  a  hundred 
Tories  were  brought  in  from  different  parts  of  the  country. 
Colonel  Herkimer  was  left  in  charf!:e  to  complete  the  disarming 
of  the  disaffected  and  receive  the  hostages,  and  the  General, 
with  his  miscellaneous  army,  marched  back  to  Albany.  In  his 
letters  to  Congress,  and  also  to  General  Washington,  he  spoke 
of  the  anxiety  and  trouble  he  had  experienced  in  preventing 
so  large  a  body  of  men,  collected  on  the  sudden,  without  dis- 
cipline, and  withftl  greatly  exasperated,  from  running  into  ex- 
cesses. In  these  efforts,  however,  he  succeeded  much  better 
than,  under  the  circumstances,  was  reasonably  to  have  been 
anticipated.  Before  his  return,  Mr.  Dean,  the  Indian  interpre- 
ter, was  despatched  by  the  General  with  a  belt  and  a  talk  to 
the  Six  Nations,  which  hen  not  been  preserved.  Thus  ended 
the  expedition  to  Johnstov/n. 


'uUon  was  als 


W 


1776.] 


PLIGHT    OF  SIR  JOHN. 


143 


General  Schuyler  transmitted  a  full  report  of  his  proceedings 
to  Congress,  by  whom  a  special  resolution  was  passed,  thank- 
ing hini  for  the  fidelity,  prudence,  and  expedition  with  which 
he  had  performed  such  a  meritorious  service.  A  second  reso- 
'uiion  was  also  adopted,  so  curiously  constructed,  and  containing 
such  an  ingeniously-inserted  hint  to  the  officers  and  militia-men 
accompanying  General  Schuyler  on  this  expedition,  as  to  render 
it  worthy  of  preservation.     It  was  in  the  words  following : — 

"  Resolved,  That  the  cheerfulness  and  ready  assistance  of 
those  who  accompanied  General  Schuyler  in  his  march  to  the 
County  of  Tryon,  and  their  useful  services  in  that  expedition, 
discovered  such  a  patriotic  spirit,  that  it  is  hoped  none  of  them 
will  allow  their  countrymen  to  entertain  a  suspicion  that  any 
ignoble  mot'"e  actuated  them,  by  requiring  a  pecuniary  reward, 
especially  .vie -i  they  were  employed  in  suppressing  a  mischief 
in  their  own  u-  .ghborhood." 

The  resolutions  were  enclosed  to  General  Schuyler  in  a  flat- 
tering letter  from  President  Hancock,  in  which,  among  other 
things,  he  says  : — "  It  is  with  great  pleasure  I  inform  you  that 
the  prudence,  zeal,  and  temper,  manifested  in  your  late  expedi- 
tion, met  with  Uie  warmest  approbation  of  Congress." 

For  some  unexplained  reason,  Sir  John  Johnson  did  not  ob- 
rerve  the  compact  of  neutrality,  nor  the  obligations  of  his  pa- 
role. Or,  if  he  kept  himself  within  the  letter,  his  conduct  was 
such  as  to  re-aw.iken  the  suspicions  of  the  people,  and  was  con- 
sidered by  General  Schuyler  a  virtual  violation  of  the  spirit  of 
the  parole  he  had  given,  to  take  no  part  against  the  Colonies. 
In  fact,  the  information  received  by  General  Schuyler  con- 
vinced him  that  Sir  John  was  secretly  instigating  the  Indians 
to  hostilities,  and  wjis  thus  likely  to  produce  much  mischief  on 
the  frontiers.  To  prevent  such  a  calamity,  it  was  thought  ad- 
visable by  Schuyler  to  secure  the  person  of  Sir  John,  and  once 
more  to  quell  the  rising  spirit  of  disaffection  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Johnstown,  especially  among  the  Highlander^.  For 
this  purpose,  in  the  month  of  May  following  the  events  already 
narrated  in  the  present  chapter,  Colonel  Dayton,  with  a  part  of 
his  regiment  then  on  its  way  to  Canada,  was  dispatched  by 
General  Schuyler  to  prosecute  this  enterprise.*    There  were. 


p.  I. 


t    ' 


!     r- 


'(, 


.■i 


¥ 


w 


II 


•  Sparks's  Life  and  Writings  of  Washington    Note  in  vol.  ir.  p.  409—410. 


'  ( ." 


144 


LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


[1776. 


I    rli 


Mr 


:,  ^:r' 


l\.  ^  \ 


,1  r  rf-ft 


l.f    1:'^= 


however,  large  numbers  of  loyalists  in  Albany,  with  whom 
Sir  John  was  then  and  subsequently  in  close  correspondence. 
It  is  therefore  not  surprising  that  he  received  timely  notice 
of  these  preparations  for  his  second  arrest,  in  anticipation  of 
Dayton's  arrival.  Such  was  the  fact ;  and,  hastily  collecting 
a  large  number  of  his  tenants  and  others,  disaftected  toward  the 
cause  of  the  Colonists,  the  Baronet  was  prepared  for  instant 
flight  on  the  approach  of  the  Coiitinentals.  This  purpose  was 
successfully  executed.  Colonel  Dayton  arrived  at  Johrstown 
in  the  evening,  whereupon  Sir  John  and  his  retainers  imme- 
diately took  to  the  woods  by  the  way  of  the  Sacandaga.*  Not 
knowing  whether  his  royalist  friends  were  in  possession  of 
Lake  Champlain  or  not,  the  fugitives  dared  not  venture  upon 
that  route  to  Montreal ;  and  Sir  John  was  accordingly  obliged 
to  strike  deeper  into  the  forests  between  the  head  waters  of  the 
Hudson  and  the  St.  Lawrence.  Having  but  a  brief  period  of 
preparation  for  their  flight,  the  party  was  but  ill  supplied  for 
such  a  campaign.  Their  provisions  were  soon  exhausted ; 
their  feet  became  sore  from  travelling ;  and  several  of  their  num- 
ber were  left  from  time  to  time  in  the  wilderness,  to  be  picked 
up  and  brought  in  afterward  by  the  Indians  sent  out  for  that 
purpose. 

After  nineteen  days  of  severe  hardship,  the  Baronet  and  his 
partisans  arrived  at  Montreal  in  a  pitiable  condition— having 
encountered  all  of  suffering  that  it  seemed  possible  for  man  to 
endure.  Such  was  the  precipitation  of  his  departure  from  the 
parental  hall,  and  such  his  deficiency  of  the  means  of  transpor- 
tation, that  an  iron  chest,  containing  the  most  valuable  of  his 
family  papers,  was  hastily  buried  in  the  garden.  The  family 
Bible,  containing  the  only  record  of  the  marriage  of  his  father 
and  mother,  and  of  course  the  only  written  evidence  of  his  own 
legitimacy,  was  also  left  behind.t    Such  of  the  papers  as  were 

*  There  is  some  reason  to  suppose  that  an  expedition,  led  by  tlie  Mohawk  In- 
dians, was  sent  from  Montreal  on  purpose  to  bring  Sir  John  away,  or  rescue  him 
from  thu  espionage  of  the  Americans,  in  one  of  Brant's  speeches,  delivered  long 
afterword,  when  rehearsing  the  exploits  of  the  Mohawks  in  tlie  Revolutionary  war, 
the  following  passage  occurs:— "Wo  then  went  in  a  body  to  a  town  then  in  the 
"possession  of  the  enemy,  and  rescued  Sir  John  Johnson,  bringing  him  fearlessly 
"  through  the  streets."  Brant,  at  the  time  of  this  rescue,  as  will  presently  be  seen, 
was  himself  in  England — rs  also  was  Guy  Johnson. 

t  After  the  confiscation  of  the  property  of  Sir  John,  the  furniture  of  the  hall  was 
aold  by  auction  at  Fort  Hunter.    The  lato  Lieut.  Governor  of  New-York,  John 


"  she  was  rete 
«  duct  of  her 
■'  complaining 
"  her  release ; 
"General  Sch 
Dayton  was  s 
troops,  and  for 
country. 

Sir  John  wa 

British  servicCj 

posed  of  those 

American  loyc 

They  were  cal 

following,  he  f 

sion  of  the  Br 

only  one  of  the 

own  countryinf 

and  repeatedly 

was  unquestioi 

scarcely  have  I 

larger  and  fairt 

prietor  in  Amei 

mediate  cause  o 

Unexplained  as 

garded  as  a  stai 

such  by  the  Pr< 

by  the  annexed 

General  Washi 

"  prehend  no  d 

Taylor,  purchased 
Bible  mentioned  in  t 
might  be  of  great  val 
ing  its  restoration. 
the  Bible,  whose  cor 
William's  Bible,"  si 
Bible  was  delivered, 
The  reply  was — "  P 
Cooper  {grandson  of 
*  Sparks. 


\i  whom 
ondence. 
y  notice 
nation  of 
joUecting 
iward  the 
)r  instant 


3rs  imme- 
ja.*    Not 
session  of 
ture  upon 
ly  obliged 
ters  of  the 
'  period  of 
ipplied  for 
xhausted ; 
their  num- 
I  be  picked 
ut  for  thftt 

let  and  his 
n— having 
for  man  to 
•e  from  the 
>f  transpor- 
able  of  his 
The  family 
f  his  futher 
I  of  his  own 
ers  as  were 

e  Mohawk  In- 
,  or  rescue  him 
delivered  long 
olutionnry  war, 
wn  then  in  the 
him  fearlessly 
Bsontly  be  seen, 

of  the  hall  was 
ew-York,  J'vhn 


1776.] 


COMMISSIONED   IN   THE   BRITISH    ARMY. 


145 


found,  were  examined  by  Colonel  Dayton,  in  compliance  with 
his  orders ;  "  and  Lady  Johnson  was  removed  to  Albany,  where 
"  she  was  retained  as  a  kind  of  hostage  for  the  peaceable  con- 
« duct  of  her  husband.  She  wrote  to  General  Washington, 
•'  compliiining  of  this  detention,  and  asking  his  interference  for 
"  her  release  ;  but  the  Commander-in-Chief  left  the  matter  with 
"General  Schuyler  and  the  Albany  Committee."*  Colonel 
Dayton  was  stationed  several  weeks  at  Johnstown  with  his 
troops,  and  for  the  time  being  secured  the  tranquillity  of  the- 
country. 

Sir  John  was  immediately  commissioned  a  Colonel  in  the 
British  service,  and  raised  a  command  of  two  battalions,  com- 
posed of  those  who  accompanied  him  in  his  flight,  and  othei 
American  loyalists  who  subsequently  followed  their  example.. 
They  were  called  the  Royal  Greens.  In  the  month  c  f  January 
following,  he  found  his  way  into  New- York,  then  in  posses- 
sion of  the  British  forces.  From  that  period  he  became  not 
only  one  of  the  most  active,  but  one  of  the  bitterest  foes  of  his 
own  countrymen  of  any  wh'^  were  engaged  in  that  contest — 
and  repeatedly  the  scourge  of  his  own  former  neighbors.  He 
was  unquestionably  a  loyalist  from  principle,  else  he  would 
scarcely  have  hazarded,  as  he  did,  and  ultimately  lost,  domains 
larger  and  fairer  than  probably  ever  belonged  to  a  single  pro- 
prietor in  Americt  William  Penn  only  excepted.  But  the  im- 
mediate cause  of  his  breaking  his  pledge  of  honor  is  not  known. 
Unexplained  as  it  e  3r  has  been,  the  act  has  always  been  re- 
garded as  a  stain  upon  the  Baronet's  character.  It  was  held  as 
such  by  the  Provincial  Congress  of  New- York,  as  will  be  seen 
by  the  annexed  extract  from  a  letter,  addressed  by  that  body  to 
General  Washington  immediately  after  his  flight : — "  We  ap- 
"  prehend  no  doubt  can  exist  whether  the  affair  of  Sir  John 

Taylor,  purchased  several  articles  of  the  furniture ;  and  among  other  things,  the 
Bihle  mentioned  in  the  text.  Perceiving  that  it  contained  the  family  record,  which 
might  be  of  great  value  to  Sir  John,  Mr.  Taylor  wrote  a  civil  note  to  Sir  John,  offer- 
ing its  restoration.  Some  time  aflerward,  a  messenger  fram  the  Baronet  called  for 
the  Bible,  whosse  conduct  was  so  rude  as  to  give  offence..  "  I  have  come  for  Sir 
William's  Bible,"  said  he,  "  and  there  arc  the  four  guineas  which  it  cost."  The 
Bible  was  delivered,  and  tlie  runner  was  asked  what  message  Sir  John  had  sent. 
The  reply  was — "  Pay  four  guineas,  and  take  the  book  !" — Lelltr  of  John  Taylor 
Cooper  {grandion  of  the  Lt.  Governor)  to  the  mUhor. 
*  Sparks. 


I'  '■ 


I:  ■■• 

W 


-H. 


116 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[im. 


f  ■  ■ 

f    'I 


j:  ; 


"  Johnson  is  within  your  immediate  cognizance.  He  held  a 
•'  commission  as  Biigadier-General  of  the  mihtia,  and,  it  is  said, 
"  another  commission  as  Major-General.  That  he  hath  shume- 
"  fully  broken  his  parole  is  evident,  but  whether  it  would  be 
"more  proper  to  have  him  T-eturned  or  exchanged,  is  eati^^jy 
"  in  your  Excellency's  prudence."  His  estates  were,  of  course, 
confiscated  by  the  Provincial  Congress  of  New- York,  and  in 
due  time  sold  under  the  direction  of  the  Committee  of  that  body 
having  such  matters  in  charge. 


History  of  Bra: 
of  appointing 
Received  wit 
and  others — j 
tlirough  the  c 
-Battle  of  t 
dians — Slonr 
di^nation  of  ^ 
—Mutual  cot 
dignation  at  tl 
Congress  reso 
Review  of  th« 
cuation  of  Bos 
paion— Deploi 
--Glance  at  tl 
—Cherry  Val 
New- York— j 
Wasluiiglon  t 

Ncw-J.  'vjoy 

-Fall  of  Rho( 

The  prog] 
iluce  the  kd 
iiently  upon  t 
advanced  to 
racy  *— an  oJ 
Nations,  unil 
wliat  manneif 
inform  us. 
bore  the  royr 
at  Lake  GeoJ 
Little  Abrahl 
preceding  pal 
as  the  broth<| 
or  not,  no  fai] 
'^e  war.     HI 

*  I  am  aware  i 
Brant  by  several  i 
not  a  war-chief  fj 
will  be  seer  r^x 
chief,  xhnt '  .^^ 
conttriiy  •K/f.w'ithJ 

t  livid  Ci-'K 
was  hiru^^Jf  an  l\ 


»'l 


I'nii  'H 


CHAPTER  VIL 


History  of  Brant  resumed — Advanced  to  the  cltieftaincy  of  the  Confederacy — Mode 
of  appointing  chiefs  and  sachems — Embarkt',  for  England — Arrive?  in  London — 
Received  witn  marked  consideration— Becomes  acquainted  with  Jam38  Boswcll 
and  others — Agrees  to  espouse  the  Royal  cause,  and  returns  to  America — Steals 
through  the  country  to  Canada — Curious  supposed  letter  to  President  Wheelock 
-Battle  of  the  Cedars— Cowardice  of  Major  Butterfield — Outrages  of  the  In- 
dians— Story  of  Capt.  M'Kinstry,  who  was  saved  from  the  stake  by  Brant — In- 
dignation of  Washington,  the  people,  and  Congress — Resolutions  of  retaliation 
—Mutual  complaints  of  treatment  of  prisoners — Murder  of  Gon.  Gordon — In- 
dignation at  the  outrage — Indian  deputation  at  Philadelphia — Speech  to  them — 
Congress  resolves  upon  the  employment  of  an  Indian  force — Schuyler  opposed — 
Review  of  the  incidents  of  the  war  elsewhere — Destitution  of  the  Army — Eva- 
cuation of  Boston  by  the  English — Disastrous  termination  of  the  Canadian  cam- 
paion — Deplorable  condition  of  the  army — Humanity  of  Sir  Guy  Carleton — 
-  -(jrlance  at  the  SouUi — Declaration  of  Independence — Spirit  of  Tryon  County 
— Cherry  Valley^Fortifications  at  Fort  Stanwix — American  army  moves  to 
New- York — Arrival  of  the  British  fleet  and  army — Battle  of  Long-Island — 
Wasliuiglon  evacuates  New-York — Buttle  of  Wltitc  Plains — Retreats  across 
Ncw-J<rsey— Followed  by  Cornvvallis — Defeat  of  Arnold  on  Lake  Champlain 
—Fall  of  Rhode  Island— Battle  of  Trenton. 

The  progress  of  events  renders  it  necessary  again  to  intro- 
duce the  ktdian  hero  of  the  war  of  tlie  Revolution  more  promi- 
nently upon  the  stage  of  action.  Tluiyendanegeahad  now  been 
advanced  to  the  situation  of  principal  war-chief  of  the  confede- 
racy*— an  offi"  r,  according  to  the  ancient  usages  of  the  Six 
Nations,  uniformly  tiaken  from  the  Mohawks.t  How,  or  in 
what  manner,  Brant  arrived  at  that  dignity,  history  does  not 
inform  us.  Hendrick,  the  last  of  the  Mohawk  chiefs  who 
bore  the  royal  title  of  King,  fell  under  Sir  William  John  on 
at  Lake  George  twenty  years  before.  He  was  succeeded  by 
Little  Abraham,  whose  name  lias  frequently  occurred  in  the 
preceding  pages,  and  who  has  been  designated  by  some  writers 
as  the  brother  of  Hendrick.  But  whether  such  was  the  fact 
or  not,  no  farther  mention  of  his  name  occurs  in  the  history  of 
'■^e  war.     He  was  uniformly  iriendly  to  the  Colonists  ;  and 


''    I 


1-    ',  w '  ^  1 


.    ,/,t 


\  »j 


;P 


*  I  am  aware  that  the  dignity  of  "Principal  Chief"  has  been  denied  to  Captain 
Brant  by  several  writers,  uad  exprct^sly  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Stewart,  who  says  he  was 
not  a  war-chief  by  I'irth,  uiid  not  so  often  in  command  as  has  been  supposed.  It 
will  be  seen  f-jowever,  toward  the  close  of  this  work,  from  the  speech  of  a  Seneca 
chief,  Ihnt '  ..»yi  ^idanegeu  was  the  head  chief  of  the  confederacy — Mr.  S.  to  the 
conttiry  >K/?,»"ith8tandinp. 

t  livid  Ci'  ick'E  sketches  of  the  Ancient  History  of  the  Six  Nations.  Ciflick 
woe  ]um^'M  an  Indma  of  the  Tuscarora  tribe. 


1 ,, 


1^ 


148 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1776. 


%  \ 


as  he  refused  to  leave  the  valley  with  Thayendanegea  and  the 
majority  of  the  nation  who  accompanied  Guy  Johnson  in  his 
flight — preferring  to  remain  with  the  tribe  at  the  Lower  Castle 
— ^it  is  not  improbable  that  Brant  assumed  the  superior  chief 
taincy  from  the  force  of  circumstances.  Sir  William  Johnson 
informs  us,  that  the  sachems  of  each  tribe  of  the  Six  Nations 
were  usually  chosen  in  a  public  assembly  of  the  chiefs  and 
warriors,  whenever  a  vacancy  happened  by  death  or  otherwise. 
They  were  selected  from  among  the  oldest  warriors  for  their 
sense  and  bravery,  and  approved  of  by  all  the  tribe — after 
which  they  were  selected  as  sachems.  Military  services  were 
the  chief  recommendations  to  tiiis  rank ;  but  in  some  instances 
.1  kind  of  inheritance  in  the  office  was  recognized.*  We  have 
seen  that  Thayendanegea  was  descended  from  a  family  ot 
chiefs,  and  his  birth  may  have  contributed  to  his  elevation. 
His  family  and  official  connexion  with  the  Johnsons,  whose 
name  continued  so  potent  with  the  Indians,  likewise,  without 
doubt,  fiH'iHfuted  his  adv;ii' cement.  But  Mr.  Stewart,  denying 
that  the  family  of  Thayendanegea  was  remarkable  for  any  pre- 
eminence in  their  village,  represents  his  influence  to  have  been 
acquired  by  his  uncommoi  talents  and  address  as  a  counsellor 
and  politic iiui ;  by  which  means  he  subdued  all  opposition  and 
jealousy,  and  at  length  acipiired  such  an  ascendancy  that,  even 
in  tlie  hour  of  action  nvA  danger,  he  was  enabled  to  rule  and 
direct  his  wuriiors  as  absolutely  as  if  he  hud  been  born  their 
General. 

This  inquiry,  however,  is  of  no  great  importance.  The 
fact  that  he  had  now  become  the  chief  sachem  is  unquestion- 
all'j ;  and  from  this  point  of  the  present  history,  Joseph  Thay- 
euil-uiegea  becomes  one  of  the  principal  personages  engaged  in 
its  progress.  He  was  ordinarily  called  by  his  other  name  of 
Jose})n  Brant,  or  "Captain  Brant" — the  title  of  "Captain" 
being  the  highest  military  distinction  known  to  the  Indians ; 
and  that,  moreover,  being  the  military  rank  actually  conferred 
iipon  h'm  in  the  army  of  the  Crown.  In  much  of  his  correspond- 
ence, when  wishing  to  be  formal  and  writing  to  distinguished 
men,  he  was  accustomed  to  write  his  name  "  Joseph  Brant — 
Thayendanegea  ■"  the  latter  being  his  legitimate  Indian  name. 

*  Letters  of  Sir  William  Johnson  to  Arthur  Le«— vide  London  Philosophical 
TranEactione. 


1776.] 

It  has  be 
had  accoiT 
first,  westw 
to  Montreal 
courted  by 
ment  was  s] 
the  cause  oJ 
fare,  the  of! 
more  valual 
his  activity, 
and  symnie 
among  his 
with  the  air 
it  \uere,  beer 
a  tower  of  si 
more  extciisi 
that  he  had 
diaii  dcpurtn 
often  depute 
deracy,  and  t 
rivers  of  the 
tlie  whole  co 
Whether, 
again  visited 
sutianer  of 
tinan  of  that 
oil  his  first  VI 
visit  does  no 
withstand  mt 
sagacious  c 
comtnittin": 
the  Colonies 
poiise  the  Cc 
Indians  had 
Captain  Wh 
neutrality ; 
leading  chie 

*  Loiter ' 
f  He  WEi 


1776.] 


HIS    FIRST    VISIT    TO    ENGLAND. 


149 


It  has  been  seen,  in  a  preceding  chapter,  that  Thayendanegea 
had  accompanied  Guy  Johnson  from  the  Mohawk  Valley, 
first,  westwardly  to  Ontario,  thence  back  to  Oswego,  and  thence 
to  Montreal,  where  his  services,  and  those  of  his  warriors,  were 
courted  by  Generals  Carleton  and  Haldimand,  and  an  agree- 
ment was  speedily  made  that  they  were  to  take  up  the  liatchet  in 
the  cause  of  the  King.  For  the  prosecution  of  a  border  war- 
fare, the  officers  of  the  Crown  could  scarcely  have  engaged  a 
more  valuable  auxiliary.  Distinguished  alike  for  his  address, 
iiis  activity,  and  his  courage — possessing,  in  point  of  stature 
and  symmetiy  of  person,  the  advantage  of  most  men  even 
among  his  own  well-formed  race — tall,  erect,  and  majestic, 
with  the  air  and  mien  of  one  born  to  command,* — having,  as 
it  were,  been  a  man  of  war  from  his  boyhood,t — his  name  was 
a  tower  of  strength  among  the  warriors  of  the  wilderness.  Still 
more  extensive  was  his  inlluence  rendered,  by  the  circumstance 
that  he  had  been  much  employed  in  the  civil  service  of  theln- 
diau  department,  under  Sir  William  Johnson,  by  whom  he  was 
often  deputed  upon  embiissies  among  the  tribes  of  the  confe- 
deracy, and  to  those  yet  more  distant,  upon  the  great  lakes  and 
rivers  of  the  north-west,  by  reason  of  which  his  knowledge  of 
the  wliole  country  and  people  was  accurate  and  extensive. 

Whether,  after  the  compact  with  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  the  chief 
again  visited  the  Indian  country  of  the  Six  Nations  during  the 
suujmer  of  1775,  is  unknown.  Protuibly  not ;  since,  in  the  au- 
tumn of  that  year  or  early  in  the  following  winter,  he  embarked 
ou  his  first  visit  to  England.  What  was  the  precise  object  of  this 
visit  does  not  appear.  It  is  very  probable,  however,  that,  not- 
withstaiidmg  the  agreement  so  hastily  formed  at  Montreal,  the 
sagacious  chieftain  may  have  judgea  it  prudent  to  pause,  before 
committhig  himself  too  far  by  overt  acts  '>f  hostility  against 
the  Colonies.  The  Oneidas  Wf^re  evidently  inclining  to  es- 
pouse the  Colonial  side  of  the  controversy,  if  any ;  the  River 
Indians  had  already  rugged  themselves  ou  the  sanae  side  ; 
Captain  White-Eyes  ot  the  Delawares,  had  determined  upon 
neutrality  ;  and  the  Caughnawagas,  or  at  least  some  of  their 
leading  chiefs,  were  in  the  camp  with  Washington.     To  all 


•>■! 


n 


\'r 


•i;' 


I'l  \<m 


m 


!     n 


I       !, 


!'!  'i 


<  (1 


I  (^ 


♦  Letter  of  General  P.  B.  Porter  to  the  author. 

j  Ho  was  but  thirteen  years  old  when  in  the  battle  of  Lake  George. 


im 


r 


''■0 '        ■    A.,'J-,fc< 


'I:   '■        .    /■■,; 


i#rf  t    ! 


V  •■:  ■■■'  -T 


150  LIFE    OP   BRANT.  [1776. 

which  may  be  nddcd  the  fact,  that  at  that  time  the  American 
arms  were  carrying  every  thing  before  them  in  Canada. 
These  circumstances  were  certainly  enough  to  make  the  chief- 
tain hesitate  as  to  the  course  dictated  by  true  wisdom.  His 
predilections,  doubtless,  from  the  first,  inclined  him  to  espouse 
the  cause  of  the  King.  Nay,  ho  maintained  through  life,  that 
the  ancient  covenants  of  his  people  rendered  it  obligatory  upon 
him  so  to  do.  In  addition  to  which  were  the  strong  ties  of 
blood,  of  association,  and  of  gratitude,  by  which  he  was  bound 
to  the  family  and  the  interests  of  the  Johnsons.  Still,  the  bril- 
liant successes  with  which  the  Americans  had  opened  the  cam- 
paign in  Canada  presented  another  view  of  the  case,  which 
was  certainly  entitled  to  grave  consideration.  Thus  situated, 
the  chief  may  have  found  his  position  so  embarrassing  as  to 
induce  him  to  visit  the  parent  country,  and  go  himsf^lf  into  the 
presence  of  "  Thk  Grkat  King,"  as  the  British  monarch  was 
styled  by  the  Indians,  before  he  should  finally  determine 
whether  actually  to  take  the  field  or  not.  By  making  the  voy- 
age, he  would  have  the  additional  advantage  of  studying  the 
resources  and  the  power  of  the  parent  country,  and  would 
thereby  be  the  better  able  to  determine  for  himself  whether 
success  was  likely  to  crown  his  Majesty's  arms  in  the  end,  or 
whether,  by  an  over-scrupulous  observance  of  an  ancient  sti- 
pulation of  alliance,  he  should  not,  with  his  people,  be  rushing 
upon  certain  destruction. 

But  whether  he  thus  reasoned  or  not,  it  is  certain  that  he 
sailed  for  England  toward  the  close  of  the  year  1775,  and 
reached  London  early  in  1776,  accompanied  by  Captain  Tice, 
an  officer  of  English  extraction,  born  in  America,  who  had  re- 
sided in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Mohawk  nation. 

Only  a  very  brief  account  of  this,  his  first  visit  to  England, 
has  been  found.*  It  has  always  been  said,  however,  that  he 
was  not  only  well  received,  but  that  his  society  was  courted  by 
gentlemen  of  rank  and  station — statesmen,  scholars,  and  di- 
vines. He  had  little  of  the  savage  ferocity  of  his  people  in  his 
countenance ;  and  when,  as  he  ordinarily  did,  he  wore  the 
European  dress,  there  was  nothing  besides  his  color  to  mark 
wherein  he  differed  from  other  men.    Upon  his  first  arrival  in 

*  London  Magazine  for  July,  1776. 


1776.] 


HIS    FIRST    VISIT   TO    ENGLAND. 


151 


the  British  capital,  he  was  conducted  to  the  inn  called  "  The 
Swan  with  two  iVecA-s."  Other  lodgings  were  soon  provided  for 
him,  more  suitable  to  his  rank  as  an  Indian  king ;  but  he  said 
the  people  of  the  inn  had  treated  him  with  so  much  kindness 
and  civility,  that  he  preferred  remaining  there  during  his  stay 
in  L6iidon  ;  and  he  accordingly  did  so. 

Although  he  was  dressed  in  the  European  habit,  he  was  not 
unprovided  with  a  splendid  costume  after  the  manner  of  his 
own  nation,  in  which  he  appeared  at  Court,  and  upon  visits  of 
stiite  and  ceremony.  James  Boswell  was  a*  chat  period  in  his 
glory,  and  an  intimacy  appears  to  have  been  contracted  between 
liim  and  the  Mohawk  chief,  since  the  latter  sat  for  his  picture 
at  the  request  of  this  most  interesting  of  egotists.  He  also  sat, 
during  the  same  visit,  to  Romney,  one  of  the  most  distinguished 
artists  of  his  day,  for  the  Earl  of  Warwick.  He  was,  of 
course,  painted  in  his  native  dress,  and  the  picture  was  greatly 
prized.*  The  tomahawk  worn  by  him  in  London,  was  a  very 
beautiful  article,  polished  to  the  highest  degree ;  upon  vblch 
was  engraved  the  first  letter  of  his  Christian  name,  with  his 
Mohawk  appellation,  thus  : — "  /.  ThayendanegeaP 

He  did  not  remain  in  England  many  months,  but,  in  com- 
pany with  Captain  Tice,  sailed  on  his  return  toward  the  close 
of  March  or  early  in  April,t  and  arrived  on  the  coast  near  the 
harbor  of  New- York  after  a  very  short  passage.  Having  fully 
determined  to  fulfil  his  stipulations  with  General  Csrieton,  and 
take  up  the  hatchet  in  the  cause  of  the  Crown,  he  was  cau- 
tiously and  privately  landed  somewhere  in  the  neighborhood  of 
New- York,  whence  he  performed  a  very  hazardous  journey  to 
Canada — having,  of  course,  to  steal  his  way  through  a  hostile 
population,  until  he  could  hide  himself  in  the  forests  beyond 
Albany.  He  had  taken  the  precaution,  however,  in  England, 
to  provide  evidence  of  the  identity  of  his  body  in  case  of  dis- 
aster, or  of  his  fall  in  any  of  the  battles  he  anticipated,  bypro- 
curnig  a  gold  finger  ring,  with  his  name  engrav«m  thereon  at 
length,  t 

♦  The  frontispiece  of  the  present  volume  is  from  the  last-mentioned  picture. 

t  The  London  Universal  Magazine  for  July  of  1776,  states  that  he  embarked  for 
America  in  May.  But  there  must  have  been  a  mistake  in  the  date,  since  Brant,  as 
will  soon  appear,  was  in  thb  battle  of  the  Cedars,  above  Montreal,  in  that  month. 

\  This  ring  he  wore  until  his  death.    It  was  kept  as  a  precious  relic  by  his  widow 


W, 


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162 


LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


[1776. 


"What  were  the  particular  arguments  addressed  to  the  Mo- 
hawk  in  the  British  capital,  or  by  what  process  he  became  im- 
pressed with  the  idea  that  the  arms  of  the  King  would,  in  the 
end,  be  victorious  in  the  Colonies,  is  not  known.  It  is  ccrta-n. 
however,  that  whatever  doubts  he  might  have  entertained,  wor 
most  effectually  dispelled  ;  since,  on  taking  leave,  it  was  inider- 
stood  that  he  pledged  himself  heartily  to  embrace  the  Royal 
cause,  and  promised  to  take  the  field  with  three  thousand  war- 
riors of  his  race.* 

It  is  no  more  than  justice,  however,  to  allow  Captain  Brant 
to  speak  for  himself,  in  regard  to  tlie  princij)le  by  which  he  was 
governed  in  his  decision.  In  a  letter  written  by  him  to  Sir 
Evati  Nepean,  the  Under  Secretary  of  State,  when  in  England 
after  the  peace  of  1783,  he  said  : — "  When  I  joined  the  English 
"  in  the  beginning  of  the  war,  it  was  purely  on  account  of  my 
" forefathers'  engago.ncnts  with  the  King.  I  always  looked 
"  upon  these  engagcmciits,  or  covenants  between  the  King  c'ind 
"  the  Indian  nations,  as  a  sacred  thing :  therefore  I  was  not  to 
"  be  frightened  by  the  threats  of  the  rebels  at  that  time ;  I  as- 
"  sure  you  I  had  no  other  view  in  it,  and  this  was  my  real  case 
"  from  the  befjinning." 

By  "  throats  "  in  this  letter  to  the  Under  Secretary;  Brant 
probably  meant  no  more  than  the  efforts  made  by  the  Ameri- 
caiTS  to  prevent  his  joining  the  Royal  standard,  and  to  preservi 
the  neutrality  of  the  Indians.  In  connexion  with  these  efforts, 
there  is  a  scrap  of  unwritten  history,  which,  whether  true  or 
not,  is  characteristic  of  the  shrewdness  and  dry  sarcastic  humor 

for  four  yeM^,  when  it  was  lost.  Strange  qb  it  may  seem,  however,  during  the  last 
Summer,  (1S36,)  the  identical  ring  wu.s  found  by  a  littlo  girl  in  a  plough<;d  field 
near  Wellington  Square,  while  the  venerable  Indian  queen  was  on  a  visit  to  hei 
daughter,  the  accomplished  Indy  of  Colonel  Kerr.  The  aged  widow  of  the  old 
chief  was  overjoyed  at  once  more  (iossessing  the  memento,  after  it  had  been  lost  sii 
and  twenty  years. 

'*'  It  appears  that  Colonel  Guy  Johnson  must  have  visited  England  at  the  same 
time,  or  nearly  tlic  same  time,  with  Brant.  Perhaps  they  went  together,  although 
Johnson  did  not  return  so  soon.  General  Washington  announced  his  arrival  at 
Staten  Island,  from  England,  on  the  6th  of  August,  1776,  in  a  letter  written  to  the  Pre- 
sident of  Congress  on  the  8th.  In  Dunlap's  History  of  the  American  Stage,  Guy 
Johnson's  name  is  given,  in  1778,  as  one  of  the  managers  of  the  old  Theatre  Royal, 
John-street.  The  players  were  all  amateurs,  officers  of  the  British  army  ;  and  the 
avails  of  their  performances  were  appropriated  for  benevolent  purposes.  The  un- 
fortunate Major  Andre  was  one  of  the  actors  and  the  scene  painter.  A  drop-cur- 
tain, painted  by  him,  was  used  many  years  after  his  death. 


1776.] 


BATTLE    OP    THE    CEDARS. 


153 


of  the  chinf.  It  is  related,  that  during  tlic  early  part  of  tho  year 
1775,  wlulu  it  was  yet  considered  doubtful  which  side  the  Mo- 
hawks would  espouse,  nnd  when  it  was  of  course  very  desira- 
ble to  ascertain  the  views  of  Brant  upon  the  subject,  l^rcsident 
Wheelock  was  applied  to  as  a  medium  of  counnunication  with 
his  former  pupil.  The  Doctor,  according  to  tjic  tradition,  wrote 
jiiin  a  long  epistle  upon  the  aspect  of  the  times,  and  urged 
upon  IJrant  those  considerations  which  appeared  most  likely  to 
will  him  over,  or  rather  to  secure  his  neutrality,  if  not  his 
I'riendship,  to  the  Colonists.  Brant  replied  very  ingeniously. 
Among  other  things,  be  referred  to  bis  former  residence  with 
the  Doctor — recalled  the  ba])py  hours  be  had  passed  under  iiis 
roof— and  roffrred  especially  to  his  j)rayers  and  the  family 
devotions,  to  which  he  had  listened.  He  said  he  could  never 
forget  those  prayers ;  and  one  passage,  in  particular,  was  so 
fiften  lepcuted,  that  it  could  never  be  effaced  from  his  mind.  It 
was,  among  other  of  bis  good  preceptor's  petitions,  "that  they 
"might  be  able  to  live  as  good  subjects — to  fear  God,  and  ho- 
"nor  thk  Kin(j." 

If  doubt  bad  existed  among  the  Colonists  before,  as  to  tie  di- 
rection of  the  channel  in  which  riui  his  inclinations,  there  was 
surely  none  alter  the  perusal  of  this  letter.  But  scenes  of  a 
more  stirring  character  now  demand  the  attention. 

Toward  the  close  of  the  memorable  Canadian  campaign, — 
so  brilliantly  commenced,  so  successfully  prosecuted  for  many 
months,  and  yet  so  disastrously  terminated, — while  the  shatter- 
ed remains  of  the  American  forces  were  retiring  before  the 
troops  of  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  the  former  experienced  a  sad  dis- 
aster at  "the  Cedars,"  a  point  of  land  extending  far  into  the  St. 
Lawrence,  about  forty  miles  above  Montreal,  which  was  occu- 
pied by  Colonel  Bedell  with  three  bundn  J!  and  ninety  Provin- 
cial troops  and  two  field-pieces.  General  Carleton  directed  a 
descent  upon  this  post  from  the  British  station  at  Oswegatchie, 
under  the  command  of  Captain  Forster,  at  the  head  of  one 
company  of  regular  troops  and  a  body  of  Indians  numbering 
nearly  six  hundred.  The  latter  were  led  by  Thayendanegea. 
On  the  appearance  of  the  enemy  before  the  American  works, 
Colonel  Bedell  repaired  immediately  to  Montreal  for  assistance, 
leaving  the  Cedars  in  charge  of  Major  Butterfield.  Colonel 
(afterward  General)  Arnold,  who  was  then  in  command  of 


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154 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1776. 


Montreal — not  yet  evacuated  by  the  Americans — forthwith  de- 
tached Major  Sherburne  with  one  hundred  men,  to  proceed  to 
the  Cedars,  and  prepared  to  follow  himself  with  a  much  larger 
force.  Meantime,  however.  Major  Butterfield,  who,  it  was  be- 
lieved, might  have  easily  defended  the  position,  was  intimidated 
by  a  threat  from  the  enemy,  that,  should  the  siege  condnue  and 
any  of  the  Indians  be  slain,  in  the  event  of  an  eventual  sur- 
render it  would  be  impossible  for  the  British  commander  to 
prevent  a  general  massacre,  and  consented  to  a  capitulation,  by 
which  the  whole  garrison  became  prisoners  of  war.  Major 
Sherburne  approached  on  the  day  following,  without  having 
received  any  information  of  the  change  of  circumstances  un- 
til within  four  miles  of  the  post,  where,  on  the  20th  of  May, 
he  was  attacked  by  the  Indians,  and  after  a  sharp  conflict  com- 
pelled to  surrender  at  discretion.  No  sooner  had  Arnold  re- 
ceived information  of  these  events,  than  he  marched  against 
the  foe,  then  at  Vaudreuil,  at  the  head  of  seven  hundred  men, 
with  a  view  of  chastising  the  enemy  and  recovering  the  prison- 
ers. "  When  preparing  for  an  engagement,  he  received  a  flag 
"  accompanied  by  Major  Sherburne,  giving  him  the  most  posi- 
"  tive  assurances  that  if  he  persisted  in  his  design,  it  would  be 
"  entirely  out  of  the  power  of  Captain  Forster  to  prevent  his 
"  savages  from  pursuing  their  horrid  customs,  and  disencum- 
"  bering  themselves  of  thoir  prisoners  by  putting  every  man  to 
"  death.  This  massacre  was  already  threatened,  and  Major 
"  Sherburne  confirmed  the  information.  Under  the  influence 
"  of  this  threat,  Arnold  desisted  from  his  purpose,  and  con- 
"  sented  to  a  cartel,  by  which  the  prisoners  were  delivered  up 
"  to  him ;  he  agreeing,  among  other  things,  not  only  to  deliver 
"  as  many  British  soldiers  in  exchange  for  them,  but  also  that 
"  they  should  immediately  return  to  their  homes."* 

This  disaster,  or,  perhaps,  more  correctly  speaking,  the  con- 
duct of  the  officers  to  whose  cowardice  it  was  imputed,  was  a 
source  of  deep  mortification  to  General  Washington,  and  he 
gave  utterance  to  his  vexation  in  several  letters  written  soon 
afterward.  Nor  was  Butterfield  alone  blamed — Colonel  Bedell 
being  placed  in  the  same  category  of  condenmation.t    The 

*  Marshall's  Life  of  Washington, 

t  "  ir  the  accounto  orColonel  BedoU's  and  Major Butterfield's  conduct  be  true,  they 
have  certainly  acted  a  part  deserving  the  most  exemplary  notice.    I  hope  you  will 


im.] 


CASE   OP   COL.    m'kINSTRY. 


165 


Commander-in-Chief  was  likewise  incensed  at  the  conduct  of 
Captain  Forster,  in  resorting  to  deceptive  and  very  unjustifia- 
ble means,  to  procure  hostages  for  ratifying  a  treaty  of  exchange. 
The  name  of  Captain  Brant  is  not  mentioned  in  any  of  the 
jooks,  in  connexion  with  these  transactions  at  the  Cedars. 
There  is  positive  evidence,  however,  that  he  was  not  only 
there,  but  that  he  exerted  himself  efficiently  after  the  surrender 
of  Major  Sherburne,  to  control  the  Indians  and  prevent  the 
massacre  of  the  prisoners.  Among  these  latter,  was  Captain  John 
M'Kinstry,*  who  commanded  a  company  on  that  occasion. 
From  his  account  of  the  battle,  Major  Sherburne  fell  into  an 
ambuscade,  and  the  fighting  was  severe.  Captain  M'Kinstry's 
command  was  engaged  sharply  with  a  body  of  Indians,  before 
.vhom  his  troops  were  several  times  compelled  to  retire.  Ral 
lying,  however,  with  spirit,  the  Indians  were  repeatedly  driven 
back  in  turn ;  and  the  respective  parties  were  thus  successively 
driven  by  each  other,  back  and  forth,  ac  -nrding  to  the  doubt- 
ful and  varying  fortunes  of  the  hour,  until  the  Americans  were 
overpowered  by  numbers,  and  compelled  to  surrender ;  Captain 
M'Kinstry,  being  wounded,  fell  by  the  side  of  a  tree,  and  was 
there  taken.  He  subsequently  ascertained  that  he  had  been 
marked  as  a  victim  by  the  Indians,  who  had  actually  made  the 
usual  preparations  for  putting  him  to  death  by  the  torture  of 
fire  ;  and  that  he  was  rescued  by  the  personal  exertions  of  Cap- 
tain Brant,  who,  in  connexion  with  some  humane  English  offi- 
cers, made  up  a  purse,  and  purchased  an  ox,  which  the  Indians 
roasted  for  their  carousal  instead  of  the  gallant  prisoner.  Cap- 
tain M'Kinstry  was  treated  with  kindness  wh'ile  a  prisoner,  and 
contracted  an  intimacy  with  Brant  which  continued  until  the 
chieftain's  death.  Brant  never  visited  the  Hudson,  after  the 
Revolution,  without  spending  a  few  days  with  Colonel  M'Kin- 
stry at  the  Manor ;  t  and  at  the  time  of  his  last  visit,  about  the 
year  1805,  in  company  with  his  friend,  who,  like  himself,  was 
a  member  of  the  brotherhood,  he  attended  the  Freemason's 

tnke  proper  measures,  and  have  good  courts  appointed  to  bring  thei  i,  and  every 
other  officer,  that  has  been,  or  shall  be,  guilty  of  misconduct,  to  trial ;  that  they  may 
be  punished  according  to  their  offences.  Our  misfortunes  at  the  Cedars  were  occa- 
sioned, as  it  is  said,  entirely  by  their  base  and  cowardly  behavior,  and  cannot  be  as- 
cribed to  any  other  cause." — Letter  of  Wa$hingt(m  to  Oenerd  Schuyler,  June  10, 1776. 

•  Late  Colonel  M'Kinstry,  of  Livingston's  Manor. 

t  Letter  to  the  author,  from  Qeorge  M'Kinitry,  Esq.  of  Claverack. 


:  M 
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166  LIFE    OP    BRANT.  [1776. 

Lodge  in  the  city  of  Hudson,  where  his  presence  attracted  great 
attention. 

Bat  to  return.  The  conduct  of  Major  Bntterfield  at  the  Ce- 
dars was  likewise  severely  denounced  in  Congress,  and  his 
capitulation  pronounced  by  resolution  "  a  shameful  surrender." 
Due  credit  was  at  the  same  time  awarded  to  Major  Sherburne, 
for  the  bravery  displayed  by  himself  and  his  troops,  who  only 
"  surrendered  at  last  on  absolute  necessity."  Notwithstanding, 
moreover,  the  interposition  of  Captain  Brant  to  prevent  a  ma.<!. 
sacre,  and  the  rescue  of  Captain  M'Kinstry,  such  outrages  were 
reported  to  Congress  as  to  call  forth  a  series  of  indignant  reso- 
lutions upon  the  subject.  In  the  preamble  to  these  resolutions, 
it  was  stated  that,  immediately  after  the  surrender,  the  prisoners 
were  delivered  over  to  the  Indians ;  their  baggage  plundered, 
their  clothes  taken  from  them,  and  several  of  their  number 
killed ;  and  one  of  them,  who  had  only  been  wounded,  roasted 
alive.  From  the  circumstance  that  Captain  M'Kinstrj  had 
been  wounded,  and  designated  for  the  torture,  though  rescued, 
as  we  have  already  seen,  by  Captain  Brant,  it  is  quite  probable 
that  Congress  was  misinformed  as  to  the  actual  consummation 
of  such  a  purpose  in  the  person  of  any  prisoner.  Assuming 
the  fact,  however,  the  enemy's  conduct  was  denounced  in  the 
strongest  terms — Congress  asserting  the  right  of  demanding 
indemnification  for  the  wrongs  inflicted  upon  the  prisoners  in 
their  persons  and  property ;  and  in  regard  to  tlie  murder  of 
prisoners  by  the  Indians,  requirinsj  that  the  autliors  of  those 
murders  be  delivered  into  their  hands  for  condign  punishment, 
as  a  condition  precedent  to  an  exchange  of  prisoners.  In  re- 
gard to  the  torturing  ?f  prisoners,  a  resolution  was  also  adopted, 
denouncing,  "  as  the  sole  means  of  stopping  the  progress  of 
human  butchery,"  a  retaliation  of  punishment,  of  the  same  kind 
and  degree,  to  be  inflicted  upon  a  like  number  of  prisoners  of 
the  enemy,  in  every  case  of  outrage  thereafter  to  occur. 

These  resolutions  were,  in  effect,  a  refusal  to  confirm  the 
treaty  for  the  exchange  of  prisoners  entered  into  by  General 
Arnold,  and  were  so  considered  by  the  commanding  ofllcers  in 
Canada.  The  consequence  was,  the  indulgence  of  much  crimi- 
nation and  recrimination,  on  the  part  both  of  the  American 
and  British  commanders.  Indeed,  complaints  of  tlie  cruel 
treatment  of  the  prisoners  falling  into  their  hands  had  been 


1776.J 


CRUELTY  TO    PRISONERS. 


157 


preferred  against  the  enemy  several  months  before,  particularly 
in  the  case  of  Colonel  Ethan  Allen  and  his  fellow-captives. 
Allen  had  been  captured  by  General  Prescott,  by  whom,  in  ad- 
dition to  other  indignities,  he  had  been  heavily  ironed,  and  sent 
like  a  common   felon  to   Etigland.     Prescott  was  afterward 
taken  by  the  Americans  and  treated  with  considerable  rigor, 
in  retaliation  for  the  ill-usage  of  Allen.     This  produced  a  re- 
monstrance from  General  Howe,  who,  on  being  reminded  of 
the  case  of  Allen,  disclaimed  any  responsibility  in  regard  to 
that  transaction,  inasmuch  as  it  was  an  occurrence  in  a  district 
beyond  the  boundaries  of  his  particular  command.     The  af- 
fair of  the  Cedars  excited  the  strongest  feelings  of  indignation, 
not  only  in  Congress  and  among  the  people,  but  in  the  army. 
"  The  mhuman  treatment  of  the  whole,  and  murder  of  part,  of 
"our  people,  was  certainly  a  flagrant  violation  of  that  faith, 
"which  ought  to  be  held  sacred  by  all  civilized  nations,  and 
"was  founded  in  the  most  savage  barbarity."*     Soon  after- 
ward the  account  was  in  part  balanced,  by  a  diabolical  outrage 
committed  by  an  American  scouting  party  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  St.  John's,     It  was  the  deliberate  assassination,  by  the 
lieutenant  at  the  head  of  the  party,  of  Brigadier- General  Gor- 
lon  of  the  British  army.     General  Gordon  was  riding  alone, 
md  in  full  uniforn*,  "  )m  Laprairie  to  St,  John's.     The  lieu- 
tenant md  his  party  were  in  ambush  within  the  British  lines, 
and  as  the  General  passed,  the  former  wantonly  and  barbarously 
shot  him  through  the  body.     Although  the  wound  was  mortal, 
the  General  rode  on,  and  speedily  reached  St.  John's,  where  he 
expired.t     This  painful  incident  aroused  as  warm  a  burst  of 
indignation  among  the  British  officers,  as  the  affair  of  the  Ce- 
dars had  done  auiong   the    Americans.     General   Carleton 
availed  himself  of  the  occurrence  to  issue  a  violent,  though  art- 
ful proclamation,  which  was  pronounced  by  Washington,  in  a 
letter  to  the  President  of  Congress,  to  be  "  highly  unbecoming 
"the  character  of  a  soldier  and  gentleman,"    Although  the 
prisoners  were  not  exchanged,  under  the  arrangement  made 
with  Arnold,  yet  Carleton  set  the  American  captives  at  liberty, 
on  condition  of  their  returning  to  their  own  homes,  there  to  re- 
main as  prisoners.    Each  of  the  prisoners  was  furnished  with 
a  copy  of  his  insidious  proclamation. 

*  Letter  of  Waahington  to  the  President  of  Congress,  July  15,  1776. 
t  Note  in  vol.  iv.  of  Sparks's  Life  and  Correspondence  of  Washinston. 


." » 


r 


ill 


1*!     •  fj 


168 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1776. 


fK':^ 


It  was  not  supposed  that  any  considerable  numbers  of  the 
Indians  of  the  Six  Nations  participated  in  the  battle  of  the 
Cedars,  other  than  the  Mohawks  and  their  kindred  tribe,  the 
Gaughnawagas,  or  the  Seven  Nations  of  Canada,  as  they-  chose 
to  call  themselves.  Indeed,  the  Six  Nations  were  at  that  stage 
of  the  contest  far  from  being  unanimous  in  opposition  to 
the  Colonies  ;  and  at  the  very  time  of  these  occurrences,  a  de- 
putation  from  four  of  the  nations  was  at  Philadelphia,  on  a 
peaceable  mission  to  Congress.  The  arrival  of  this  deputation 
was  announced  to  that  assembly  on  the  24th  of  May.  On  the 
llth  of  June  they  were  presented  to  the  House,  preparatory  to 
their  departure,  and  addressed  by  the  President  as  follows  :— 

"  Brothers  :  We  hope  the  friendship  that  is  between  you 
and  us  will  be  firm,  and  continue  as  long  as  the  sun  simll 
shine  and  the  waters  run,  that  we  and  you  may  be  as  one  people, 
and  have  but  one  heart,  and  be  kijid  to  one  another  as  brethren. 

"  Brothers  :  The  King  of  Great  Britain,  hearkening  to  the 
evil  counsel  of  some  of  his  foolish  young  men,  is  angry  with 
us,  because  we  will  not  let  him  take  away  from  us  our  land, 
and  all  that  we  have,  and  give  it  to  them ;  and  because  we  will 
not  do  every  thing  that  he  bids  us  ;  and  hath  hindered  his  peo- 
ple from  bringing  goods  to  us,  but  we  have  made  provision  for 
gettmg  such  a  quantity  of  them,  that  we  hope  we  shall  be  able 
to  supply  your  wants  as  formerly. 

"  Brothers  :  We  shall  order  all  our  warriors  and  young 
men  not  to  hurt  you  or  any  of  your  kindred ;  and  we  hope  you 
will  not  suffer  any  of  your  young  men  to  join  with  our  enemies, 
or  to  do  any  wrong  to  us,  that  nothing  may  happen  to  make 
any  quarrel  between  us. 

"  Brothers  :  We  desire  you  to  accept  a  few  necessaries, 
which  we  present  you  with,  as  tokens  of  our  good- will  toward 
you." 

The  presents  having  been  delivered,  the  Indian  deputies 
expressed  a  desire  to  give  a  name  to  the  President  of  Congres*-, 
Permission  for  that  purpose  having  been  granted,  a  chief  of  the 
Onondagas  arose,  and  saluted  the  President  by  the  name  of 
Ka-ran-dua4n,  or  the  Great  Tree ;  by  which  name  John  Han- 
cock was  afterward  known  among  the  Six  Nations. 

Although  it  would  appear  upon  the  surface  of  these  resolu- 
tions, that  Congress  was  yet  persevering  in  tha  humane  policy 
of  keeping  the  Indians  in  a  state  of  neutrality,  yet  candor  and 


1776.] 


EMPLOYMENT   OF    INDIANS. 


16% 


truth  require  a  different  record.  Much  as  sound  moralists  had 
condemned  the  employment  of  this  species  of  force  in  civilized 
warfare,  and  strongly  as  Congress  had  exerted  its  influence  the 
preceding  year  to  prevent  the  Indians  from  taking  the  field  in 
behalf  of  either  of  the  combatants,  that  policy  was  abandoned. 
On  the  25th  of  May,  1776,  the  Congress  resolved  "  that  it  was 
« highly  expedient  to  engage  the  Indians  in  the  service  of  the 
"  United  Colonies  ;"  and  they  empowered  the  Commnnder-m- 
Chief  to  employ,  in  Canada  and  elsewhere,  a  nuniber  not  ex- 
ceeding two  thousand,  offering  them  "  a  reward  of  one  hun- 
<<  dred  dollars  for  every  commissioned  officer,  and  thirty  dollars 
« for  every  private  soldier  of  the  King's  troops,  that  they  should 
"  take  prisoner  in  the  Indian  country,  or  on  the  frontiers  of 
"these  Colonies."  The  Congress  also  authorized  General 
Washington  to  employ  the  Indians  of  Penobscot,  St.  John's, 
and  Nova  Scotia,  who  had  proffered  their  services,  and  were 
to  receive  the  same  pay  as  the  Continental  soldiers.* 

Whether  any  of  those  Eastern  Indians  were  ever  actually 
engaged  in  the  American  service,  is  not  known.  In  regard  to 
the  employment  of  the  Northern  Indians,  Washington  forth- 
with entered  into  a  correspondence  with  General  Schuyler  up- 
on the  subjectj  and  pressed  him  to  carry  the  resolutions  into  ef- 
fect. The  latter,  however,  was  averse  to  the  measure — as 
much  so  as  at  the  first.  He  disliked  to  employ  such  a  force 
under  any  circumstances,  contending  that  they  were  too  fickle 
and  uncertain  to  allow  any  well-founded  reliance  to  be  placed 
upon  them  at  the  moment  of  emergency.  At  that  particular 
conjuncture,  especially  when  our  troops,  broken  and  dispersed, 
were  flying  like  fugitives  from  Canada,  he  thought  the  chances 
of  obtaining  Indian  auxiliaries  exceedingly  slender ;  and  as  to 
the  number  prescribed,  (two  thousand,)  the  General  intimated 
in  one  of  his  letters  to  the  Commander-in-Chief,  that  it  would 
have  been  well  if  Congress  had  condescended  to  inform  him 
where  so  many  Indian  warriors,  not  already  in  the  service 

*  Sparks'a  Life  and  Cor.  of  Washington,  vol.  iv.,  Appendix.  [Mr.  Sparks  seems 
to  have  fallen  into  an  error  as  to  the  immediate  motive  of  Congress  in  changing  its 
Indian  policy  at  this  time.  He  leaves  his  readers  to  infer,  that  ;he  measure  was 
one  of  retaliation  for  the  conduct  of  the  British  and  Indians  at  the  Cedars.  But  such 
could  not  have  bsen  the  fact.  The  battle  of  th«  Cedars  was  fought  on  the  SOlh  of 
May,  and  these  resolutions  were  passed  on  the  S5th— before  the  news,  in  tliose  days, 
could  poaaibly  have  reached  Philadelphia.] 


f-iii 


t 


n 


^n?^ 


^60 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1776. 


of  the  enemy,  were  to  be  found.  In  short,  General  Schuyler's 
opinion  was  correct  from  the  beginning,  that  the  Colonies  could 
expect  no  essential  aid  from  tlie  Indians ;  and  whatever  aid 
they  might  receive,  would  be  sure  to  cost  more  than  it  would 
come  to.  So  the  event  proved.  But,  although  the  British 
profited  most  by  the  employment  of  the  Indians,  tliey  are  not 
alone  to  blame  for  using  them.  So  far,  certainly,  as  principle 
and  intention  are  concerned,  .the  Americans  are  equitably  enti- 
thd  to  a  due  share  of  the  censure.* 

In  recurring  to  coincident  events  transpiring  in  other  parts  of 
the  country,  it  must  be  remarked,  that  the  Commander-in- 
Chief  was  often  placed  in  circumstances  not  the  most  promis- 
ing. On  his  first  arrival  at  the  camp  before  Boston,  the  pre- 
ceding year,  he  had  found  only  "  the  materials  for  a  good 
"  army  " — not  the  organized  army  itself.  The  troops  were 
mostly  undisciplined ;  and  having  taken  arms  to  fight  for  li- 
berty, it  was  no  easy  matter  to  bring  them  into  those  habits  of 
subordination,  which  necessarily  render  a  soldier  a  mere  ma- 
chine to  be  moved  at  the  will  of  his  commander.  Tht  first 
object  of  General  Washington,  therefore,  was  to  bring  the 
troops  into  a  state  of  discipline.  But  another  difficulty  pre- 
sented itself  in  the  fact,  that,  owing  to  the  short  periods  of  en- 
listment, the  times  of  service  of  the  greater  portion  of  the 
army  were  to  expire  in  November  and  December.  To  which 
was  added  the  embarrassing  discovery,  that  all  the  powder  at 
his  command  was  barely  sufficient  to  supply  nine  rounds  of 
cartridges  per  man.  There  was,  moreover,  a  general  want  of 
camp  equipage  and  clothing,  and  indeed  of  every  thing  neces- 
sary alike  to  the  comfort  and  the  efficiency  of  an  army.  But 
Heaven,  ir*  its  mercy,  seemed  to  have  devolved  the  command 
upon  the  man  of  all  others  best  calculated  to  meet  the  emer- 
gency and  L/ercome  it.  His  destitution  of  ammunition  was 
artfully  and  effectually  concealed  fi-om  the  enemy ;  and  al- 
though, on  the  discharge  of  those  of  his  troops  who  would  not 
re-enlist,  at  the  close  of  December,  (1775,)  he  had  no  more 
than  9i050  men  left,  he  yet  contrived  to  sustain  himself  and 
keep  the  enemy  beleaguered  in  Boston  during  the  whole  winter. 
"  It  is  not  in  the  pages  of  history,  perhaps,"  he  wrote  to 


•  Spuki. 


;her  parts  of 
imander-in- 
lost  promis- 
on,  the  pre- 
fer a  good 
roops  were 
fight  for  li- 
je  habits  of 
a  mere  ma- 
.    Tht  first 
)  brings  the 
fRculty  pre- 
riods  of  en- 
•tion  of  the 
To  wiiich 
powder  at 
rounds  ot 
aral  want  of 
ns:  neces- 
army.    But 
;e  command 
t  the  emer- 
iinition  was 
ly;  and  al- 
o  would  not 
ad  no  more 
limself  and 
hole  winter, 
le  wrote  to 


1776.] 


GENERAL    PROGRESS   OF   THE   WAR. 


161 


Congress,  "  to  furnish  a  case  like  ours.  To  maintain  a  post 
<(  within  musket  shot  of  the  enemy  for  six  months  together, 
"  without  ammunition,  and  at  the  same  time  to  disband  one 
« army  and  recruit  another,  within  that  distance  of  twenty  odd 
"British  regiments,  is  more,  probably,  than  was  ever  at- 
« tempted."* 

The  Continental  Congress  had  been  induced  by  the  influence 
of  the  Commander-in-chief  to  resolve  upon  the  raising  of  an 
army  of  76,000  men,  to  be  enlisted  for  the  term  of  three  years,  or 
during  the  war.    It  was  not  until  January,  however,  that  they 
could  be  induced  to  offer  bounties  for  enlistments ;  and  even 
then  the  ranks  were  not  rapialy  filled.  At  the  ci.ose  of  February, 
the  whole  effective  force  of  the  Americans  was  no  more  than 
14,000  men,  excl;isive  of  6000  of  the  Masbachusetls  militia. 
An  assault  upon  Boston  had  been  meditated  in  February  by 
General  Washington  ;  but  the  opinion  of  his  principal  oflScers, 
as  expressed  in  a  council  of  war,  being  strongly  against  such 
a  movement,  the  enterprize  was  reluctantly  abandoned.  Wearied 
by  inaction,  the  next  project  of  the  American  commander  was 
to  take  possession  of  Dorchester  Heights — a  position  command- 
ing the  town  of  Boston,  the  occupation  of  which  would  compel 
General  Howe  either  to  attempt  its  dispossession  by  the  Ameri- 
cans, or  to  evacuate  the  town.    The  enterprize  was  so  well 
planned,  as  to  be  executed  by  General  Thomas  with  complete 
and  brilliant  success,  on  ti.e  night  of  the  4th  of  March. 
Having  diverted  the  attention  of  the  enemy  by  a  bombardment 
of  his  lines  in  another  direction,  the  movement  was  unper- 
ceived.    The  weather  being  mild,  the  American  troops  were- 
enabled  to  labor  with  energy  in  throwing  up  defences,  whichy 
on  the  following  morning,  struck  the  General  of  the  British 
army  with  astonishment,  from  their  sudden  appearance  and 
their  magnitude.    A  heavy  atmosphere  contributed  to  magnify 
the  height  of  the  works,  and  increase  the  wonder  of  the  foe. 
Sir  William  Howe  made  immediate  preparations  to  drive  the 
Americans  from  their  new,  and,  to  him,  dangerous  position ; 
for  which  purpose  two  thousand  choice  troops  were  embarked 
to  cross  over  the  same  evening ;  but  a  severe  tempest  frustrated 
his  design.    On  the  following  morning  General  Howe  con- 

•  Eolmw's  Annalf. 
13 


1.1  i'i 


\  BjV{  ^'] 


i-t' 


i 


titiw'l 


H' 


162 


LIFE    OF   BRANT. 


[1776. 


11' 


vened  a  council  of  war,  at  which  it  was  resolved  to  evacuate 
the  town  as  soon  as  possible.  This  determination  was  carried 
into  execution  on  the  17th,  by  the  embarkation  of  the  whole 
British  army,  and  the  sailing  of  the  fleet — first  to  Halifax— but 
ultimately,  as  the  event  proved,  for  New- York.  On  the  same 
day  General  Washington  entered  Boston  in  triumph,  and  was 
hailed  by  the  universal  acclaim  of  the  people  as  their  deliverer. 
Thus  was  the  town  which  first  raised  the  standard  of  rebellion, 
the  first  to  rejoice  at  the  final  retreat  of  its  oppressors.  Nor  was 
it  the  fortune  of  the  invaders  ever  to  set  foot  there  again. 

In  the  North,  the  operations  of  the  Provincial  army  had  been 
far  less  propitious.     The  conquest  of  Canada  was  a  favorite 
project  with  Congress,  and  every  possible  effort  within  the 
slender  means  of  the  Colonies  was  made  to  that  end.    But  the 
fall  of  Montgomery  had  thrown  a  gloom  over  the  enterprise 
which  was  never  dissipated.    Colonel,  now  General  Arnold, 
had  maintained  himself  before  Quebec  during  the  winter,  and 
until  late  in  the  spring,  with  but  a  handful  of  men— number- 
ing, at  one  time,  not  more  than  five  hundred  cflectives.     But 
the  reinforcements  were  slow  in  arriving;  the  Canadians, from 
a  variety  of  causes — the  principal  of  which,  beyond  doubt, 
was  bad  treatment  from  an  undisciplined  soldiery — becamp 
less  friendly  to  the  Americans  than  at  first,  notwithstanding  the 
mission  of  Messrs.  Franklin,  Chase,  and  Carroll,  accompanied 
by  a  Catholic  priest,  to  conciliate  them  ;  and  on  the  arrival  of 
General  Wooster  at  his  quarters,  about  the  1st  of  April,  Arnold 
obtained  leave  of  absence,  and  took  the  command  at  Montreal. 
General  Thomas,  who  had  been  assigned  to  the  command  of 
the  army  in  Canada,  after  the  exploit  of  Gloucester  Heights, 
arrived  before  Quebec  on  the  1st  of  May,  where  he  found  an 
army  of  nineteen  hundred  men,  less  than  one  thousand  of 
whom  were  effective,  and  three  hundred  of  these,  being  entitled 
to  their  discharge,  refused  to  perform  duty.     They  had  but  one 
hundred  and  fifty  barrels  of  powder,  and  six  days'  provisions. 
Well  knowing  that  with  the  opening  of  the  navigation.  Sir 
Guy  Carleton's  expected  reinforcements  would  arrive,  the  cir- 
cumstances in  which  he  was  placed  were  altogether  so  lui- 
promising,  that  General  Thomas,  with  the  concurrence  of  a 
council  of  war,  determined  to  raise  the  siege  on  the  6th  of 
May,  aiid  assume  a  more  eligible  position  farther  up  the  river 


1776.] 


EVACUATION   OF   CANADA. 


163 


It  was  the  intention  of  the  American  commander  to  remove 
the  sick  to  Three  Rivers  ;  but  on  the  6th,  before  the  arrange- 
ments for  retreating  were  all  concerted,  a  British  fleet,  witti 
reinforcements,  arrived.  General  Carleton  immediately  made 
a  sortie  at  the  head  of  one  thousand  men  ;  to  oppose  whom, 
General  Thomas  had  not  more  than  three  hundred  available 
troops.  No  other  course  remained,  therefore,  but  a  preci- 
pitate retreat  for  all  who  could  get  away — leaving  the  sick 
and  tlie  military  stores  to  the  enemy.  General  Thomas  led  his 
little  bpnd  back  to  the  mouth  of  the  Sorel,  where  he  was 
seized  with  the  small-pox,  and  died.  Large  reinforcements 
joined  the  fugitive  army  at  that  place,  under  General  Sullivan. 
Before  General  Carleton  moved  from  Quebec,  an  expedition 
was  undertaken  from  Sorel  to  the  Three  Rivers,  against  Gene- 
ral Frasier,  under  the  direction  of  General  Thompson  and 
Colonel  St.  Clair.  It  was  unsuccessful ;  from  which  time  dis- 
aster followed  disaster,  until,  owing  to  the  combined  causes  of 
defeat,  sickness,  and  insubordination,  the  Americans  found 
themselves,  on  the  18t!i  of  June,  driven  entirely  out  of  Canada  ; 
tlie  British  army  following  so  closely  upon  their  heels,  as  im- 
mediately to  occupy  the  different  posts  as  they  wcsre  successive- 
ly evacuated. 

The  Americans,  however,  still  retained  the  control  of  Lake 
Chainplain,  and  occupied  t!ie  fortifications  upon  its  shores, 
the  command  of  which  had  now  been  assigned  by  Congress 
to  General  Gates,  with  gteat  and  manifest  injustice  toward  Ge- 
neral Schuyler.*  Gates  at  first  established  his  head-quarters  at 
Crown  Point,  but  soon  afterward  withdrew  his  forces  from  that 
post,  and  fell  back  upon  Ticonderoga.     This  step  was  taken 

*  The  appointment  of  Gates  to  the  command  of  thia  department,  was  from  tho 
lirst  unacceptable  to  the  officers  of  New-York,  nor  was  his  own  course  very  concili- 
atory toward  them.  In  the  course  of  the  present  Summer,  it  was  reported  to  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Gansbvoort,  a  brave  and  deservedly  popular  officer,  belonging  to  the 
regiment  of  Colonel  Van  Schaick,  and  then  in  command  of  Fort  Georgo  at  the  head 
of  the  lake  of  that  name,  that  the  General  had  spoken  disrespectfully  of  that  regi- 
ment, and  also  of  the  regiments  of  Colonels  Wynkoop  and  Fishei^.  His  letters  to 
Col.  Ganaevoort  were  unnecessarily  harsh  and  pragmatical  st  much  so  as  justly  to 
give  offence.  Irritated  by  such  treatment,  Gansevoort  wrote  a  spirited  letter  to 
Gates,  referring  to  several  matters  in  which  he  had  been  aggrieved  by  the  letters  and 
conversation  of  that  officer.  He  requested  a  Court  of  Inquiry,  and  avowed  his  d»* 
termination,  with  the  leave  of  Gen.  Schuyler,  to  relinquish  the  command  of  the 
post— JlfS.  letter*  tfOatei  and  CnU  Qanaevoort  in  the  author'."  jwsaession. 


i    i 


.^ 


164 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1776. 


by  the  advice  and  concurrence  of  a  board  of  general  officers, 
but  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  the  field  oflicers.     The  Comman- 
der-in-chief  was  exceedingly  dissatisfied  with  this  movement  ot 
Gates,  believing  that  the  relinquishment  of  that  post,  in  its  conse- 
quences, would  be  equivalent  to  an   abandonment  of  Lakes 
George  and  Champlain,  and  all  the  advantages  to  bo  derived 
therefrom.*    In  reply  to  the  concern  that  had  been  expressed 
by  Washington  on  the  occasion,  General  Gates  contended  that 
Crown  Point  was  untenable  with  the  forces  then  under  his 
command,  nor  could  it  be  successfully  defended  evjn  with  the 
aid  of  the  expected  reinforcements.     These  reinforcements, 
moreover,  the  General  added,  could  not  be  allowed  to  approacii 
nearer  to  Crown  Point  than  Skeneaborough,  since  "  it  woulu 
"  be  only  hnaping  one  hospital  upon  another."!    The  annals 
of  disastrous  vmr  scarce  present  a  more  deplorable  picture  than 
that  exhibited  by  the  Americans  escaping  from  Canada.    In 
addition  to  the  small  pox,  the  army  had  been  afflicted  by  other 
diseases,  generated  by  exposure,  destitution,  and  laxity  of  dis- 
cipline.    Fleets  of  boats  came  up  the  lake,  freighted  with  the 
sick  and  dying  ;  and  even  those  reported  from  day  to  day  fit 
for  duty,  presented  but  the  appearance  of  a  haggard  skele- 
ton of  an  army.     "  Every  thing  about  this  army,"  said  Gene- 
ral Gates  in  tlie  letter  already  cited,  "  is  infected  with  the  pes- 
"  tilence ;  the  clothes,  the  blankets,  the  air,  and  the  ground 
"  they  walk  upon.    To  put  this  evil  from  us,  a  general  hospi- 
"  tal  is  established  at  Fort  George,t  where  there  are  now  be- 
"  tween  two  and  three  thousand  sick,  and  where  every  infected 
"  person  is  immediately  sent.    But  this  care  and  caution  have 
"  not  effectually  destroyed  the  disease  here ;  it  is,  notwithstand- 
"  ing,  continually  breaking  out."  II 
Such  was  the  deplorable  condition  in  which  an  army,  so  re- 

•  Letter  of  Washington  to  Gen.  Gates,  July  19,  1776. 

t  Letter  of  Gen.  Gntes  to  Washington  in  reply,  July  28.  The  small  pox,  which 
had  been  so  fatal  to  the  troops  in  Canada,  had  now  br4>ken  out  at  Crown  Point  and 
Ticonderoga — the  pestilence  having  been  purposely  introduced  by  a  villain  calling 
himself  Doctor  Barker.  This  fact  is  stated  in  a  letter  from  the  Adjutant-General  ot 
the  Northern  Department  to  Colonel  Gansevoort,  dated  from  Ticonderoga,  July  24. 
"The  villain,"  says  the  letter,  "by  private  inoculations  in  the  army,  has  caused,  in 
A  great  degree,  the  misery  to  which  we  are  reduced  by  that  infectious  disorder." 
Barker  was  arrested,  and  sent  to  Albany. — MS.  letter  of  Colmtl  TrwnbuU  to  Col. 
Gotuevoort. 

t  At  the  bead  of  Lake  George.  ||  Sperke. 


1776.] 


GENERAL    PROGRESS   OF   THE   WAR. 


165 


irmy,  so  re- 

nall  pox,  which 
own  Point  and 
a  villain  calling 
ant-General  ot 
eroga,  July  24. 
has  caused,  in 
ious  disorder." 
Vum&uU  to  Cci. 


contly  victorious,  had  been  driven  back  from  what  was  in  fact 
a  conquered  country,  lost  entirely  through  mismanagement, 
and  the  want  of  an  army  upon  the  basis  of  permanent  enlist- 
ment. Added  to  which,  was  another  difficulty  lying  beneath 
tho  surface.  Many  prisoners  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy  at  Q,uebcc  and  during  the  subsequent  retreat.  Toward 
all  these,  the  conduct  of  Sir  Guy  Carleton  had  been  most  poli- 
tic. They  had  been  treated  with  the  greatest  care  and  human- 
ity, and  so  much  of  the  subtle  poison  of  flattery,  mingled  with 
kindness,  had  been  poured  into  their  cars,  that  their  return  on 
parole,  which  wis  presently  allowed  by  the  British  commander, 
was  regarded  with  apprehension.*  On  one  occasion,  a  large 
number  of  prisoners  arriving  at  Crown  Point  from  St.  John's,  in 
a  vessel  provided  by  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  were  visited,  before  land- 
ing, by  Colonel  John  Trumbull,  the  Adjntant-Genertd  for  the 
Northern  Ocpartment.  From  the  feelings  they  manifested,  and 
the  tenor  of  their  conversation.  Colonel  Trumbull  saw  at  once 
that  it  would  not  be  prudent  to  allow  them  to  land,  or  hold  the 
least  intercourse  with  the  suffering  troops  of"lhe  garrison.  He 
imnjodiately  reported  the  fact  to  the  General,  and  advised  that  the 
said  prisoners  should  be  sent  directly  forward  to  Skenciiborough, 
and  despatched  to  their  respective  homes,  without  allowing 

*  "  Although  Qencral  Carlrton  had  acquicscud  in  the  harsh  treatment  of  Ethan 
Alkn,  yi!t  tlib  prisoners  who  fell  into  his  hands  met  with  usage  in  every  respect  as 
good  as  that  of  the  Britisii  soUiicri*,  except  in  the  necessary  restraints  of  confinement. 
This  was  declared  in  a  letter  to  Washington  from  Major  Meigs,  when  he  returned 
on  his  pnrulc  the  Summer  fullowing.  The  soldiers  were  confined  in  the  Jesuits' 
College,  and  the  officers  in  the  Seminary.  The  latter,  after  the  siege  was  raised, 
had  purmiasion  to  walk  in  a  large  garden  adjoining  their  quarters.  Major  Meigs 
left  throe  hundred  prisoners  in  duebtn;  about  the  middle  of  May.  When  they  were 
released  for  exchange,  General  Carleton  supplied  them  with  articles  of  clothing,  in 
which  they  were  deficient.  It  was  said,  that  when  some  of  his  officers  spoke  to  him 
oFthis  act,  as  an  unusual  degree  of  lenity  toward  prisoners  of  war,  he  replied, — 
"  Since  we  have  tried  in  vain  to  make  them  acknowledge  us  as  brothers,  let  us  at 
least  send  them  away  disponed  to  regard  us  as  first  cousins."  Having  been  in- 
formed that  many  persons  aufitiring  from  wounds  and  various  disorders  were  con- 
cealed in  tho  woods  and  obscure  places,  fearing  that  if  they  appeared  openly  they 
would  be  seized  as  prisoners  and  severely  treated  ;  he  issued  a  proclamation  cont- 
manding  tho  militia  officers  to  search  for  such  persons,  bring  them  to  the  general 
hospital,  and  procure  for  them  all  necessary  relief  at  the  public  charge.  He  also 
invited  all  such  persons  to  come  forward  voluntarily,  and  receive  the  assistance  they 
needed ;  assuring  them,  "  that  as  soon  as  their  health  should  be  restored,  they  should 
"have  free  liberty  to  return  to  their  respective  provinces." — Sparks, 


,' 


■>>•  -'I 


lis-     -.1     v    >'  'H 


166 


LIFE   OF  BRANT. 


It 
1 

F       I 


m 


^m 


'-^  --i  V 


.1, 


[1776. 


them  to  mingle  with  the  troops  at  that  place.    The  suggestion 
was  adopted.* 

Nor  were  the  difficulties  enumerated,  all  which  the  officers 
had  to  encounter.  The  spirit  of  disaffection  was  far  more  ex- 
tensive than  those  who  are  left  to  contemplate  the  scenes 
tiirough  which  their  fcthers  passed,  and  the  discouragements 
against  which  they  were  compelled  to  struggle,  have  been  wont 
to  suppose.  The  burden  of  many  of  General  Schuyler's  let- 
ters, and  also  the  letters  of  other  officers,  during  the  whole  of 
this  season,  was  the  frequency  .of  desertions  to  the  ranks  of  the 
enemy. 

Glancing  for  a  moment  at  the  situation  of  affairs  at  the 
south,  the  gloom  of  the  picture  is  somewhat  relieved.  The 
expedition  of  General  Clinton  and  Sir  Peter  Parker,  for  the  re- 
duction of  Charleston,  had  signally  failed.  The  defence  of  the 
fort  bearing  his  own  name,  by  Colonel  Moultrie,  was  one  of 
the  most  gallant  exploits  of  the  whole  contest,  and  served  to 
lighten  the  despondency  that  had  been  produced  by  the  disas- 
ters we  have  been  sketching  at  the  north.  It  was  at  this  place 
that  the  celebrated  Sergeant  Jasper  signalized  himself,  when 
the  flag-staff  was  shot  away,  by  leaping  from  the  parapet  of  the 
fort  upon  the  beach,  seizing  the  flag,  and,  amid  the  incessant 
firing  of  the  fleet,  mounting,  and  again  placing  it  on  the  ram- 
part.t 

But  the  grand  event  of  the  year,  the  transactions  of  which 
are  now  under  review,  was  the  D-^claration  of  Indepen- 
dence, a  motion  for  which  was  submitted  in  Congress  by 
Richard  Henry  Lee,  of  Virginia,  on  the  7th  of  June,  and  the 
Declaration  itself  solemnly  adopted  or  the  4th  of  July.  This 
measure  at  once  cut  off  all  hope  of  reconciliation  with  the  pa- 
rent country,  and  all  prospect  of  a  termination  of  the  war,  un- 
less by  the  complete  triumph  in  arms  of  one  party  or  the  other. 
Such  a  declaration  was  an  event  not  originally  anticipated, 
even  if  desired,  by  the  mass  of  the  people ;  although  it  had  un- 
questionably, and  from  the  first,  entered  into  the  calculations  of 
the  daring  master  spirits  of  the  movement  in  Boston.  It  had 
furthermore  been  greatly  accelerated  by  the  conduct  of  the 


*  Conversations  of  the  author  with  the  venerable  Colonel  Trumbull,  while  these 
pages  were  under  revision, 
t  Garden's  Anecdotes  of  the  American  Revolution. 


ibull,  while  thei* 


1776.]  AFFAIRS    IN   TRYON   COUNTY.  167 

British  government  itself,  duri  ,  the  preceding  session  of  Par- 
liament, by  act  of  which  the  Americans  had  been  declared  out 
of  the  Royal  protection  ;  so  widely  mistaken  had  been  the  Con- 
gress of  the  preceding  year,  which  had  adjourned  with  strong 
hopes  that  the  differences  between  the  two  countries  would 
soon  be  adjusted  to  their  mutual  satisfaction.*  At  the  same 
time  the  parent  government  was  putting  forth  its  utmost  ener- 
o-ies  J  crush  the  Colonies  at  a  blow.  For  this  purpose,  25,000 
British  troops  were  to  be  employed,  in  addition  to  17,000  Ger- 
man mercenaries  purchased  from  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse 
Cassel,  the  Duke  of  Brunswick,  and  the  Count  of  Hanau. 
These  troops,  together  with  the  Canadian  recruits,  the  American 
loyalists,  and  the  Indians,  it  was  intended  should  constitute  an 
invading  force  of  55,000  men.  With  such  preparations  in 
prospect  against  them,  it  was  no  time  for  inactivity  on  the  part 
of  the  Colonists ;  and  having  by  the  Declaration  thrown  away 
the  scabbard  of  the  sword  that  had  been  drawn  fifteen  months 
before,  there  was  no  alternative  but  resistance  to  the  end. 

Recurring,  for  a  brief  space,  to  the  history  proper  of  the 
Mohawk  Valley,  it  may  be  assumed,  in  behalf  of  its  patriotic 
population,  that  the  new  attitude  of  the  country  was  neither 
unexpected  nor  unwelcome.  On  the  contrary,  having  been 
among  the  earliest  to  propose  a  separation,  the  great  act  of  the 
4th  of  July  was  nowhere  more  cordially  received  than  by  the 
Whigs  of  Tryon  County.  Nor  did  they  falter  in  their  purposes 
of  sustaining  the  cause  in  which  the  country  had  embarked, 
amid  all  the  disasters  of  the  early  part  of  the  season  or  those 
tliat  followed.  In  their  own  section  of  country,  however,  the 
flight  of  Sir  John  Johnson  and  his  retainers  was  the  only  im- 
portant incident  occurring  during  that  memorable  year.  Still, 
there  was  no  relaxation  of  vigilance,  or  of  preparation  for  the 
worst,  should  the  storm  of  war,  so  long  muttering  in  the  dis- 
tance, actually  break  upon  those  settlements.  The  frontiers 
were  at  all  times  liable  to  the  sudden  irruptions  of  savages,  and 
it  was  necessary  to  keep  scouting  parties  continually  upon 
the  alert.  Cherry  Valley  being  the  principal  settlement  south 
of  the  Mohawk,  and  lying  directly  in  the  line  of  communica- 
tion between  the  Mohawk  Castles  and  the  Indian  post  at  Ogh- 

•  Marshall's  Life  of  Washington,  "Vol.  I.  Chap.  ir. 


jv  ,, 


.V 


;■  'V.^ 


i-'<'j^ivy^ 


168 


LIFE   OK   BRANT. 


[1776. 


'r 


, 


ij 


CAM  'I 


I'll 


kwaga,*  was  particularly  exposed.  Early  in  the  present  Sum- 
mer, therefore,  a  company  of  rangers  was  organized  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Robert  M'Kean.  The  public  service  re- 
quiring the  Captain  and  his  little  corps  elsewhere,  the  in- 
habitants strongly  remonstrated  with  the  Committee  of  Safety 
against  the  removal  of  that  corps,  but  without  effect.  They 
next  addressed  themselves  to  the  Provincial  Congress  of  New- 
York,  and  by  a  forcible  and  eloquent  appeal,  obtained  another 
company  of  rangers  to  be  stationed  among  them  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Winn.t  These  papers  were  written  with 
ability,  and  with  the  energy  of  men  in  earnest.  They  had 
even  then  received,  through  their  missionaries,  intimations  that 
Sir  John  Johnson  and  Colon'  I  John  Butler  were  instigating 
the  Indians  to  make  a  descent  upon  them  ;  and  already  were 
the  scattered  settlers  in  other  and  newer  locations  coming  in  to 
Cherry  Valley  for  protection.  Apprehending,  also,  sudden  ir- 
ruptions of  scalping  parties,  the  aged,  and  such  as  from  other 
causes  were  exempt  from  military  service,  now  organized 
themselves  into  a  company  for  the  protection  of  the  settlement. 
In  the  course  of  the  season  General  Schuyler  was  directed 
by  Congress  to  cause  Fort  Stanwix  to  be  strengthened,  nnd 
other  fortifications  to  be  erected  at  proper  places  along  the  Mo- 
hawk m  er.  Colonels  Van  Schaick  and  Dayton  had  previously 
been  stationed  in  Tryon  County  with  detachments  of  regular 
troops — the  former  at  Johnstown  and  the  latter  at  German  Flatts. 
Upon  Colonel  Dayton  was  imposed  the  duty  of  carrying  for- 
ward the  works  at  Pert  Stanwix,  for  which  purpose  the  Tryon 
County  militia  were  ordered  to  his  assistance.  The  site  of 
that  military  defence  had  early  been  improved,  as  one  of  the 
most  important  inland  posts  of  the  Colonies.  It  was  originally 
built  early  in  1758,  during  the  French  war  of  1765— CI, 
by  General  Stanwix,  for  the  purpose  of  commanding  the  car- 
rying-place between  the  Mohawk  River  and  Wood  Creek, 
leading  into  the  Oneida  Lake,  and  thence  into  Lake  Ontario, 

*  Ai  with  most  other  Indian  names,  there  is  difficulty  respecting  the  correct  or- 
thography of  this  place.  It  is  spelt  Oquaga,  OnhqxMga,  and  Bonwtimca  Oneaquaga. 
Brant  and  John  Norton,  however,  were  wont  to  spell  it  Oghkwaga.  I  have  adopted 
the  latter  method,  as  supported  by  the  boot  autliorities. — Author. 

t  The  names  of  the  Cherry  Valley  Committee  who  took  the  lead  in  these  mat- 
ters, were,  John  Moore,  Samuel  Clyde,  Samuel  Campbell,  Samuel  Dunlop,  James 
Scott,  Robert  Wells,  James  Richey,  an  i .'  ames  Moore. 


1776.] 


GENERAL    PROGRESS    OP    THE    WAR. 


169 


by  the  Oswego  river.*  There  were  several  other  fortifications 
at  different  points  of  the  narrow  strip  of  land  between  the  two 
streams  already  mentioned,  such  as  Fort  Bull  and  Fort  New- 
port; the  former  commanding  the  Creek,  about  three  miles 
distant.  These  were  strong  redoubts;  but  Fort  Stanwix  was  com- 
paratively a  formidable  work,  having  its  bomb-proofs,  its  sally- 
port, and  a  covered  way  to  the  spring  brook.  Altogether 
these  works  formed  an  ample  defence  of  the  key  from  Upper 
Canada  to  the  Mohawk  Valley,  and  were  likewise  of- signal 
service  for  the  protection  they  afforded  to  the  Indian  trade. 
But,  although  the  principal  fortress  had  been  erected  at  the 
great  expense — enormous  in  those  times— r,f  266,400  dollars, 
yet  the  commencement  of  the  war  of  the  Revolution  found 
the  whole  in  ruins.  Colonel  Dayton  appears  to  have  made  but 
little  progress  in  re-building  the  fort,  since  it  will  be  found 
that  other  officers  had  the  works  in  charge  early  in  the  follow- 
ing year,  and  they  were  far  from  complete  when  subsequently 
invested  by  the  motley  forces  of  General  St.  liCgcr.  Colonel 
Dayton,  however,  thought  proper  to  change  its  name  in  honor 
of  the  General  commanding  the  Northern  department,  and  it 
was  subsequently  known  as  Fort  Schuyler  during  the  residue 
of  the  war.t 

\  rapid  glance  at  the  other  warlike  events  of  the  season 
will  close  the  history  of  the  year.  Anticipating,  on  the  evacu- 
ation of  Boston  by  General  Howe,  that  his  next  point  of  attack 
would  be  New- York,  General  Lee  was  detached  by  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief with  a  portion  of  the  army,  to  put  Long 
Island  and  the  harbor  of  New- York  in  a  posture  of  defence. 
Washington  followed  soon  afterward  himself,  and  established 
his  heai-quarters  in  the  city.  Having  been  joined  by  his 
brother,  Lord  Howe,  as  commander  of  the  fleet  at  Halifax,  Ge- 
neral, afterward  Sir  William  Howe,  with  his  reinforcements, 
arrived  off  Sandy  Hook — the  latter  on  the  25th  of  June  and 
the  former  on  the  12th  of  July.    General  Clinton  arriving  ftt 


^--ir 


^  •:     ( ml 

^   J' If 


*  The  reconstruction  of  this  work  was  early  pointed  out,  and  strongly  urged  upon 
General  Schuyler,  by  Washinsiton, 

t  There  was  another  Fort  Schuyler,  built  on  the  present  site  of  Utica  during  the 
old  French  war,  and  named  thus  in  honor  of  Colonel  Schuyler,  an  uncle  of  Qeneral 
Philip  Schuyler  of  the  Revolution.  The  two  are  oflen  confounded  in  history,  and 
the  change  in  the  name  of  Fort  Stanwix  was  alilte  unnecessary  and  unwise. 


170 


LIFE    OP   BRANT. 


[1776. 


about  the  same  time  from  the  unsuccessful  enterprise  against 
Charleston,  with  Admiral  Hotham,  the  combined  forces  of  the 
enemy  now  amounted  to  about  24,000  men,  including  the 
Hessians. 

liord  and  Sir  William  Howe  were  clothed  with  powers,  as 
Commissioners,  to  treat  with  the  Colonies  for  a  reconciliation. 
Their  pacific  errand  was  proclaimed  before  hostilities  were  re- 
commenced, and  promises  of  pardon  were  proffered  to  all  who 
would  avail  themselves  of  the  Royal  clemency,  and  return  to 
their  allegiance  and  duty.  Their  proposals,  however,  were 
considered  too  exceptionable,  both  in  maUer  and  form,  to  re- 
ceive the  least  attention. 

On  the  22d  of  August  the  British  army  was  landed  upon 
Long  Island,  at  Gravesend.  The  American  army  at  this  time 
consisting  of  15,000  raon,  under  General  Sullivan,  was  en- 
camped in  the  neighborhood  of  Brooklyn.  The  battle  of  Long 
Island,  which  was  severely,  though  iiielFectually,  contested  by 
the  American  forces  under  Sullivan  and  Lord  Stirling,  was 
fought  on  the  27th  of  August.  In  this  action,  the  loss  of  the 
enemy  was  differently  reported  at  from  300  to  450.  The  loss 
of  the  Americans  was  far  more  considerable.  General  Wash- 
ington admitted  it  to  be  1000,  but  is  believed  only  to  have  re- 
ferred to  the  loss  of  the  regular  troops.  General  Howe  claim- 
ed 1097  prisoners,  among  whom  were  Generals  Sullivan, 
Stilling,  and  WoodhuU.  On  the  30th,  the  Americans  effected 
a  masterly  retreat  across  the  East  river  to  New- York.*  The 
enemy  made  immediate  dispositions  for  attacking  New- York ; 
and  so  piompt  and  skilful  were  his  movements,  that,  in  a  coun- 
cil of  general  officers,  an  evacuation  forthwith  was  deemed  the 
only  means  of  saving  the  army.  The  British  fleet  was  divided 
into  two  squadrons,  one  of  which  entered  the  East  and  the 
other  the  North  river.  Under  cover  of  the  former.  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  crossed  from  Long  Island,  and  landed  at  Kipp's  Bay, 
with  such  celerity  that  the  Americans  fled  in  disorder.     Indeed, 

•  During  the  operations  upon  Long  Island  and  Ngw<- Yrrk,  Captain  Brant  con- 
trived to  pass  from  Canada  and  join  tho  King's  forces.  He  was  with  Governor 
Tryon  at  Flalbush.  The  late  Mr.  John  Watts,  a  brother-in-law  of  Sir  Joliii 
Johnson,  used  to  speak  of  taking  a  walk  with  Gov.  Tryon,  Colonel  Asiiil!,  nnd 
Brant,  through  an  orchard  in  that  village.  During  their  stroll,  Brant  pliicUod  a 
crude  crab-apple  from  a  tree,  which,  on  tasting  it,  he  threw  .way — screwii;^  his 
face^  and  e.xclainiing : — "  It's  as  bitter  as  a  Presbyteria  i !" 


)rm,  to  re- 


1776.] 


GENERAL    PROGRESS    OF   THE    WAP. 


171 


the  evacuation  resembled  rather  a  flight  than  a  retreat ;  all  the 
heavy  artillery,  military  stores,  baggage,  and  provisions,  falling 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  A  large  portion  of  the  Ameri- 
can forces,  at  that  time,  consisted  of  militia,  the  conduct  of 
which  vras  scandalous  beyond  endurance.  They  deserted,  not 
only  in  small  numbers,  but  in  companies  and  squadrons,  when- 
ever they  could  ;  and  their  conduct  in  the  face  of  the  enemy, 
or  rather  when  running  from  the  faces  of  the  enemy,  was  most 
cowardly.  So  disorderly  was  their  demeanor,  and  so  like  pol- 
troons did  they  behave  when  flying  from  Sir  Henry  Clinton, 
that  even  Washington  himself  lost  his  patience,  and  was  ex- 
cited to  a  degree  of  hot  exasperation.  In  writing  from  Har- 
kiem  Heights  to  a  friend.  General  Greene  said  that  two  bri- 
gades of  militia  ran  away  from  about  fifty  men,  leaving  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief on  the  ground  within  eighty  yards  of  the 
enemy,  so  vexed  with  tli3  conduct  of  his  troops,  that  he  sought 
death  rather  than  life.*  His  attempts  to  stop  them  were  fruit- 
less. He  drew  his  sword,  and  threatened  to  rim  them  through, 
and  cocked  and  snapped  his  pistols.f  But  all  his  exertions 
were  to  no  purpose.  In  a  letter  upon  the  subject  of  this  infa- 
mous conduct  of  the  militia,  to  the  President  of  Congress,  the 
Commander-in-chief  declared  that,  were  he  called  to  give  his 
opinion  upon  oath,  he  should  say  that  the  militia  did  more  in- 
jury to  the  service  than  good. 

General  Greene  had  strongly  urged  the  destruction  of  the  city 
by  fire— a  measure  afterward  soefTectively  adopted  by  CountRos- 
topchin,  Governor  of  the  ancient  capital  of  Muscovy,  to  arrest 
the  career  of  Napoleon — that  the  enemy  might  be  deprived  of  the 
advantage  of  establishing  their  winter-quarters  therein.  His  rea- 
sons for  this  measure  were  sound,  and  it  ought,  doubtless,  to  have 
been  adopted.  Washington  was  believed  to  be  of  the  same  opi- 
nion, especially  as  two  thirds  of  the  property  which  it  was  pro- 
posed to  destroy,  belonged  to  undisguised  loyalists.  But  Congress 
would  not  allow  the  sacrifice  \t  and,  on  the  15th  of  September, 
the  city  was  in  full  possession  of  the  enemy — General  Wash- 
ington having  retired  with  the  army  to  Kingsbridge.    From 

♦  Sparks  t  Gordon. 

\  Washington's  letter  to  the  President  of  Congress,  and  also  a  letter  from  GUn. 
Greene.— Vide  Sparks. 


A  if 


b  v 


^^  € 


B 


f      I'  !!•* 


i  ''Pi 


K?fli3 


172 


LIFE   OP   BRAWT. 


[1776. 


if;w/- 


the  superiority  in  numbers  and  discipline  of  the  British  and 
German  troops,  the  Americans  were  unable  to  meet  them  in 
the  field,  and  the  policy  of  evacuating  and  retreating  was 
adopted.    A  succession  of  movements,  manoeuvres,  and  en- 
gagements, followed  in  Westchester,  terminating,  for  the  mo- 
ment, in  the  drawn  battle  of   White  Plains  on  the  18th  oi 
October.*    Washington  then  divided  his  army,  and  crossed 
into  New  Jersey  with  n  portion,  leaving  7500  troops  at  North 
Casile,  under  General  Leo.     The  next  disaster  to  the  American 
arnjs  was  the  fall  of  Fort  Washington,  on  the  16th  of  Novem- 
ber, after  a  brave  defence  by  Colonel  Magaw,  notwithstanding 
the  refusal  of  a  portion  of  his  troops  to  man  the  lines.t    That 
fortress  wjis  attacked  with  great  gallantry  at  four  points,  led  by 
Generals  Knyphanscn,  Matthews,  Cornwallis,  and  Lord  Percy. 
The  regiment  of  Coicnel  Rawlings,  on  that  occasion,  behaved 
with  great  spirit ;  nor  would  Colonel  Magaw  have  given  up 
the  post  but  for  the  conduct  of  the  disaffected.^    After  the  fall 
of  Fort  Washington,  Lord  Cornwallis  crossed  into  New  Jersey 
with  6000  men,  for  the  purpose  of  attacking  Fort  Lee,  of 
which  General  Lee  was  then  in  command.     But  the  means  of 
this  skilful  officer  were  not  adequate  to  the  defence  of  the  post 
against  a  force  of  such  unequal  strength ;  the  people  of  Now 
Jersey  were  at  that  time  intent  rather  to  make  terms  with  the 
enemy,  than  to  afford  efficient  assistance  ;||  and  the  garrison 
was  saved  by  an  evacuation.     General  Washington  had  taken 
post  at  Newark  ;  but  the  fall  of  Forts  Washington  and  Lee, 
together  with  the  diminution  of  his  own  strength  by  the  expi- 
ration of  the  term  of  service  of  his  men,  obliged  him  to  retreat 
rapidly  across  New  Jersey  to  the  other  side  cf  the  Delaware, 


*  Tho  Stockbridge  Indians  were  engaged  with  thtf  Americana  in  this  battle. 
Tiiey  fought  bravely,  and  siifTercd  severely. 

t  Letter  of  Washingtoi  to  his  brother,  John  Augustine  Washington,  dated 
from  Hackensack,  Nov,  19, 1776. 

I  Idem. 

II  "  ThA  conduct  of  the  Jerseys  has  been  most  infamous.  Instead  of  tumingout 
to  defend  their  country  and  affording  aid  to  our  army,  they  are  making  their  sub- 
„  idsions  as  fast  as  they  can.  If  the  Jerseys  had  given  us  any  support,  we  might 
have  made  a  stand  at  Hackensack,  and  aller  that  at  Brunswick  ;  but  the  few  militia 
that  were  in  arms  disbanded  themselves,  and  lel\  the  poor  remains  of  an  army  to 
nuke  the  best  we  could  of  it" — Lftter  of  Wathington  to  hi$  brother,  John  Augxatint 
Wuhington,  Nov.  18, 177C. 


1776.] 


GENERAL    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WAR. 


173 


followed  so  closely  by  Lord  Cornwall  is,  that  the  van  of  the 
pursuers  was  often  engaged  with  the  rear  of  the  pursued. 

In  addition  to  this  succession  of  disasters,  Sir  Guy  Carleton 
had  appeared  upon  Lake  Champlain  with  a  flotilla,  superior  to 
♦hat  of  the  Americans  under  General  Arnold,  and  which 
seemed  to  have  been  called  into  existence  ns  if  by  enchantment. 
Two  naval  engagements  followed,  on  the  lltli  and  13th  of 
October,  contested  with  undaunted  bravery,*  but  resulting  in  the 
defeat  of  Arnold,  the  annihilation  of  his  flotilla,  and  the  pos- 
session of  the  Lake  and  Crown  Point  by  the  f()o.  Early  in 
December  Rhode  Island  also  fell  into  his  hands.  The  forces 
of  the  Commander-in-chief  at  the  same  time  mimbered  only 
from  two  to  three  thousand  men  ;  and  scarcely  a  new  recruit 
supplied  the  places  of  those  whose  terms  of  service  wore  expir 
iiiff.  And  even  those  recruits  that  were  furnished,  were  so 
badly  sup^ilied  with  officers,  as  almost  to  extinguish  the  hope 
of  forming  an  army  from  which  any  efficient  services  were  to 
be  expected,  t 

Worse  than  all,  a  spirit  of  disaffection  was  rife  in  the  States 
of  New- York  and  New  Jersey,  which  not  only  thwarted  the 
purposes  of  the  Commander-in-chief,  but  threatened  the  most 
lamentable  consequences  to  the  cause.  Although  there  were 
many  stanch  Whigs  in  Albany  and  its  vicinity,  there  were 
many  vigilant  loyalists  in  that  region,  who  continued  to  keep  in 
correspondence  with  the  enemy  during  nearly  the  whole  contest. 
Ill  the  Summer  of  this  year.  General  Schuyler  had  detected  a 
dangerous  plot  in  the  neighborhood  of  Albany,  and  apprehended 
some  of  the  ringleaders.  During  the  operations  of  the  army 
in  the  Autumn,  in  New- York  and  its  neighborhood,  it  was  only 
with  the  utmost  difficulty  that  large  portions  of  the  fluctuating 
army  could  be  kept  in  the  line  of  duty,  while  other  large  por- 
tions either  went  off  in  masses,  or  proved  unfaithful  while  they 
remained.    The  conduct  of  the  militia  at  Fort  "Washington, 

♦  Qcn.  Gates  wrote  to  Col.  Ten  Eyck,  from  Tiuondero£rn,on  the  13th  of  Octo- 
ber—"  The  engagement  began  on  the  lltl),  ami  continues  to  this  day.  Tho  enemy's 
fleet  is  much  superior  to  ours,  and  wo  maintain  a  running  fight.  All  our  officers 
behave  with  the  greatest  spirit." — MS.  Utter  in  the  mUhor^a  poastsrion. 

t  *'  The  diflbrent  States,  without  regard  to  tho  qualifications  of  an  oflicer,  quar- 
relling about  the  appointments,  and  nominating  such  as  are  not  fit  to  be  shoo-blacks, 
from  the  loc...  attachments  of  this  or  that  member  of  Assembly." — Letter  Jirom  Waih- 
ington  to  hit  brother,  I9lh  Abnetnier,  1776. 


b  V  if 


jft       llVUiftl 


ni 


t! 


!'.:'*! 


174 


LIFE    OP    BRANT. 


[1776. 


has  been  noted.  General  Greene  wrote  on  the  6th  of  Novem- 
ber, that  the  New- York  militia,  under  Colonel  Hawkes  Hay, 
actually  refused  to  do  duty.  They  said  General  Howe  liuil 
promised  them  peace,  liberty,  and  safety;  and  that  was  all  they 
wanted.* 

These  are  but  a  few  of  the  discouragements  under  which  the 
Commander-in-chief  was  laboring.  To  borrow  his  own  ex- 
pressive language  in  the  private  letter  to  his  brother  cited  in 
a  preceding  note,  "  You  can  form  no  idea  of  the  perplexity  of 
"  my  situation.  No  man,  I  believe,  over  had  a  greater  choice  of 
" difficulties,  and  less  means  to  extricate  himself  from  them.' 
Nevertheless,  the  last  sun  of  that  year  did  not  sink  behind  so 
deep  a  cloud  of  glootn  as  had  been  anticipated.  In  the  north, 
General  Carleton,  who  had  occupied  Crown  Point  after  the 
defeat  of  Arnold's  flotilla,  had  returned  to  Canada  without  at- 
tempting any  thing  farther  ;  and  before  the  close  of  the  ye;  r 
the  Commander-in-chief  had  the  satisfaction  to  announce,  tluu 
instead  of  imitating  the  bad  example  of  otheis,  the  Continentnl 
regiments  from  the  Eastern  States  had  agreed  to  remain  six 
weeks  beyond  the  term  of  their  enlistment.!  In  addition  to 
which  were  the  bold  return  of  Washington  upon  Trenton,  and 
his  brilliant  victory  over  the  Hessian  forces  at  that  place,  on  the 
morning  of  the  26th  of  December.  "  This  well-judged  and 
"  successful  enterprise  revived  the  depressed  spirits  of  the  Colo- 
"  nists,  and  produced  an  immediate  and  happy  effect  in  re- 
"  cruiting  the  American  army."* 

*  Sparks — Life  and  f^ir.  of  Washington. 

t  Letter  from  Washington  to  the  oomnuuider  at  Morristown,  Dec.  90. 

}  Holmes's  Annals. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Conbnuation  of  movements  in  New  Jersey— Extinguishment  of  the  oounciI>fire  at 
Onondaga — Tryon  County— Colonel  Harper's  mission  to  Oghkwasa — The  Har- 
per famlTy — Adventure  dt  the  Johnstone  Mttlement— Capture  of  <3ood  Peter  and 
his  party — Thayomlanogen  tosscs  from  Canada  to  O^hkwaga— Interview  with 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Johnstono—  i  oubl  ul  course  of  Brant— Feverish  situation  of  the 
people — Expedition  of  General  tierkimer  to  Unadilla — Remarkable  meetins  be- 
tween Herkimer  and  Brant — Meditated  act  of  treachery — Wariness  or  the 
chief— Meeting  abruptly  terminated — Ended  in  a  storm — Brant  draws  off  to  Oa- 
wego — Grand  council  there — The  Indiana  generally  join  the  Royal  standard — 
.Approach  of  Brant  upon  Cherry  Valley— -How  defeated — Death  of  Lieutenant 
Wormwood. 

Having  secured  his  prisoners  on  the  Pennsylvania  side  of 
th(!  Delaware,  General  Washington  established  himself  at 
Trenton.  But  he  was  not  long  permitted  its  undisturbed  pos- 
session. Collcoting  his  forces,  Cornwallis  advanced  rapidly  up- 
on the  capital  of  New  Jersey,  where  he  arrived  on  the  2d  of  Ja- 
nuary. Some  skirmishingensued  toward  evening,  but  both  armies 
encamped  for  the  nigfit  without  coming  to  a  general  engagement 
—being  separated  only  by  Assumpinck  Creek — and  apparently 
both  expecting  a  ba'*'.o  in  the  morning.  The  force  of  the  en- 
emy, however,  was  too  great  to  render  it  safe  for  the  American 
Commander-in-chief  to  hazard  an  action.  By  an  adroit  and 
masterly  movement,  therefore,  leaving  his  fires  burning.  Gene- 
ral Washington  succeeded  in  getting  away  unperceived,  and 
throwing  liimself  into  the  enemy's  rear.  The  battle  and  vic- 
tory of  Princeton  followed,  and  the  American  army  moved  to 
Morristown,  while  Cornwallis  hastened  back  to  New  Bruns- 
wick and  thence  to  New- York— the  different  detachments  of 
British  troops,  which  had  been  scattered  through  New  Jersey, 
being  at  all  points  discomfited. 

Rcturnins  from  this  digression  to  the  Indian  relations  of 
New- York,  there  is  one  event  to  be  noted,  the  character  of 
which  cannot  be  ...plained.  Among  the  manuscripts  preserved 
in  the  family  of  the  hero  of  Oriskany,*  is  a  speech  from  the 
Oneida  chiefs  to  Colonel  Elmore,  the  officer  who,  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  present  year,  was  in  the  command  of  Port 
Schuyler,  announcing  the  final  extinguishment  of  the  great 

«  Culond,  afterward  General  Herkimer. 


k  it . 


i  f, 


m 


it'- 


''1. 

M 


H 


176 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1777. 


ilii 

mm 

'■(■]' 

iHr'tHffiEiI 

IM 

kJwH 

him 

Pll 

i'r 

1 

1 

1 

couneil-fire  of  tho  Six  Nntipns  at  Onondaga.  As  the  central 
nation  of  tl  doracy,  their  general  councils,  time  imme- 

morial, Imd  utK.li  holdcn  at  the  Onondaga  Castle,  at  which,  in 
their  own  figurative  language,  their  council-fire  was  ever  kept 
hurning.  These  councils  assembled  annually  to  discuss  the 
exterior  relations,  and  all  matters  of  national  concernment. 
They  were  composed  of  chiefs  delegated  from  each  member  of 
the  federative  republic,  and  sometimes  numbered  as  many  as 
eighty  sachems  in  the  assembly.*  By  what  means  the  evcui 
hud  been  accomplished — whether  the  calamity  was  the  result 
of  pestilence  or  war — the  speech  of  the  Oneidas  does  not  in- 
form us  ;  although  it  announces  the  fall  of  a  large  number  of 
the  Onondaga  wai-riors,  in  connexion  with  the  catastrophe. 
Still,  the  transaction  is  veiled  in  darkness  so  thick  as  to  baffle 
investigation.     The  following  is  the  speech  :— 

"  Fort  Schuyler,  Jan.  19th,  1777. 
"  Speech  of  the  Oneida  Chiefs  to  Cot..  Elmore. 
"  Brother  :  We  are  sent  here  by  the  Oneida  chiefs,  in  con- 
junction with  the  Onondagas.  They  arrived  at  our  village 
yesterday.  They  gave  us  the  melancholy  news  that  the  grand 
council-fire  at  Onondaga  was  extinguished.  We  have  lost  out 
of  their  town  by  death  ninety,  among  whom  are  three  princi 
pal  sachems.  We,  the  remaining  part  of  the  Onondagas,  do  now 
inform  our  brethren  that  there  is  no  longer  a  council-fire  at 
the  capital  of  the  Six  Nations.  However,  we  are  determined 
to  use  our  feeble  endeavors  to  support  peace  through  the  con- 
federate nations.  But  let  this  be  kept  in  mind,  that  the 
council-fire  is  extinguished.  It  is  of  importance  to  our  well- 
being  that  this  be  immediately  communicated  to  General 
Schuyler,  and  likewise  to  our  brothers  the  Mohawks.  In  order 
to  effect  this,  we  deposite  this  belt  with  Tekeyanedonhotte, 
Colonel  Elmore,  commander  at  Fort  Schuyler,  who  is  sent 
here  by  General  Schuyler  to  transact  all  matters  relative  to 

•  "  The  naUonal  council  took  cognizance  of  war  and  peace,  of  the  aflaira  of  the 
tributary  nations,  and  of  their  negotiations  with  the  French  and  English  Colonies. 
All  thoir  proceedings  were  conducted  with  great  deliberation,  and  were  distinguish- 
ed for  order,  decorum,  and  Boleninity.  In  eloquence,  in  dignity,  and  in  all  the 
characteristics  of  profound  policy,  they  surpassed  an  assembly  of  feudal  barons,  and 
were  perhaps  not  far  inferior  to  the  great  Amphyctionic  council  of  Greece."— D< 
Witt  Clinton. 


i77r.i 


ONONDAGA   COUNCIL-FIBE. 


in 


the  affairs  of  t^ie 
Inglish  Colonies, 
were  diBtinguish- 
and  in  oil  the 
Budal  barons,  and 
of  arecce."-i>« 


peace.  We  therefore  request  him  to  forward  this  intelligence 
in  the  first  place  to  General  Herkimer,  desiring  him  to  commu. 
nicatc  it  to  the  Mohawk  Custle  near  to  him,  and  then  to  Major 
Fondu,  requesting  him  to  immediately  communicate  it  to  the 
Lower  Castle  of  Mohawks.  Let  the  belt  then  be  forwarded  to 
General  Schuyler,  that  he  may  know  that  our  council-fire  is 
extinguished,  and  can  no  longer  burn."* 

This  singular  document  is  worthy  of  preservation,  not  only 
as  the  authentic,  but  as  the  only  occount  of  the  occurrence  re- 
corded. It  contains  a  mystery,  however,  which  cannot  now  be 
solved.  Still,  as  no  belligerent  events  are  known  to  have  been 
enacted  in  the  Onondaga  country  during  that  winter,  the  most 
plausible  conjecture  would  attribute  the  mortality  indicated  by 
the  speech  to  some  pestilential  disorder,  which  might  have 
swept  over  them,  as  with  the  Schoharie  Canton  eighteen' 
months  before. 

In  the  County  of  Tryon,  which  now  demands  our  chief  at- 
tention, great  uneasiness  was  again  awakened  among  the  inha- 
bitants, toward  the  close  of  the  winter,  especially  in  the  remoter 
settlements  south  of  the  Mohawk,  by  the  reported  ,  ^thering  of 
the  Indians  at  Oghkwaga.  The  fact  that  their  numbers  were 
increasing  at  that  point  having  been  satisfactorily  ascertained, 
Colonel  John  Harper,  of  Harpersfield,  was  de^atched  thither 
by  the  Provincial  Congress  of  New- York  to  ascertain  their  in- 
tentions. Taking  every  necessary  measure  of  precaution  to 
guard  against  surprise,  and  to  be  ready  for  any  emergency,  by 
having  the  officers  of  his  militia  regiment  on  the  qui  vive, 
Colonel  Harper  departed  upon  his  mission,  accompanied  only 
by  a  single  white  man  and  one  Indian.  He  arrived  on  the  27th 
of  February,  and  was  well  recei'  ed  by  the  Indians,  who  mani- 
fested a  perfectly  friendly  dispos^ition  toward  himself,  and  also 
toward  the  settlements.  So  far  from  exhibiting  any  belligerent 
intentions,  they  expressed  their  sorrow  for  the  troubles  of  the 
country,  and  declared  their  determination  to  take  no  part  in  the 
controversy.  Satisfied  as  to  the  sincerity  of  their  professions, 
I  although  subsequent  events  proved  that  they  must  have  been 

*  Transcribed  by  the  author  from  the  original  draught,  aa  furnished  to  General 
I  Herkimer  by  Colonel  EUmore. 
'  14 


ll:,  •  m 


178 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1777. 


n 


I' 


dissembling,  Colonel  Ilurpcr  supplied  the  means  of  a  festival, 
and  presented  them  with  an  ox,  which  was  roasted  for  the  oc- 
casion.* 

Colonel  John  Harper  was  one  of  four  brothers— ■William, 
John,  Alexander,  and  Joseph  Horper,  who,  with  eighteen 
others,  planted  themselves  down  upon  a  tract  of  country,  in 
1768,  which  was  subsequently  named  Harpersfield.  After  his 
return  Irom  this  mission,  ho  wns  for  a  time  in  command  of  one 
of  the  little  forts  in  Schoharie.  On  one  occasion,  in  March  or 
April  of  this  year,  he  took  a  circuit  alone  from  Schoharie 
through  the  woods  to  Harpersfield,  and  thence,  when  returning, 
struck  farther  to  the  westword,  toward  the  head  waters  of  the 
Susquohanno.  While  ascending  a  hill,  ho  suddenly  saw  a 
company  of  Indians  approaching.  As  they  had  discovered 
him,  any  attempt  to  fly  would  have  been  vain.  They  would 
have  shot  him  down.  Having  a  great  coat  over  his  military 
dress,  he  mode  no  attempt  to  avoid  a  meeting,  and  in  passing, 
the  Colonel  and  the  Indians  exchanged  salutations.  In  one  of 
the  Indians  he  recognized  Peter,  a  Mohawk  whom  he  had 
formerly  seen  at  Oghkwaga.  They  did  not  recognize  him, 
however  ;  but  from  his  manner  of  speech  supposed  him  to  be 
a  loyalist,  and  under  that  impression  communicated  to  him  the 
fact  that  their  destination  was  to  cut  off  "  the  Johnstone  settle- 
ment," a  small  Scotch  Colony  on  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Sus- 
quehanna, near  Unadilla,  or  Anaquaqua,  as  that  place  was 
sometimes  called.  Having  obtained  this  information,  he 
changed  his  course,  and  hurrying  back  to  Harpersfield,  collect- 
ed fifteen  resolute  men,  with  whom  he  gave  chase  to  the  ma- 
rauders. In  addition  to  their  arms,  the  Colonel  caused  each 
man  of  his  little  band  to  provide  himself  with  two  days'  pro- 
visions and  a  rope.  In  the  course  of  the  following  night,  in 
descending  the  valley  of  the  Charlotte  river,  they  descried  the 
fire  where  the  Indians  were  encamped.  Halting  for  a  while  to 
refresh  and  prepare  for  the  contest,  the  Colonel  and  his  men 
now  stole  upon  the  foe  with  the  utmost  caution.  It  was  al- 
most day-light,  and  the  Indians  were  in  a  profound  slumber— 
their  arms  being  stacked  in  the  middle  of  their  little  encamp- 
ment.   These  were  carefully  removed  by  Harper  and  his  party, 


•  Annala  of  Tryon  County. 


—■William, 
I  eighteen 
country,  in 

After  his 
wild  of  one 
n  March  or 
Schoharie 
1  returning, 
Qters  of  the 
lenly  saw  a 
discovered 
They  would 
his  military 
i  in  passing, 
I.    In  one  of 
lom  he  had 
;ognize  him, 
bd  him  to  be 
id  to  him  the 
nstone  settle- 
e  of  the  Sus- 
at  place  was 
ormation,  he 
sfield,  collect- 
se  to  the  ma- 
I  caused  each 
wo  days'  pro- 
ving night,  in 
y  descried  the 
for  a  while  to 
and  his  men 
In.    It  was  al- 
md  slumber- 
little  encamp- 

and  his  party, 


1777.]  COLONEL   HARPER— THp   TORIES.  179 

as  a  measure  of  precaution.  The  monient  for  action  having 
arrived,  singling  each  his  man,  the  cords  wore  made  ready, 
and  every  Indian,  ere  he  was  well  awake,  found  himself  bound 
and  in  the  grasp  of  a  foe.  Tlio  sleeping  OuUiver  was  not 
more  thoroughly  secured  by  the  vexatious  net-work  of  the 
Lilliputians.  But  Peter  ond  his  companions  were  not  secured 
by  Lilliputian  ties,  and  they  had  to  deal  with  a  different  race  of 
men.  When  it  became  light  in  the  morning,  Peter  discovered 
ills  captor.  "  Ugh  !"  ho  exclaimed—"  Colonel  Harper  ! — Why 
did  I  not  know  you  yesterday  V  The  gallant  Colonel  pro- 
ceeded to  Albany  with  his  prisoners,  and  surrendered  them  to 
the  commanding  officer  of  the  station.  It  was  a  bold  and  well- 
executed  achievement — and  all  the  better  that  it  was  bloodless. 

Although,  as  we  have  seen.  Colonel  Harper  had  parted  from 
the  Indians  at  Oghkwuga  upon  the  most  amicable  terms,  yet 
indications  of  a  difTcrcnt  temper  were  soon  afterward  mani- 
fested by  this  fickle  people,  of  which  the  movement  of  Peter, 
so  opportunely  discovered  and  intercepted,  was  the  first  out- 
break. Thayoiidanegca,  likewise,  appeared  among  them  in 
the  course  of  the  Spring,  having  separated  from  Guy  Johnson, 
between  whom  and  himself  some  difficulty  had  occurred.  In- 
telligence of  the  chieftiiin's  departure  from  Canada,  and  march 
across  the  country  to  Oghkwaga  with  a  large  body  of  warriors, 
was  received  by  the  Tryon  County  Committee  early  in  May 
from  Fort  Schuyler,  and  communicated  to  the  Provincial  Con- 
gress by  its  chairman,  Isaac  Paris.  Not  a  little  additional  un- 
easiness was  also  occasioned  at  the  same  time  by  the  spirit 
discernible  among  the  Tories.  Many  of  those  loyalists,  who 
had  taken  their  departure  the  preceding  year  with  Sir  John 
Johnson,  had,  nevertheless,  left  their  wives  and  children  in  the 
remote  settlements,  with  whom  they  were  evidently  in  commu- 
nication ;  while  scouting  parties,  both  of  Tories  and  Indians, 
were  hovering  on  the  northern  outskirts  of  the  county.* 

The  presence  of  the  crafty  chieftain  at  Oghkwaga  did  not 
improve  the  pacific  disposition  of  the  natives,  as  will  appear  in 
the  sequel ;  although  Brant  himself  had  not  thus  far  committed 
aay  act  of  hostility  within  the  province  of  New- York.  The 
fact  of  his  having  borne  a  part  in  the  battle  of  the  Cedars  seems, 
moreover,  not  to  have  been  known  in  the  Mohawk  Valley,  since 

•  MS,  documenta  in  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  Albanjr. 


*i;i 


KM 


•-1  iV 


mm 


I    ,      V.,^     8,  111 


180 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1777. 


i^T    :'■?■ 


ft  tJ;^ 


they  were  yet  uncertain  whether  it  was  his  intention  to  raise 
the  hatchet  in  the  contest  or  not. 

But  these  uncertainties  were  not  of  long  duration.  In  the 
month  of  June,  1777,  the  chief  of  the  Mohawks  ascended  the 
Susquehanna  from  Oghkwaga  to  Unadilla,*  attended  by 
seventy  or  eighty  of  his  warriors,  and  requested  an  interview 
with  the  Rev.  Mr.  Johnstone  and  the  officers  of  the  militia  of 
the  neighborhood.  He  stated  that  the  object  of  his  visit  was 
to  procure  provisions,  of  which  his  people  were  greatly  in  want. 
And  such  were  their  necessities,  that  if  peaceable  means  would 
not  answer,  the  Indians  must  obtain  them  by  force. 

Advantage  was  taken  of  the  interview  to  sound  the  chief  as 
to  his  future  intentions — whether  he  was  for  peace  or  for  war; 
and  his  answers  were  far  less  difficult  of  solution  than  the  rid- 
dle of  the  Sphynx.  He  comolained  of  the  ill-treatment  which, 
as  he  alleged,  some  of  the  Mohawks,  who  had  remained  be- 
hind on  the  flight  of  the  majority  of  the  nation,  had  received 
at  the  hands  of  the  Whigs.  The  Mohawks,  he  said,  were  as 
free  as  the  air  they  breathed,  and  were  determined  to  remain 
so ;  and  they  could  not  brook  it  that  any  of  their  brethren 
should  be  seized  and  imprisoned,  as  had  been  the  case  at  the 
Castle.t  These,  he  demanded,  should  be  set  at  liberty,  and  suf- 
fered to  remove  from  the  country.  In  regard  to  the  question 
of  peace  or  war,  he  said  the  Mohawks  were  always  warriors — 
that  their  agreement  with  the  King  was  very  strong,  and  they 
were  not  such  villains  as  to  break  their  covenant. 

The  visit  continued  two  days,  during  which  time  the  Indians 
were  well  supplied  with  provisions,  and  on  their  departure 
permitted  to  take  away  some  live  cattle  and  sheep.  The  in- 
habitants, however,  scattered  and  few,  and  quite  remote  from 
any  considerable  settlement,  no  longer  feeling  themselves  safe 
in  their  houses,  sought  protection  in  places  of  greater  security— 
principally  in  Cherry  Valley,  the  place  of  their  first  location, 
whence  they  had  removed,  a  few  years  before,  into  the  vale  of 
the  Susquehanna.  Some  of  the  scattered  settlers  in  the  Una- 
dilla region  fled  to  the  German  Flatts,  and  others,  probably,  to 
the  older  towns  upon  the  Hudson. 

•  Tunadilla  was  the  Indian  name  of  this  place,  nor  does  the  propriety  of  the  al> 
tcration  appear. 
t  Probably  on  suspicion  of  maintaining  correspondence  with  the  enemy. 


The  In( 

at  Oghkw 
with  everj 
mined  to 
purpose  th 
invited  the 
himself  at  i 
the  local  rj 
and  Isenloi 
the  Genen 
this  day  mc 
few  scattere 
have  fallen 
sudden  mov 
Colonel  Va 
suited  upon 
lonel  Van  t 
of  Juno,  wii 
repaired  to 
want  of  pr( 
thither  in  ] 
necessary.! 
the  extent  o 
expedition,  i 
not  more  so, 
the  whole  S| 
the  minds  of 
ceaseless   uii 
Harper  wrot 
ammunition, 
tion  of  Bran 
13th,  the  Ch 

♦  In  the  Auti 
sioned  by  the  Pr 
kiiner  wos  one. 
Flatts,  and  the  n 
ever,  which  is  a  < 
ltrofL.FordU 

t  MS.  letters 
o.er'fl  papers. 
t  Letter  of  L. 


1777.] 


HERKIMER  .i    EXPEDITION  TO   UNADILLA. 


181 


In  the 

nded  the 
nded  by 
nterview 
militia  of 
visit  was 
J  in  want. 
ins  would 

le  chief  as 
r  for  war  •, 
m  the  rid- 
snt  which, 
uained  be- 
i  received 
id,  were  as 
to  remain 
r  brethren 
:ase  at  the 
ty,  and  suf- 
le  question 
warriors— 
g,  and  they 

the  Indians 
departure 
The  in- 
emote  from 
nselves  safe 
r  security— 
•St  location, 
)  the  vale  of 
in  the  Una- 
probably,  to 

priety  of  the  »l- 
enemy. 


). 


The  Indian  forces  of  Captain  Brant  continuing  to  increase 
at  Oghkwaga,  and  the  anxiety  of  the  people  becoming  greater 
with  every  report  from  that  quarter,  General  Herkimer*  deter- 
mined to  repair  thither,  and  obtain  an  interview.  For  this 
purpose  the  General  dispatched  a  messenger  to  that  place,  and 
invited  the  chief  to  meet  him  at  Unadilla — moving  forward 
himself  at  the  same  time,  at  the  head  of  about  three  hundred  of 
the  local  militia,  from  tiie  regiments  of  Colonels  Cox,  Klock, 
and  Isenlord,  Avell  armed  and  provided.  The  precise  object  of 
tlie  General,  in  seeking  this  interview  with  Brant,  remains  to 
this  day  more  a  matter  of  conjecture  than  of  certainty.  The 
few  scattered  fragments  of  Herkimer's  correspondence  which 
have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  writer,  show  that  it  was  no 
sudden  movement ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  that  General  Schuyler, 
Colonel  Van  Schaick,  Colonel  Harper,  and  others,  were  con- 
sulted upon  the  subject.  On  the  application  of  Herkimer,  Co- 
lonel Van  Schaick  was  detached  to  his  assistance  on  the  15tU 
of  Juno,  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  with  which  force  he 
repaired  to  Cherry  Valley,  but  could  proceed  no  farther  for 
want  of  provisions.  General  Schuyler  was  also  to  repair 
thither  in  person,  in  the  event  of  his  presence  being  deemed 
necessary.!  Ostensibly,  the  expedition  was  one  of  peace ;  %  but 
the  extent  of  the  preparations,  and  the  physical  strength  of  the 
expedition,  imparted  an  equivocal  character  to  the  movement ; 
not  more  so,  however,  than  was  the  conduct  of  Brant  during 
the  whole  Spring,  since  his  proceedings  were  such  as  to  keep 
the  minds  of  the  people  in  a  state  of  feverish  excitement  and 
ceaseless  uncertainty.  Tims,  on  the  10th  of  June,  Colonel 
Harper  wrote  urgently  to  General  Herkimer  for  a  supply  of 
ammunition,  in  the  expectation  of  an  immediate  hostile  irrup- 
tion of  Brant  into  the  Vail-  y  of  the  Schoharie  Kill.  On  the 
13th,  the  Cherry  Valley  Committee  wrote  to  the  General  a  still 

♦  In  the  Autumn  of  177G,  three  Brigadier-Generals  of  the  militia  were  commis- 
sioned by  the  Provincial  Congress  of  New- York,  of  whom  Colonel  Nicholas  Her- 
kimer was  ono.  Tho  Herkimer  family  was  one  of  the  Brtit  to  settle  at  the  German 
Flatts,  and  the  name  is  among  those  of  the  original  patentees — not  Herkimer,  how> 
ever,  which  is  a  corruption — but  Ergemare,  which  was  the  true  German  name. — Let- 
ter of  L.  Ford  to  thf.  author. 

t  MS.  letters  of  Coloneli  Van  Schaick,  Tupper,  and  others,  among  Gen.  Herki< 
n.er'a  papers. 

I  Letter  of  L.  Ford,  Esq.  to  the  author. 


:!       ''If 


f' .  i ' 


I         V  ' 


182 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1777. 


W:m'i 


more  alarming  lettei.  Branl,  according  to  this  statement,  in 
connexion  with  some  of  the  loyalists  of  Unadilla,  had  marked 
a  path  direct 'y  through  the  forest  to  iEsopus,  by  which  route 
the  Tories  of  Ulster  and  Orange  Counties  were  to  join  his  forces 
at  Oghkwflga;  at  which  place  the  chief  had  vaunted  that 
shortly  he  would  not  fear  the  approach  of  three  thousand  men.* 
On  the  other  hand,  Major  Fonda  wrote,  on  the  19th  oi  June, 
that  an  embassy  of  chiefs  and  sachems  of  the  Cayuga  and 
Seneca  nations,  having  repaired  to  Oghkwaga  to  remonstrate 
with  Thayendanegea  against  farther  hostilities,  the  latter  had 
determined  to  listen  to  their  councils,  and  withdraw  into  the 
Cayuga  country.  In  pursuance  of  this  policy,  it  was  added,  on 
what  was  esteemed  good  authority,  that  the  Mohawk  chief  had 
released  a  prisoner  with  his  own  hands,  telling  the  captors  that 
they  had  acted  wrong.! 

Such  was  the  uncertain  condition  of  things  when  the  expe- 
dition under  consideration  was  commenced.  Brant  and  Herki- 
mer had  been  near  neighbors  and  personal  friends,  before  the 
troubles  came  on,+  and  it  is  possible  the  General  still  cherished 
a  belief  that  he  might  yet  detach  the  dusky  warrior  from  the 
cause  he  had  embraced,  but  nevertheless  might  not  be  disin- 
clined to  relinquish.  Perhaps  he  designed  nothing  more  than 
to  drive  him  from  his  equivocal  position.  Perhaps,  also,  should 
opportunity  be  presented,  it  was  his  intention  to  seize  his  per- 
son. But  be  these  suppositions  as  they  may,  it  will  be  seen 
that  there  was  at  least  one  moment  in  which  he  contemplated 
a  more  decisive  course. 

It  was  a  full  week  af\er  the  arrival  of  General  Herkimer  at 
Unadilla  before  Captain  Brant  made  his  appearance.  He  came 
to  the  neighborhood  of  the  General's  encampment,  accompanied 
by  five  hundred  -  'arriors.    Having  halted,  he  dispatched  a 

*  MS.  letter  from  Samuel  Clyde  to  GencrnI  Herkimer. 

t  MS.  letter  of  Major  Jelles  Fonda,  among  the  i^^erkimer  papers. 

I  The  residence  of  General  Herkimer  was  a  short  distance  below  tlie  Little  Falls 
of  the  Mohawk,  near  the  river.  His  mansion,  built  of  brick,  is  yet  standing. 
Brant's  farm,  on  which  he  was  residing  when  the  Revolutionary  storm  arose,  was 
near  the  Upper  Indian  Castle,  about  three  miles  below  the  house  of  Herkimer.  The 
farm  lies  directly  upon  the  river,  and  is  now  very  valuable.  I  visited  the  place  in 
the  Autumn  of  1835.  No  other  memorials  of  its  last  noUe  possessor  rem  ined  than 
the  cellar  of  his  house,  and  the  apple-trees  which  stood  before  his  door.  Tlieso  were 
vigorous,  ud  in  full  bearing.— .dulAor. 


irrr.j 


SXPEDITION   TO   UNADILLA. 


183 


runner  to  General  Herkimer,  with  a  message,  desiring  to  be 
informed  of  the  object  of  his  visit.     General  Herkimer  replied 
that  he  had  merely  come  to  see  and  converse  with  his  brother, 
Captain  Brant.    The  quick-witted  messenger  inquired  if  all 
those  men  wished  to  talk  to  his  chief  too  ?    However,  he  said 
to  the  General  that  he  would  carry  his  talk  back  to  his  chief, 
but  he  charged  him  that  he  must  not  cross  the  field  upon  the 
margin  of  which  they  were  standing,  and  departed.     But 
an  arrangement  was  soon  made,  through  the  agency  of  mes- 
sengers, by  which  a  meeting  was  effected.     The  scene  exhi- 
bited at  tins  interview,  as  related  by  those  who  were  present 
at  it,  was  novel  and  imposing.     The  hostile  parties  were  now 
encamped  within  the  distance  of  two  miles  from  each  other. 
About  midway  between  their  encampments,  a  temporary  shed 
was  erected,  sufficiently  extensive  to  allow  some  two  hundred 
persons  to  be  seated.     By  mutual  stipulation  their  arms  were 
to  be  left  in  their  respective  encampments.*    Soon  after  the 
adjustment  of  the  preliminaries  and  the  completion  of  the  fix- 
tures above  mentioned,  the  chief  of  the  Mohawks  himself  ap- 
peared in  the  edge  of  the  distant  forest,  and  approached  the 
place  designated,  already  in  the  occupation  of  Herkimer,  some- 
what warily,  accompanied  by  Captain  Bull,  (a  Tory,)  William 
Johnson,  (son  of  Sir  William,  by  Brant's  sister  Mary,)  a  subor- 
dinate chief  of  the  Mohawks,  an  Indian  woman,  and  also  by 
about  forty  warriors.    After  some  little  parleying,  a  circle  was 
formed  by  General  Herkimer,  into  which  Brant  and  the  Gene- 
ral entered,  together  with  the  other  Indian  chief  and  two  of 
Herkimer's  officers.    After  the  interchange  of  a  few  remarks, 
the  chieflain,  keeping  an  eagle-eye  upon  his  visitor,  inquired 
the  reason  of  his  being  thus  honored.    General  Herkimer  re- 
plied, as  he  had  done  to  the  avant-courier,  that  he  had  come  to 
see  him  on  a  friendly  visit.    "  And  all  these  have  come  on  a 
friendly  visit,  too  ?"  replied  the  chief.     "  All  want  to  see  the 
poor  Indians ;  it  is  very  kind,"  he  added,  with  a  sarcastic  curl 
of  the  lip.    General  Herkimer  expressed  a  desire  to  go  forward 
to  the  village,  but  the  chief  told  him  he  was  quite  near  enough 
and  that  he  must  not  proceed  any  farther. 

The  General  next  endeavored  to  enter  into  a  conversatior 
with  the  Mohawk  touching  the  difliculties  with  England,  in  or 

*  MS.  statement  of  facta  collected  oy  h.  Ford,  Esq. 


1''  11:; 


\  i\ 


M 


'  * 


'I  t' 


H   K 


.'N 


%! 


r.  \ 


Ui 


;r 


M*  M 


184 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1777. 


'I|!1|: 


>      « 


der  to  ascertain  his  feelings  and  intentions.  The  conference  now 
became  earnest  and  animated,  although  the  chief  at  first  gave 
Herkimer  evasive  and  oracular  answers.  To  a  question,  how- 
ever, put  to  him  directly,  he  finally  replied  : — "  That  the  In- 
"  dians  were  in  concert  with  the  King,  as  their  fathers  had 
"  been  :  That  the  King's  belts  were  yet  lodged  with  them,  and 
"  they  could  not  violate  their  pledge :  That  General  Herkimer 
"  and  his  followers  had  joined  the  Boston  people  against  their 
"  sovereign  :  That  although  the  Boston  people  were  resolute, 
"  yet  the  King  would  humble  them  :  That  General  Schuyler 
"  was  very  smart  on  the  Indians  at  the  treaty  of  German  Flatts,* 
"  but  at  the  same  time  was  not  able  to  afford  the  smallest  arti- 
"  cle  of  clothing  :  And  finally,  that  the  Indians  had  formerly 
"  made  war  on  the  white  people  when  they  were  all  united ; 
"  and  as  they  were  now  divided,  the  Indians  were  not  fright- 
"  ened."t 

Colonel  Cox,  who  was  in  the  suite  of  General  Herkimer, 
then  made  a  few  remarks,  the  substance  of  which  was,  that  if 
such  was  the  fixed  determination  of  the  Indians,  nothing  far- 
ther need  be  said.  But  his  manner,  or  some  of  the  expressions 
uttered  by  the  Colonel,  which  have  not  been  preserved,  gave 
offence  to  the  chief  He  was  exceedingly  irritated  ;t  and  by  a 
signal  to  the  warriors  attending  him  at  a  short  distance,  they 
ran  back  to  their  encampment,  and  soon  aflerward  appeared 
again  with  their  rifles,  several  of  which  were  discharged,  while 
the  shrill  war-whoop  rang  through  the  forest.  Meantime, 
however,  by  explanations  or  otherwise,  the  chief  was  soothed 
and  his  warriors  were  kept  at  n  proper  distance,  although  the 
demand  of  General  Herkimer  for  the  surrender  of  sundry  Tories 
was  peremptorily  refused.  The  conference  ended  by  an  agree- 
ment between  the  parties  to  meet  again  at  9  o'clock  the  fol- 
lowing norning.  General  Herkimer  and  his  forces,  forbidden 
to  advance  any  farther,  encamped  as  before.§ 

The  next  morning  General  Herkimer  called  one  of  his  most 
trusty  men  aside,  Joseph  Waggoner  by  name,  for  the  purpose 
of  communicating  to  him,  in  confidence,  a  matter  of  great 
importance,  respecting  which  the  most  profound  secrecy  was 

*  AdJQurned  to  Albany.  f  Annals  of  Tryon  County. 

I  Manuscript  statement  of  Joseph  Waggoner,  in  the  author's  possession. 
§  Idem. 


1777.] 


ATTEMPT   UPON   HIS   LIFE. 


185 


enjoined.  He  then  informed  Waggoner  that  he  had  selected 
him  and  thre  others  to  perform  a  high  and  important  duty,  re- 
quiring promptness,  courage,  and  decision.  His  design,  the 
General  said,  was  to  take  the  lives  of  Brant  and  his  three  at- 
tendants, on  the  renewal  of  their  visit  that  morning.  For  this 
purpose  he  should  rely  upon  Waggoner  and  his  three  associates, 
on  the  arrival  of  the  chief  and  his  friends  within  the  circle  as 
on  the  preceding  day,  each  to  select  his  man,  and,  at  a  concert- 
ed signal,  shoot  them  down  upon  the  spot.  There  is  something 
so  revolting — so  rank  and  foul — in  this  project  of  meditated 
treachery,  that  it  is  difficult  to  reconcile  it  with  the  known 
character  of  General  Herkimer.  And  yet  it  is  given  on  the 
written  authority  of  Waggoner  himself,  whose  character  was 
equally  respectable.  The  patrivitic  veteran,  in  devising  such  a 
scheme,  had  probably  reasoned  himself  into  the  belief  that  the 
intended  victims  were  only  Indians,  and  that  in  the  emergency 
of  the  country,  it  would  be  justifiable  to  do  evil  that  good  might 
come.  It  was,  however,  a  most  reprehensible  scheme  —scarce- 
ly less  defensible  than  the  murder,  by  Catharine  de  Medicis,  of 
some  of  the  Huguenot  chiefs,  who  were  invited  to  Paris  under 
the  guise  of  friendship,  on  the  eve  of  the  Bartholomew  massa- 
cre, and  treacherously  taken  off  by  poison  ;  and  equal  in  its 
purposed  atrocity,  though  upon  a  smaller  scale,  to  the  subse- 
quent treachery  of  Ali  Pacha  of  Egypt,  in  regard  to  the 
Mamelukes,  whom  he  cuused  to  be  decoyed  into  the  strong-hold 
of  Cairo,  and  slaughtered.  Indian  thnt  he  was,  there  is  no 
known  act  of  perfidy  chargeable  upon  Brant ;  and  he  had  met 
Herkimer  on  his  own  invitation.  A  betrayal  of  his  confidence, 
under  those  circumstances,  would  have  brought  a  stain  upon 
the  character  of  the  Provincials,  which  all  the  waters  of  the 
Mohawk  could  not  have  washed  away. 

Fortunately,  however,  the  design  was  not  carried  into  exe- 
cution. Whether  the  wary  chieftain  entertained  any  suspi- 
cions of  foul  play,  is  not  known.  But,  certain  it  is,  that  his 
precaution  and  his  bearing,  when  he  arrived  at  Herkimer's 
quarters,  were  such  as  to  frustrate  the  purpose.  As  he  entered 
the  circle,  attended  as  before,  he  drew  himself  up  with  dignity, 
and  addressed  General  Herkimer  as  follows: — "I  have  five 
"  hundred  warriors  with  me,  armed  and  ready  for  battle.  You 
"  are  in  my  power  ;  but  as  we  have  been  friends  and  neigh- 


V       f 


,  p 


1 1 


ti, 


'1  'i 


'11  ,\ 


f 


hi^\ 


186 


LIFE    OF    BRANT. 


ii 


rm 


:i 


.'.t: 


^-s"-! 


'Ml  1 


"'IS-  ! 


[1777. 


"  bors,  I  will  not  take  the  advantage  of  you."*  Saying  which, 
at  a  signal,  a  host  of  his  armed  warriors  darted  forth  from  the 
contiguous  forest,  all  painted  and  ready  for  the  onslaught,  as 
the  well-known  war-whoop  but  too  clearly  proclaimed.  The 
chief  continued  the  discourse  by  advising  the  General  to  go 
back  to  his  own  home— thanked  him  for  his  civility  in  cominff 
thus  far  to  see  him,  and  told  him  that  perhaps  he  »"iight  one 
day  return  the  compliment.  Meantime,  he  said,  he  would  go 
back  to  his  village,  and  for  ihe  present  the  General  might  rest 
assured  that  no  hostilities  should  be  committed  by  the  Indians. 
He  then  requested  that  the  Rev.  Mr.  Stuart,  the  English  mis- 
sionary at  Fort  Hunter,  might  be  permitted  to  retire  into  Cana- 
da, as  also  the  wife  of  Colonel  Butler,  To  these  requests  Ge- 
neral Herkimer  assented,  although  the  latter  was  not  complied 
with.  He  then  presented  the  Indians  with  ten  or  a  dozen 
heads  of  cattle,  which  they  fell  upon  and  slaughtered  inconti- 
nently.t  Brant  himself  turned  proudly  away,  and  buried 
himself  in  the  forest ;  while  General  Herkimer  struck  his  tents, 
and  retraced  his  steps  to  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk. 

Thus  terminated  this  most  singular  conference.  "  It  was 
"  early  in  July,  and  the  morning  was  remarkably  elear  and 
"  beautiful.  But  the  echo  of  the  war-whoop  had  scarcely  died 
"  away,  before  the  heavens  became  black,  and  a  violent  storm 
"  obliged  each  party  to  seek  the  nearest  shelter.  Men  less  su- 
"  perstitious  than  many  of  the  unlettered  yeomen,  who,  leaning 
"  upon  their  arms,  were  witnesses  of  the  events  of  this  day, 
"  could  not  fail  in  after-times  to  look  back  upon  the  tempest,  if 
"  not  as  an  omen,  at  least  as  an  emblem  of  those  bloody  nins- 
"  sacres  with  which  these  Indians  and  their  associates  afterward 
"  visited  the  inhabitants  of  this  unfortunate  frontier ."t 

This  was  the  last  conference  held  with  the  hostile  Mohawks. 
Their  chief  very  soon  afterward  drew  off  his  warriors  from  the 
Susquehanna,  and  united  them  to  the  forces  of  Sir  John  John- 
son and  Colonel  John  Butler,  who  were  concentrating  the  tories 
and  refugees  at  Oswego.  It  was  at  about  the  same  period 
that  the  officers  of  the  British  Indian  department  had  sum- 
moned a  general  council  of  the  Six  Nations,  to  be  held  at  that 
place ;  and  it  is  probable  that  Brant  arrived  at  the  post  with  his 


*  Waggoner's  manuscript.  f  Hem. 


Annals  of  Tryon  County. 


*  The  only  acco 
that  such  a  counci 
given  in  the  life  of 
Pittsburgh  in  1755, 
Indians,  and  becam 
ion.  She  married 
them.  She  was  pr 
portions  of  her  inte 
may  be  received  as 
died  but  a  few  yc 
There  will  be  seven 


1777.] 


GREAT   COUNCIL    AT    OSWEGO. 


187 


»f  Tryon  County. 


warriors  for  that  occasion.  According  to  Ramsny,  the  invita- 
tions to  this  council  were  sent  forth  by  Guy  Johnson,  the  In« 
dians  being  requested  to  assemble  "  to  eat  the  flesh  and  drink 
the  blood  of  a  Bostonian."  This  language  was  understood 
fiffuratively,  however, — the  roasting  of  an  ox  and  a  banquet  be- 
ing intended. 

The  council  having  assembled,*  the  business  was  opened  by 
the  British  Commissioners,  who  informed  the  chiefs  that  their 
object  in  calling  the  meeting  was  to  engage  their  assistance  in 
subduing  the  rebel  Colonies,  the  people  of  which  had  risen  up 
against  the  good  King  their  master,  and  were  about  to  rob  him 
of  a  great  part  of  his  wealth  and  possessions.  As  an  induce- 
ment to  enter  the  service,  they  were  promised  an  ample  reward. 
The  chiefs  in  reply,  or  rather  those  of  them  who  were  averse 
to  joining  in  the  war,  informed  the  British  officers  of  the  treaty 
of  German  Flatts  and  Albany,  in  which  they  hud  bound  them- 
selves to  take  no  part  in  the  contest,  and  the  parties  to  that 
compact  repeated  their  determination  to  abide  by  the  treaty,  and 
not  take  up  the  hatchet  against  their  white  neighbors. 

The  discussions  were  protracted,  nor  were  the  entreaties  of 
the  Commissioners  of  any  avail  against  the  resolution  of  the 
Indians  to  maintain  their  good  faith,  until  they  addressed  their 
avarice,  "  by  telling  them  that  the  people  of  the  Colbnies  were 
» few  in  number,  and  would  be  easily  subdued ;  and  that  on 
"account  of  their  disobedience  to  the  King,  they  justly  merited 
"  all  the  punishment  that  it  was  possible  for  white  men  and 
"  Indians  to  inflict  upon  them.  The  King,"  they  said,  "  was 
"rich  and  powerful,  both  in  money  and  subjects.  His  rum 
"was  as. plenty  as  the  water  in  Lake  Ontario,  and  his  men  as 
"  numerous  as  the  sands  upon  its  shore ;  and  the  Indians  were 
"  assured,  that  if  they  would  assist  in  the  war,  and  persevere 

*  The  only  account  of  this  great  Indian  council,  (farther  than  the  mere  statement 
that  such  a  council  was  hold,)  which  the  author  has  been  able  to  discover,  is  that 
given  in  the  life  of  Mary  Jcmison,  a  white  woman,  who,  being  taken  captive  near 
Pittsburgh  in  1755,  when  a  child,  aAer  her  parents  were  killed,  was  raised  by  the 
Indians,  and  became  in  fact  one  of  them,  in  every  thing  but  her  birth  and  complex- 
ion. She  married  an  Indian,  and  lived  to  a  very  advanced  age,  and  died  among 
them.  She  was  present  at  this  council ;  and  from  ths  fact  that  the  truth  of  other 
portions  of  her  interesting  narrative  is  sustained  by  other  authorities,  her  statement 
may  be  received  as  substantially  correct.  The  life  of  this  remarkable  woman,  who 
died  but  a  few  years  since,  was  published  by  James  D.  Bemis,  of  Canandaigua. 
There  will  be  several  occasions  of  referring  to  it  hereafter. 


■I    i^lf 


^' 


m'A 


i-, 


\-' 


'K^^ 


m-M 


188 


LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


[1777. 


^'W- 


"  in  their  friendship  for  the  King  until  its  close,  they  should 
"  never  want  for  goods  or  money."*  Overcome  by  their  per- 
severing  importunities,  and  by  more  direct  and  palpable  appeals 
to  their  senses,  in  a  rich  display  of  tawdry  articles  calculated 
to  please  their  fancies,-  the  Indians  proved  recreant  to  their 
plighted  faith  to  the  Colonies,  and  concluded  a  treaty  of  alliance 
with  Great  Britain — binding  themselves  to  take  up  the  hatchet 
against  the  rebels,  and  continue  in  his  Majesty's  service  until 
they  were  subdued. 

At  the  close  of  the  treaty,  each  Indian  was  presented  with  a 
suit  of  clothes,  a  brass  kettle,t  a  gun,  a  tomahawk  and  scalping, 
knife,  a  quantity  of  ammunition,  a  piece  of  gold,  and  the  pro- 
mise of  a  bounty  upon  every  scalp  they  should  bring  in. 
"  Thus  richly  clad  and  equipped,  the  Indians  returned  to  their 
"  respective  homes,  after  an  absence  of  about  two  weeks,  full 
"  of  the  fire  of  war,  and  anxibus  to  encounter  their  (new-made) 
"  enemies." 

From  that  day  Thayendanegea  was  the  acknowledged  chief 
of  the  Six  Nations,  and  he  soon  became  one  of  the  master- 
spirits of  the  motley  forces  employed  by  Great  Britain  in  her 
attempts  to  recover  the  Mohawk  Valley,  and  to  annoy  the  other 
settlements  of  what  then  constituted  the  North-western  frontier. 
Whether  in  the  conduct  of  a  campaign  or  of  a  scouting-parly, 
in  the  pitched  battle  or  the  foray,  this  crafty  and  dauntless 
chieftain  was  sure  to  be  one  of  the  most  efficient,  as  he  was 
one  of  the  bravest,  of  those  who  were  engaged.  Combining 
with  the  native  hardihood  and  sagacity  of  his  race  the  advan- 
tages of  education  and  of  civilized  life, — in  acquiring  which,  he 
had  lost  nothing  of  his  activity  or  his  power  of  endurance— he 
became  the  most  formidable  border  foe  with  whom  the  Provin- 
cials had  tc  contend,  and  his  name  was  a  terror  to  the  land. 
His  movements  were  at  once  so  secret  and  so  rapid,  that  he 
seemed  almost  to  be  clothed  with  the  power  of  ubiquity. 

The  first  of  "''  hostile  demonstrations  within  the  Colony  of 
New- York  is  L^neved  to  have  been  made  in  the  month  of  May 
preceding  the  interview  with  General  Herkimer;  although 

I*  Life  of  Mary  Jemison,  written  in  1823. 

t  The  brass  kettles  received  at  Oswego  by  the  Senecas,  (to  which  tribe  Mary  be- 
longed,) 00  the  occauon  mentioned  in  the  text,  were  yet  in  use  in  that  nation,  so  late 
as  1823. 


1777.] 


AFFAIRS    AT   CHERRY   VALLEY. 


18» 


from  the  semi-pacific  intercourse  maintained  with  him  lor  seve- 
ral weeks  longer,  the  fact  was  not  then  certainly  known.  The 
settlement  of  Cherry  Valley  was  commenced  in  1739  ;  and  in 
consequence  of  some  threatened  Indian  troubles,  a  detachment 
of  troops  had  been  stationed  there  as  early  as  1763.  But  no 
military  works  were  erected,  and  the  breaking  out  of  the  war 
of  the  Revolution  found  the  place  defenceless.  While  Brant 
was  collecting  his  warriors  at  Oghkwaga,  however,  the  inha- 
bitants bethought  themselves  of  the  necessity  of  defences.  But 
not  having  the  means  to  undertake  the  erection  of  any  formid- 
able work,  the  house  of  Colonel  Siimuel  Campbell  was  selected 
as  the  largest,  strongest,  and  most  eligibly  situated  for  military 
purposes.  A  rude  embankment  of  logs  and  earth  was  thrown 
up  around  this  building,  so  extended  in  its  dimensions  as  like- 
wise to  include  two  large  burns.  These  buildings  were  all 
streno^thenedj  and  provided  with  doors  and  window-shutters 
bullet-proof  Small  block-houses  were  also  erected  within 
the  enclosure  ;  and  to  this  place,  in  moments  of  peril  and  alarm, 
the  inhabitants  fled  for  protection.  Martial  law  was  proclaim- 
I  ed,  and  no  persons  were  allowed  either  to  enter  or  leave  the 
I  settlement  without  ^   rmission. 

Toward  the  close  of  May,  and  soon  after  these  precautionary 
Imea-sures  had  been  executed.  Brant  conceived  the  idea  of 
makino-  a  descent  upon  the  settlement,  for  the  purpose  of  either 
killing,  or  making  captive,  the  principal  inhabitants,  especially 
the  vigilant  members  of  the  Committee.  It  has  been  stated  in 
a  former  page,  that  among  the  precautionary  measures  adopted 
the  preceding  year,  the  exempts  from  military  duty  had  orga- 
nized themselves  into  a  volunteer  company.  The  martial  fever 
o(  course  descended  from  sire  to  son  ;  and  as  the  population 
had  been  considerably  augmented  by  the  arrival  of  distant  set- 
tlers for  safety,  a  goodly  number  of  boys  were  collected,  who 
formed  a  corps  of  cadets,  with  no  better  armor  than  wooden 
swords  and  guns.  These  juvenile  soldiers  happened  to  be 
parading  upon  the  esplanade  in  front  of  Colonel  Campbell's 
house  at  the  very  hour,  one  bright  sunny  morning,  when 
Brant  and  his  party  of  warriors,  who  had  secretly  arrived  from 
Oghkwaga,  were  reconnoitering  the  post  under  shelter  of  a 
tangled  thicket  skirting  the  brow  of  a  hill  about  a  mile  distant. 
His  vision  being  somewhat  obstructed  by  the  intercepting 


>  \..   ■".! 


1 1 


K 


i 
1-1  „  *!^Uf 


1  M4!» 


f 


190 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


w 


r 


I 


if]' 

'is 


''WM 


■\.'*>t^. 


41: 


'1; 


shrubbery,  the  chief  mistook  the  lads  for  bona  fide  soldiers. 
Observing  the  semblance  of  a  fortification  before  dcsciibcd 
Captain  Brant  moved  his  party  to  a  convenient  lurking-place 
near  the  road  leading  to  the  Mohawk  river,  and  there  lay  in 
ambush  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  sucli  information  as  iniffht 
chance  to  come  in  his  way.  A  short  distance  from  where  the 
chief  lay  ensconced  behind  a  large  rock,  "  the  road  woiukI 
"  along  near  the  edge  of  a  cliff,  overhanging  a  rocky  glen  of 
"  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  deep.  This  chasm  was  sliaded  I  y 
"  evergreens,  and  the  whole  scene  was  shadowy  and  almost 
"  dark,  even  at  mid-day.  The  wildness  of  the  place  was  in- 
"  creased  by  the  dashing  of  a  moun*ain-torrent  into  the  gloomy 
"  abyss,  called,  by  the  Indians,  the  falls  of  Tekaharawii."* 

It  chanced,  that  on  the  morning  of  that  day,  Lieulciinnt 
Wormwood,  a  promising  young  officer  from  Palatine,  of  an 
opulent  family,  had  been  despatched  to  Cherry  Valley,  with  in- 
formation  to  the  authorities  tliat  a  detachment  from  Coloiitl 
Klock's  regiment  of  militia  was  to  march  to  their  defence  on 
the  following  day.  It  was  toward  evening  that  Lieut.  Worm- 
wood started  on  his  return  to  the  Mohawk,  accompanied  by 
the  bearer  of  some  despatches,  named  Peter  Sitz.  As  he  nioiinttd 
his  horse  in  the  village,  he  threw  down  his  portniantouu,  re- 
marking that  he  needed  not  to  take  it,  as  he  should  return  on 
the  next  morning  with  his  company.  He  was  well-mounted, 
and  richly  dressed  "  in  a  suit  of  ash-colored  velvet,  which  at- 
tracted much  attention  during  his  stay ;"  and  many  persons 
remained  at  the  door,  looking  at  the  noble  bearing  of  the  yonng 
patriot,  until  he  disappeared  behind  the  crest  of  the  hill  in  llic 
direction  of  the  Tekaharawa.  Scarcely,  however,  had  the 
clattering  of  hoofs  died  away  upon  their  ears,  before  a  discharge 
of  musketry  resounded  from  the  glen — the  startling  report  beiiiff 
speedily  followed  by  the  soldier's  horse,  returning  at  full  speed, 
the  saddle  crimsoned  with  blood.  Suspicions  of  the  most  pain- 
ful description  at  once  flashed  upon  the  minds  of  the  people, 
and  a  party  was  immediately  despatched  to  investigate  the  cir- 
cumstances. They  returned  withort  success  that  night,  but 
on  the  following  morning  the  body  of  Wormwood  was  found 
behind  the  rock  heretofore  described,  scalped  and  lifeless.    It 

♦  Annals  of  Tryon  County. 


MURDER   OP   CORNSTOCK. 


191 


afterward  appeared,  that  as  Wormwood  und  Sitz  approached 
the  rock,  they  were  hailed,  but  instead  of  answering,  they  put 
spurs  to  their  horses  and  endeavored  to  pass.  Being  fired  upon, 
Lieutenant  Wormwood  fell  wounded,  as  did  the  liorse  of  Sitz. 
The  Indians  rushed  forth  from  their  ambuscade,  and  Sitz  was 
made  prisoner  ;  while  the  gallant  officer  was  scalped  by  Brant's 
own  hand.  The  chief  is  said  to  have  lamented  the  death  of 
this  young  man.  They  were  not  only  acquaintances,  but 
friends ;  and  he  had  been  fired  upon  under  the  supposition  that 
he  was  an  officer  of  the  Continental  army.*  The  despatches 
carried  by  Sitz  were  double,  and  it  was  fortunate  that  he  had 
siifRcien'  presence  of  mind  to  destroy  the  genuine,  and  deliver 
the  delusive  papers  to  his  savage  captors.  Deceived  thereby 
as  to  the  reol  strength  at  Cherry  Valley,  Brant  retired  without 
committing  any  farther  act  of  hostility.  Colonel  Klock  arrived 
at  Cherry  Vallny  on  the  following  morning,  accompanied  by 
the  afflicted  father  of  the  slaughtered  officer,  who  was  mourned 
and  wept  by  all  who  knew  him. 

Another  coincident  event,  forming  an  appropriate  conclusion 
to  the  present  chapter,  was  the  tragic  death  of  the  great  Shuwa- 
nese  chief,  Cornstock,  with  his  gallant  son,  Ellinipsico  ;  both  of 
whom  will  be  remembered  as  among  the  brave  Indian  leaders 
fit  the  battle  of  the  Kanhawa,  the  last  action  of  the  Cresap  war, 
in  1774 ;  and  both  of  whom  were  now  as  basely  murdered  by 
white  men,  as  were  the  family  of  Logan.  The  circumstances 
attending  this  foul  transaction  were  these :— Cornstock,  after  the 
defeat  of  his  warriors  at  Point  Pleasont,and  his  subsequent  treaty 
of  peace  with  Lord  Dunmore,  had  become  siiicerely  and  truly 
the  friend  of  the  Colonies ;  and  while  the  Indians  of  the  North- 
west, generally,  were  preparing  to  take  up  arms  with  the  English, 
he  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost  to  prevent  his  own  nation  from 
any  participation  in  the  contest.  But  the  influence  of  the  Bri- 
tish agents,  and  the  example  of  the  surrounding  Indian  n-atioiis, 
were  so  powerful  upon  tlie  minds  of  the  Shawanese,  that  Corn- 
stock  perceived  his  pacific  efforts  were  likely  to  prove  futiie. 
Thus  circumstanced,  he  repaired  to  the  fort  which  had  been 
erected  at  Point  Pleasant  afler  the  battle  of  the  Kanhawa,  to 
lay  the  matter  before  the  officer  in  command—Captain  Ar- 

♦  Annals  or  Tiyon  County. 


ui  :r 


ui'W 


r»,i\ 


I  \ 


mm 


IS'    E?    t'.  s  ■ '  ■'£1 


192 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1777 


!     '  i 


'    '\^'   ';'$: 


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mv't- 


(t- 1. !- 


I  ■ 


buckle — and  take  his  advice.  He  was  accompanied  on  this 
mission  by  a  young  Delaware  chief  named  Redhawk,  who  had 
also  fought  by  his  side  in  the  Cresap  war.  Having  made  a  full 
developenient  of  the  state  of  Indian  affairs  in  the  North-west, 
and  frankly  admitted  that,  from  the  causes  already  indicated, 
he  should  be  unable  to  prevent  the  Shawanese  from  taking  up 
the  hatchet  in  the  cause  of  the  Crown,  the  commander  of  the 
fort  deemed  it  expedient  to  detain  the  old  chief,  with  his  Dela- 
ware companion,  as  hostages  for  the  good  conduct  of  their 
people.  Nor  did  they  remain  unwillingly — little  anticipating 
the  fate  that  awaited  th'^m— and  giving  all  the  information  re- 
specting the  Indians  and  their  country,  that  could  be  desired  by 
the  Americans. 

Uneasy  at  the  protracted  absence  of  his  father,  Ellinipsico, 
his  son,  went  m  pursuit,  and  traced  him  to  the  fort,  where  they 
had  an  affectionate  meeting.     Unfortunately,  the  day  after  the 
arrival  of  the  young  warrior  at  Point  Pleasant,  two  white  men 
having  crossed  the  Kanhawa  on  a  hunting  expedition,  were 
fired  upon  by  some  straggling  Indians,  and  one  of  them,  whose 
name  was  Gilmore,  was  killed.   The  other  escaped.    No  sooner 
was  the  event  of  Gilmore's  death  known,  than  the  cry  of  re- 
venge was  raised,  and  a  j)rirty  of  ruffians  assembled,  under  the 
command  of  a  Captain  Hall — not  to  pursue  and  punish  the 
perpetrators  of  the  murder — but  to  fall  upon  the  friendly  and 
peaceable  Indians  in  the  fort.    Arming  themselves,  and  cocking 
their  rifles,  they  proceeded  directly  to  the  little  garri.son,  menac- 
ing death  to  any  or  all  who  should  oppose  their  nefarious  de- 
signs.    Some  friend  of  the  hostage-chiefs  attempted  to  apprise 
them  in  advance  of  the  approacliing  danger ;  but  the  savage 
mob  were  probably  too  close  upon  the  heels  of  the  messenger 
to  allow  of  their  escape.     At  the  sound  of  the  clamor  without, 
Ellinipsico  is  said  to  have  been  somewhat  agitated.     Not  so  the 
veteran  Cornstock.     He  had  too  often  grappled  with  death  on 
the  war-path  to  fear  his  approaches  now.     Perceiving  the  emo- 
tion of  his  son,  he  calmly  observed :— "  My  son,  the  Great 
"  Spirit  has  seen  jit  that  ice  should  die  together,  and  has  sent 
"  1/ou  to  that  end.     It  is  his  will,  and  let  us  submit.^'    The 
infuriated  mob  had  now  gained  the  apartment  of  the  victims ; 
Cornstock  fell,  perforated  with  seven  bullets,  and  died  without 
a  struggle.    The  soHj  after  the  exhortation  of  liis  father,  met 


1777.] 


MUllDKR   OF   CORNSTOCK. 


193 


his  futo  with  composure,  and  was  shot  on  the  seat  upon  which 
lie  was  sitting.  Red-liawk,  the  young  Delaware,  died  with 
less  fortitude.  He  hid  liimself  away,  but  was  discovered  and 
slain.  Another  friendly  Indian,  in  the  fort  at  the  time,  was 
likewise  killed,  and  his  body  mangled  by  the  barbarians  in  a 
manner  that  would  have  disgraced  savages  of  any  other  com- 
plexion. "  Thus,"  says  an  Indian  Chronicler,*  "  perished  the 
"  mifjhty  Cornstock,  sachem  of  the  Shawanese,  and  king  ol 
'' the  Northern  confederacy,  in  1774— a  chief  remarkable  for 
"  niany  great  and  good  qualities.  He  was  disposed  to  bo  at  all 
"  times  the  friend  of  white  men,  as  ho  was  ever  the  advocate 
"of  honorable  peace.  But  when  his  country's  wrongs  sum- 
"  moned  him  to  the  battle,  he  became  the  thunderbolt  of  war, 
"and  made  his  enemies  feel  the  weight  of  his  arm.  Ilis  noble 
"bearing,  his  generous  and  disinterested  attachment  to  the 
"Colonies,  his  anxiety  to  preserve  the  frontier  of  Virginia  from 
"desolation  and  death,  all  conspired  to  win  for  him  the  esteem 
"  and  respect  of  others ;  while  the  untimely  and  perfidious  man- 
"  ner  of  h\»  death  caused  a  deep  and  lasting  feeling  of  regret 
"  to  pervade  the  bosoms,  even  of  those  who  were  enemies  to 
"  his  nation,  and  excited  the  just  indignation  of  all  toward  his 
"inhuman  murderers." 

It  argues  a  sad  deficiency  of  military  discipline,  that  such  a 
fo'il  transaction  could  have  occurred  at  any  regularly  establish- 
ed post.  The  command  of  Arbuckle,  however,  must  have 
been  small,  inasmuch  as  he  was  not  only  opposed  to  the  com- 
mission of  the  outrage,  but  sallied  forth,  in  company  with  ano- 
other  captain,  named  Stuart,  for  the  purpose  of  intercepting  the 
ruffians,  and  preventing  the  execution  of  their  purpose.  But 
all  remonstrance  was  vain.  The  enraged  assailants,  pale,  and 
quivering  with  fury,  presented  their  rifles  to  the  breasts  of  those 
officers,  threatening  them  with  instant  death  if  they  stood  in 
their  way.  It  has  been  said  that  Cornstock  felt  a  presentiment 
of  his  death  on  the  morning  of  its  occurrence.  A  council  had 
been  summoned  for  the  consideration  of  some  business  of  im- 
portance, connected,  probably,  with  Indian  affairs,  since  the  old 
chief  bore  a  part  in  the  deliberations.  In  the  course  of  one  of 
his  speeches  delivered  on  that  occasion,  he  said,  with  emphasiS| 

15      *  Withers's  Indian  Chronides,  u  quoted  by  Drake. 


hi  I 


I,    'h-'^ 


.*.      *         Vi;     i      I. 


*•■■;, 


iV 


■ir;-! 


N'iii.'! 


f    '  v\ 


i      t4    „     'h 


1  "J'  ^ 


r 


ill' 


rM.:  v'^-tsji  ■•■■■  ij^ 


194 


LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


[1777. 


to  the  council : — "  When  Iioas  young,  every  time  Ihcent  to 
•"  war,  I  thought  it  likely  that  I  might  return  no  more ;  bvt 
"  I  still  lived  ;  I  am  noio  in  your  hands  ;  you  may  kill  me  if 
"  you  choose.  lean  die  but  once,  and  it  is  alike  to  me  whe- 
"  ther  I  die  now  or  at  another  time."* 

The  Indian  biography  of  our  country  supplies  but  few  addi- 
tional facts  concerning  the  life  of  this  brave  and  just  man.  lie 
had  a  son,  known  among  the  whites  as  The  Wolf,  whose  name 
was  somewhat  conspicuously  associated  with  the  earlier  events 
of  the  Revolution.  The  Wolf,  with  three  others,  was  a  hostage 
at  Williamsburgh,  Virginia,  at  the  tirrie  of  Lord  Dunmore's  em- 
barkation on  board  of  the  British  fleet.  After  the  escape  of  his 
Lordship,  he  solicited  and  obtained  an  interview  with  The 
Wolf  and  his  associates  on  board  of  his  ship ;  during  which  he 
explained  to  them  the  causes  of  his  flight,  and  urged  them  to 
flee  also,  as  the  only  means  of  escaping  the  fury  of  the  revolu- 
tionists Adopting  this  counsel,  they  took  to  the  woods  on  re- 
turning to  the  shore.  The  night  following  came  on  excessive- 
ly dark.  One  of  The  Wolf's  companions  separated  from  his 
fellows,  and  was  lost.  The  others  soon  afterward  returned  to 
Williamsburgh,  where  they  were  well  received  by  the  inhabit- 
tants.  What  farther  befel  The  Wolf,  or  the  house  of  Cornstock, 
is  not  known. 

•  Doddridge's  Indian  Wars,  pp.  238— S40. 


ae  Ihoent  to 


CHAPTER  IX. 

British  preparaUons  for  the  prosecution  of  the  war — Indications  at  the  North — Doubt* 
ful  position  and  conduct  of  General  Howe — Embarrassing  to  the  Americans — In- 
tercepted correspondence — General  Howe  sails  to  the  Chesapeake — Enters  Phila- 
delphia in  triumph — Bur^ync  approaches  from  the  North — Indian  policy — Sir 
Guy  Carleton — False  estimates  of  the  strength  of  Ticonderoga — Burgoyne  arrives 
at  Crown  Point — Feasts  the  Indians — Invests  Ticonderoga — Carries  the  out- 
works— Fortifies  Sugar  Hill — The  fortress  evacuated  by  St.  Clair — Retreat  of  the 
Americana — Battles  near  Skencsborough  and  at  Fort  Ann — Burgoyne  enters  the 
valley  of  Hie  Hudson — Schuyler,  without  means,  retreats  from  Fort  Edward — 
Terror  of  the  people — Cruelties  of  the  Indians— Story  of  Miss  M'Crea — General 
flight  of  the  population — Mrs.  Ann  Eliza  Bleecker — Heroism  of  Mrs.  Schuyler — 
Attempted  assassination  of  General  Schuyler. 

Having  failed  in  their  efforts  to  extinguish  the  rebellion  dur- 
ing the  preceding  year,  the  government  of  the  parent  country 
resolved  to  put  forth  still  greater  energies  during  the  present. 
For  this  purpose  a  powerful  force  was  organized  in  Canada, 
the  command  of  which  was  transferred  from  Sir  Guy  Caile- 
ton — the  ablest  British  General,  by  the  way,  at  that  time  or 
.subsequently  in  America — and  conferred  upon  General  Bur- 
goyne— an  officer,  also,  of  unquestioned  merit — whose  spirit  of 
enterprise  and  thirst  for  military  glory  could  not  be  exceeded. 
It  was  the  aim  of  this  Northern  army  to  open  a  communication 
between  Canada  and  New- York — thus  cutting  off  New-Eng- 
land, which  the  ministry  just'y  considered  the  hot-bed  of  the 
Revolution,  from  all  communication- with  the  Middle  States; 
while  Sir  William  Howe,  with  an  army  of  16,000  men,  was  to 
withdraw  from  New  Jersey,  and  move  round  simultaneously 
to  the  Chesapeake,  and  take  possession  of  the  Middle  States  ; 
and  thus,  as  it  was  hoped,  compel  the  whole  to  return  to  their 
allegiance. 

Doubts,  however,  for  several  months  hung  over  the  intentions 
of  the  enemy,  whose  designs  were  so  skilfully  veiled  as  for  a 
long  time  almost  to  paralyze  the  exertions  of  the  Americans. 
The  retreat  of  Carleton  from  Lake  Champlain,  the  preceding 
Autumn,  even  aft^r  the  lake  was  in  his  power  and  Crown 
Point  in  his  possession,  suggested  a  doubt  whether  a  serious 
invasion  was  meditated  from  that  quarter.  On  the  contrary, 
the  impression  was  general  that  the  expedition  of  Burgoyne 
was  destined  against  Boston ;  and  that  Sir  William  Howe,  whose 


.1^  f  , 


■f-') 


1»: 


fe'>l 


■■,;cir' 


a.     t? 


't 


196 


LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


[1777. 


movements  in  New  Jersey  were  enigmatical  to  perplexity,  was 
to  co-operate  in  an  effort  to  re-subjugate  New  England.  The 
British  government  itself,  as  it  is  believed,  contributed  to  the 
distractions  of  Congress  and  the  American  commander,  by 
causing  reports  to  be  circulated  that  Boston  was  to  be  the  next 
point  of  attack.  Arthur  Lee,  being  then  in  Bordeaux,  was 
thus  confidentially  advised,  and  he  lost  no  time  in  communi- 
cating such  supposed  intention  to  the  Secret  Committee  of 
Congress,  who  in  turn  gave  the  like  information  to  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief, and  also  to  the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts. 
The  consequence  of  these  distractions  was  unfortunate  for 
the  Americans.  Less  attention  was  paid  to  preparations  for 
the  defence  of  the  North  than  otherwise  would  have  been  given ; 
whiie  Massachusetts,  apprehending  that  all  her  strength  would 
be  required  for  her  own  delonce,  set  about  raising  troops  for 
her  own  protection,  at  the  expense  of  the  main  army,  from 
which  its  quota  of  recruits  was  withheld.* 

Before  the  close  of  June,  however,  the  designs  of  the  enemy 
in  regard  to  the  North  became  obvious.  A  person  from  Cana- 
da, arrested  as  a  spy,  and  brought  before  General  Schuyler, 
stated  on  his  examination,  "  that  the  British  forces  were  ap- 
"proaching  St.  Johns,  and  were  to  advance  through  Lake 
"  Champlain  under  General  Burgoyne ;  and  also  that  adetach- 
"  ment  of  British  troops,  Canadians  and  Indians,  was  to  penc- 
"  trate  the  country  by  the  way  of  Oswego  and  the  Valley  of  the 
*'•  Mohawk.  He  added  many  particulars,  respecting  the  strength 
"  and  arrangements  of  the  British  army,  which  turned  out  in 
"  the  end  to  be  nearly  accurate,  but  of  which  no  intelligence 
«  had  before  been  obtained,  or  by  many  anticipated."! 

The  movements  of  General  Howe  were  still  equivocal,  even 
after  Burgoyne  had  commenced  his  descent  upon  the  North- 
thus  adding  to  the  embarrassments  of  Washington.  And  in 
order  *he  more  certainly  to  mislead  the  American  commander 
as  to  his  real  intentions.  General  Howe  wrote  a  feigned  des- 
patch to  Burgoyne,  on  the  subject  of  ascending  the  Hudson  to 
join  him,  the  bearer  of  which  fell  purposely  into  the  hands  of 
the  Americans,  while  pretending  to  be  on  his  way  to  Canada. 
Unable,  therefore,  to  determine  whether  such  might  not  bo  his 

•  Lettcn  of  Washington,  during  the  months  of  May,  Jwa%  tod  Julji  i777> 
\  Sparks— Note  in  Life  and  Cor.  of  Washington,  vol  iv. 


fll 


i  I 


[1777. 

exity,  was 
ind.  The 
ited  to  the 
lander,  by 
)e  the  next 
eaux,  was 
communi- 
tnmittee  of 
» the  Com- 
isachusetts. 
tunate  for 
irations  for 
)een  given : 
north  would 
troops  for 
army,  from 

the  enemy 
from  Cana- 
1  vSchuyler, 
s  were  ap- 
ough  Lake 
lat  a  detach- 
nis  to  penc- 
Talley  of  the 
the  strength 
rned  out  in 

intelligence 

."t 

i vocal,  even 
the  North— 
•n.  And  in 
commander 
"eigned  des- 
e  Hudson  to 
he  hands  of 
•  to  Canada. 
It  not  bo  his 

Mj,  1777. 


1777.] 


MANCEUVRES    OF   GENERAL    HOWE. 


19; 


design,  (although  the  intercepted  despatch  was  regarded  with 
strong  suspicion,)  or  whether,  on  the  other  hand,  it  might  not 
be  the  purpose  of  Howe  to  pass  round  to  the  Chesapeake  and 
thence  strike  at  Philadelphia,  the  American  General  was  com- 
pelled to  remain  inactively  watching  his  motions,  strengthening, 
ill  the  mean  time,  to  the  utmost  of  his  power,  his  positions  in 
IJie  highlands — without  being  able  to  detach  any  large  number 
of  troops  to  the  assistance  of  General  Schuyler,  then  command- 
ing the  Northern  Department,  And  even  after  General  Howe 
had  embarked  his  troops  and  dropped  down  to  Sandy  Hook — 
having  evacuated  New  Jersey  on  the  30th  of  June* — Washing- 
ton was  still  iu  doubt  whether  it  might  not  yet  be  his  intention 
to  return  with  the  tide,  and  pass  up  the  river  in  the  night.t 
Such,  however,  was  no  part  of  the  plan  of  the  British  com- 
niauder.  His  destination,  on  leaving  the  harbor  of  New-York, 
was  the  Chesapeake  and  Philadelphia ;  and  the  latter  blanch 
of  the  campaign  indicated  in  the  opening  of  the  present  chapter, 
was  so  far  successful,  that  after  a  series  of  victories  over  the 
force's  of  General  Washington,  commencing  at  Brandywine 
and  ending  at  Germantown,  General  Howe  took  possession  of, 
and  established  himself  in,  the  capital  of  Pennsylvania. 

♦  it  IS  a  pleading  eviihrnce  of  the  sound  religious  views  of  Washington,  thai  he 
was  a  firm  biliuvcr  in  tlie  iininediuto  interpositions  of  Providuncu  in  directing  and 
controlling  tlm  affairs  of  iikmi.  His  letters  abound  in  passages  that  might  be  cited, 
showing  his  quickness  to  discern  the  finger  of  Providence,  and  his  readiness  to  make 
the  aclmowledgnient.  Thus,  in  regard  to  the  departure  from  New  Jersey  by  Gene- 
ral Howe,  ho  says : — "  The  evacuation  of  Jersey  at  this  time  seems  to  be  a  pccuUat 
mark  of  Providence,  as  the  inhabitants  have  an  opportunity  of  securing  their  har- 
vests of  hay  and  grain,  the  latter  of  which  would  in  all  probability  have  undergone 
the  same  fate  with  many  farm-houses,  had  it  been  ripe  enough  to  take  fire." — Lttttr 
of  Washinglon  to  Maj.  Gen.  ^rmalrong,  July  4,  1777, 

t  "If  we  were  certain  Gen.  Burgoyne  were  approaching  Ticondcroga  with  hi> 
whole  army,  I  should  not  heiitatc  a  moment  in  concluding  that  it  is  in  consequence 
of  a  preconcerted  plan  with  Gen.  Howe,  and  that  the  latter  is  to  co-operate  with  him 
by  pushing  his  whole  forco  up  the  North  River,  and  aiming  a  stroke  in  the  first  in- 
stance and  immediately  at  the  Highlands." — Letter  of  Washington  to  the  President  of 
Congress,  July  2.  Again,  in  several  successive  letters,  after  the  embarkation  of 
General  Howe's  army  from  Staten  Island,  Washington  spoke  of  the  perplexity  in 
which  he  was  kept  by  the  shifting  manceuvres  of  the  fleet.  On  the  23d  of  July  he 
wrote— "I  cannot  give  you  any  certain  account  of  General  Howe's  operations.  His 
conduct  is  puzzling  and  en(ibarra8sing  beyond  measure ;  so  are  the  informations  which 
I  get  At  one  time  the  ships  are  standing  up  toward  the  North  River ;  <n  a  little 
while  they  are  going  up  the  Sound ;  and  in  one  hour  after,  they  are  going  out  of  the 
Hook.** — Letter  to  General  Sekvyler,  The  fleet  actually  sailed  for  the  Capes  of  Vir* 
ginia  on  the  SSd  of  Jul  j. 


i    l\    I 


^t 


}      '   a 


i '  * 


\>v 


't-^ 


.1-  i 


St     tri 


h  •>< 


i  ^ 


!■■• 


^  M'if.i' 


r'i> :;  ■;: 


KM 

WT 

III 

m 

11 

11 

i 

1 

198 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1777. 


But  a  far  different  fortune  attended  the  arms  of  Bur^oyne. 
The  regular  troops  of  his  command,  English  and  German, 
amounted  to  above  seven  thousand  men,  added  to  which  were 
larg3  numbers  of  American  and  Canadian  loyalists,  together 
with  many  hundred  Indians  ;  a  species  of  force,  which,  it  has 
been  held  by  British  historians.  Sir  Guy  Carleton  was  reluctant 
to  employ,  while  General  Burgoyne,  it  has  been  alleged,  enter- 
tained no  such  scruples.    It  has' ever  been  claimed  as  a  virtue 
on  the  part  of  Carleton,  and  carried  to  the  credit  of  his  hu- 
manity, that,  rather  than  employ  the  Indians,  he  submitted  to 
the  injustice  of  having  the  command  of  this  expedition,  pro- 
perly belonging  to  him,  conferred  upon  an  officer  who  was  not 
entitled  to  lead  the  enterprise.    It  is  perhaps  true,  from  his 
more  intimate  knowledge  of  the  Indian  character,  that  he  had 
formed  such  an  estimate  of  their  services  as  to  render  liim 
somewhat  less  sanguine  than  others  as  to  their  value.    His  ex- 
perience could  not  but  have  taught  him  the  extent  of  their 
inutility  in  war,  the  capriciousness  of  their  character,  llieir  in- 
tractableness  and  inconstancy.     He  must  have  known  that 
their  ideas  of  war  were  totally  different  from  those  of  civilized 
nations ;  by  reason  of  which,  notwithstanding  their  ferocity, 
and  the  incredible  examples  of  passive  valor  which  they  some- 
times afford  in  cases  adapted  to  their  own  opinions,  they  were 
nevertheless  utterly  regardless  of,  and  looked  with  contempt 
upon,  those  belligerent  usages  which  are  considered  as  honora- 
ble, generous,  and  fair  in  the  modem  service  of  civilized  men. 
He  could  not  have  been  ignorant  of  the  fact,  that  the  object 
and  design  of  most  of  the  wars  in  which  the  Indians  engage, 
are  not  so  much  to  conquer  by  manly  and  open  battle,  as  to 
murder  and  destroy  after  their  own  peculiar  fashion.    In  one 
word,  that  accomplished  offi  ;er  very  well  knew  the  services  of 
the  Indians  to  be  uncertain ;  their  rapacity  to  be  insatiable ; 
their  faith  at  all  times  doubtful ;  and  their  action  cruel  to  bar- 
barity.   Still,  as  vve  have  already  shown  beyond  contradiction, 
he  was  among  the  first  to  court  the  alliance  and  obtain  the  ser- 
vices of  Brant  and  his  Mohawks,  on  their  descent  to  Montreal 
in  1775.    The  commendations,  therefore,  that  have  been  be- 
stowed upon  Sir  Guy  Carleton  upon  this  subject,  at  the  expense 
of  Burgoyne,  were  aS  undeserved  by  the  one  as  unjust  toward 
the  other.    True,  the  march  of  Burgoyne  was  tracked  with 


1777.] 


CARLETON   AND   BURGOYNE. 


199 


blood,  which  a  high-souled  officer  should  scorn  in  such  man- 
ner to  shed  ;•  but  the  footsteps  of  Carleton  might  have  been 
equally  sanguine  had  the  command  been  entrusted  to  him. 

Never,  probably,  at  the  time,  had  there  been  an  army  of 
equal  numbers  better  appointed  than  that  of  Burgoyne.  The 
train  of  brass  artillery,  in  particular,  was  perhaps  the  finest  that 
had  ever  been  allotted  to  an  army  not  far  exceeding  the  present 
in  numerical  strength,  and  for  a  time  victory  seemed  to  perch 
upon  his  ensigns. 

General  Carleion,  it  will  be  remembered,  har  nade  himself 
master  of  Lake  Champ' ain  ".nd  the  fortificati  ..xs  at  Crown 
Point  the  Autumn  befor*^ .  The  first  object  for  attack  present- 
ing itself  to  General  Buvaoyne,  therefore,  was  Ticonderoga — 
situated  in  the  mountain  gap  through  which  the  waters  of 
Lake  George  fall  into  Lake  Champlain.  This  fortress  was 
then  in  command  of  General  St.  Clair,  and  was  supposed  by 
the  Americans  to  be  a  post  of  great  security.  The  principal 
fortress,  the  ruins  of  which  are  yet  standing  in  frowning  and 
rugged  strength,  was  situated  on  an  angle  of  land  which  is  sur- 
rounded on  three  sides  by  water  filled  with  rocks.  A  great  part 
of  the  south  side  was  covered  by  a  deep  morass;  and  where 
that  failed,  in  the  north-west  quarter,  the  old  French  lines 
served  as  a  defence.  These  lines  had  been  strengthened  by 
additional  works  and  a  block-house.  The  Americans  had 
other  defences  and  block-houses  in  the  direction  of  Lake  George, 
together  with  two  new  block-houses  and  some  other  works  to 
the  right  of  the  French  lines.  Still  greater  pains  had  been 
taken  in  fortifying  the  high  circular  hill  on  the  eastern  shore 
of  the  inlet  opposite,  known  as  Mount  Independence.  On  the 
summit  of  this  mountain,  which  is  table-land,  the  Americans 
had  erected  a  star-fort,  enclosing  a  large  square  of  barracks, 
well  fortified,  and  supplied  with  artillery.  The  foot  of  the 
mountaip,  on  the  west  eide  projecting  into  the  water,  was 
strongly  entrenched  to  its  edge,  and  the  entrenchment  lined 

*  It  ia  but  just  to  this  gallant  but  unfortunate  officer,  however,  to  state,  that  he 
did  all  in  his  power  to  restrain  the  excesses  and  barbarities  of  the  Indians.  At  the 
council  and  war-feast,  which  he  gave  them  near  Crown  Point,  he  endeavored  to  ex« 
plain  to  them  the  laws  of  civilized  war ;  and  charged  them  that  they  must  only  kilt 
those  opposing  them  in  arms ;  that  old  men,  women,  children,  and  prisoners,  must 
be  held  sacred  from  the  knife  or  hatchet,  even  in  the  heat  of  battle.  But  it  did  no 
good. 


1    'I 


■  t*'^  . 


A ; 


>h 


>     I 


«  '  1' 


,'  s.i 


t'i 


I  n 


200 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[im. 


¥<< 


,*!;■ 


with  heavy  artillery.  These  lower  works  were  sustained  and 
covered  by  a  battery,  about  half-way  up  the  side  of  the  moun- 
tain, and  wore  connected  by  a  bridge  across  the  inlet,  which  had 
been  constructed  ;it  great  labor  and  expense.*  These,  and 
other  works  of  defence,  had  been  judged  sufficient  to  render 
the  post  secure.  The  Commander-in-chief  himself,  although 
indeed  the  works  had  not  fallen  under  his  own  inspection,  had 
formed  a  very  erroneous  opinion  of  their  strength,  or  perhaps, 
to  speak  more  correctly,  of  the  natural  advantages  of  the  posi- 
tion, and  of  the  defensibility  of  the  works.f  Such,  in  fact,  was 
his  confidence  in  the  post,  that  the  idea  of  its  loss  seems  from 
his  correspondence  scarce  to  have  entered  his  mind. 

But  in  all  their  labors,  the  American  engineers  had  overlooked 
the  high  peak,  or  mountain,  called  Sugar  Hill,  situated  south 
of  the  bridge,  on  the  point  of  land  at  the  confluence  of  the 
waters  of  Lakes  George  and  Champlain.  Originally  it  had 
been  supposed,  and  taken  for  granted,  that  the  crest  of  Sugar 
Hill  was  not  only  inaccessible,  but  too  distant  to  be  of  any 
avail  in  covering  the  main  fortress.  This  opinion  was  an  er- 
ror, to  which  the  attention  of  the  officers  had  been  called  the 
preceding  year  by  Colonel  John  Trumbull,  then  Adjutant- 
General  for  the  Northern  Department.  When  Colonel  Trum- 
bull made  the  suggestion,  he  was  laughed  at  by  the  mess ;  but 
he  soon  proved  the  greater  accuracy  of  his  own  vision,  by 
throwing  a  cannon  shot  to  the  summit ;  and  subsequently 
clambered  up  to  the  top,  accompanied  by  Colonels  Wayne  and 
Arnold. t  It  was  a  criminal  neglect,  on  the  part  of  the  Ameri- 
cans, that  the  oversight  was  not  at  once  corrected,  by  the  con- 
struction of  a  work  upon  that  point,  which  would  have  com- 
manded the  whole  post. 

♦  London  Universul  Magazine,  April,  1782. 

t  "  I  urn  pleased  to  find,  by  your  letter  to  Congress,  that  a  strong  supply  of  prcv 
visions  has  been  thrown  into  Ticonderc^a.  Since  that  is  the  case,  I  se^  no  reason 
for  apprehending  that  it  can  possibly  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy  in  a  short  time, 
even  were  they  to  bring  their  whole  force  to  a  point ;  but  if  they  have  divided  it  to 
make  tlie  different  attacks  that  you  mention,  General  St  Clair  will,  in  all  probability, 
have  an  opportunity  of  acting  on  the  defensive ;  and  should  he  not  be  quite  success- 
ful, he  may  damage  them  so  considerably,  that  they  will  not  be  able  to  attack  him  in 
bis  works ;  to  which,  I  dare  say,  he  will  always  secure  a  retreat  in  case  of  accident"— 
LtUtr  of  Woihington  to  Oenerd  Sckityler,  July  2,  1777. 

I  Converaationa  of  the  author  with  Colonel  John  Trumbull,  and  also  his  unpub- 
lished  memoin,  to  which  the  author  haa  had  access. 


by  the  public    T 


[1777. 

stained  and 
the  moun- 
which  had 
rhese,  and 
t  to  render 
f,  although 
)ection,  liad 
or  perhaps, 
of  the  posi- 
in  fact,  was 
seems  from 
I. 

I  overlooked 
nated  south 
lence  of  the 
iially  it  had 
est  of  Sugar 
o  be  of  any 
n  was  an  er- 
n  called  the 
Ml  Adjiitant- 
lonel  Trum- 
le  mess ;  but 
n  vision,  by 
subsequently 
Wayne  and 
f  the  Ameri- 
,  by  the  con- 
Id  have  com- 


ng  supply  of  pro- 
e,  I  BC$  no  reason 
[ty  in  a  short  time, 
have  divided  it  to 
in  all  probability, 
be  quite  succesB- 
le  to  attack  him  in 
Lse  of  accident."— 

id  also  his  unpub* 


irrr.] 


WORKS   AT   TICONDEROQA. 


201 


General  Burgoyne  arrived  at  Crov/.n  Point  on  the  21st  of 
June ;  and  after  meeting  and  feasting  the  Indians,  and  attempt- 
ing to  instruct  them  in  the  rules  and  principles  of  civilized  war, 
and  making  otlier  necessary  preparations— not  forgetting  to  send 
forth  a  manifesto  which  he  supposed  would  spread  terror 
through  the  Northern  Colonics-^he  advanced  with  great  cau- 
tion to  the  investment  of  Ticotiderogn,  where  he  arrived  on  the 
2d  of  July.  Most  unaccountably,  the  Americans  immediately 
abandoned  all  their  works  in  the  direction  of  Lake  George — set- 
ting  fire  to  the  block-houses  and  saw-mills  ;  and  without  sally 
or  other  interruption,  permitted  the  enemy,  under  Major  Gene- 
ral Phillips,  to  take  possession  of  the  very  advantageous  post 
of  Mount  Hope,  which,  besides  commanding  their  lines  in  a 
dangerous  degree,  totiilly  cut  off  their  communication  with 
Lake  George.  The  only  excuse  for  such  an  early  abandon- 
ment of  this  important  point,  was  found  in  the  fact  that  General 
Si.  Clair  had  not  force  enough  to  man  all  his  defences. 

One  of  the  first  objects  that  attracted  the  attention  of  the 
British  commander,  was  the  unoccupied  point  of  Sugar  Hill.  It 
was  forthwith  examined,  and  its  advantages  were  found  to  be  so 
great,  that  immediate  dispositions  were  made  for  its  occupation. 
A  winding  road  was  cut  to  its  summit,  a  battery  commenced, 
and  cannon  to  serve  it  transported  thither.  Under  these  cir- 
cumstances, finding  himself  invested  on  all  sides,  and  batteries 
ready  to  be  opened  upon  him  not  only  from  around,  but  above, 
and  having,  moreover,  not  half  troops  enough  to  man  his  works— 
St.  Clair  hastily  convened  a  council  of  war  on  the  5th  of  July, 
and  an  evacuation  was  unanimously  decided  upon  as  the  only 
alternative  for  the  emergency.* 

*  "The  evacuation  of  Ticondcroga  and  Mount  Independence  is  an  event  of 
chagrin  and  surprise,  not  apprehended  nor  within  the  compass  of  my  reasoning.  I 
know  not  upon  wnat  principle  it  was  founded,  and  I  should  suppose  it  still  more 
difficult  to  be  accounted  for,  if  the  garrison  amounted  to  five  thousand  men,  in  high 
spirits,  healthy,  well  supplied  with  provisions  and  ammunition,  and  the  Eastern  mi- 
litia  marching  to  their  succor,  as  you  mentioned  in  your  letter  of  the  9th  to  the 
Council  of  Safety  of  New-York."— L««er  o/  Waskingtmi  to  Gtntral  Schuyltr,  July 
15, 1777.  The  truth,  however,  is,  that  the  actual  force  and  condition  of  St.  Clair's 
army  had  been  universally  over-estimated — as  well  by  the  officers  at  a  distance  os 
by  the  public.  The  eyes  of  the  nation  were  turned  upon  that  post ;  and  when  the 
news  of  the  retreat  went  abroad,  the  disappointment  was  extreme ;  and  the  loud 
voice  of  cx)mplaint  and  censure,  against  the  unfortunate  General,  was  reiterated  from 
one  end  of  the  continent  to  the  other.    But,  notwithstanding  the  *'  chagrin  "  and 


iX; 


I     y 


ui: '! 


m 


l\vf 


'-SM 


■■* 


m  ^.,  lif , 


i 


202 


LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


[1777. 


i"i'i' 'i 


i'S'i: 


Following  up  such  a  promising  advantage,  the  British  com- 
mander pushed  forward  upon  the  retiring  army,  with  such  a 
degree  of  vigor  that  the  retreat  became  almost  a  rout.  The 
Americans,  however,  made  a  stand  between  Skenesborough  and 
Fort  Anne  in  a  well-contested  battle ;  but  after  much  hard 
fighting,  were  again  compelled  to  retreat.  Another  engagement 
ensued  at  Fort  Anne,  with  a  like  result ;  and  the  victorious 
Briton  entered  the  valley  of  the  lUidson,  and  took  possession  of 
Fort  Edward,  which,  weak  and  unprovided,  had  likewise  been 
evacuated  on  his  approach  by  General  Schuyler. 

These  movements  by  the  British  commander  had  been  made 
with  equal  vigor  and  celerity ;  and  sucji  was  the  confusion  of 
the  Americans  in  their  flight,  that  no  advices  of  the  disaster 
were  xbrwarded  by  express  to  General  Schuyler,  to  prepare  him 
for  the  approach  of  the  victors.  Indeed,  that  officer  was  suf- 
fered to  remain  several  days  without  intelligence  from  St.  Clair 
of  any  description,  excepting  some  vague  flying  rumors  of  the 
evacuation.*  During  this  suspense,  General  Schuyler  wrote  to 
the  Commander-in-chief  upon  the  subject,  who,  in  turn,  ex- 
pressed his  amazement  at  the  mystery  which  seemed  to  hang 
over  the  affairs  of  the  fortress.  At  one  moment  Washington 
was  led  to  believe  that  St.  Clair  and  the  whole  garrison  had 
been  made  prisoners,  and  at  another  that  the  rumor  of  the 
evacuation  was  wholly  untrue ;  and  that  the  silence,  for  which 
it  bafiled  conjecture  to  account,  arose  from  the  circumstance 
that  the  Americans  were  shut  up  in  their  works.!  But  this 
doubt  did  not  continue  long.  Notwithstanding  that  the  advance 
of  the  enemy  was  repulsed  at  Fort  Anne,  Colonel  I.iong,  who 
was  in  command  of  that  post,  immediately  evacuated  it,  con- 
trary to  the  express  orders  of  General  Schuyler ;  and  Schuyler 

"  surprise,"  so  keenly  felt  by  the  Commander-in-cliicf  at  tlic  \o9f  of  this  important 
post,  his  strong'  sense  of  justice  interposed  to  shield  the  unfortunate  commander 
from  condemnation  unheard.  He  wrote  to  General  Schuyler  on  the  18th  of  July, 
that  General  St,  Clair  owed  it  to  himself  to  insist  upon  an  opportunity  of  giving  his 
reasons  for  evacuating  Ticondcroga,  but  he  at  the  same  time  said — "I  will  not  con- 
demn, or  even  pass  censure  upon,  an  officer  unheard."  Time,  however,  proved  that 
he  had  acted  the  part  of  a  judicious  and  skilful  ofHccr ;  but  the  excitement  oC  the 
moment  was  so  great,  caused  by  chagrin  on  the  one  hand  and  alarm  on  tlic  other, 
that  all  eyes  were  blind,  and  all  cars  deaf,  to  the  true  reasons  of  the  case,  and  even  tn 
the  palliating  circumstances."— Sparfcj'*  Life  of  Gouvertmir  Morris, 

*  Letter  from  General  Schuyler  to  General  Washington,  July  9, 1777, 

t  Letter  from  General  Washington  m  rcpl/. 


1777.] 


VICTORIOUS    ADVANCE   OP   BUROOYNE. 


203 


himself,  at  the  head  of  only  fifteen  hundred  men  at  Fort  Ed- 
ward, "  without  provision,  with  little  ammunition,  not  above 
"five  rounds  to  a  man,  having  neither  balls,  nor  lead  to  make 
<i  an;  —and  the  country  in  the  deepest  consternation,"*  was 
obliged  also  to  fall  back  in  the  direction  of  Albany.  The  blow 
was  a  severe  one ;  but  the  Commander-in-chief  possessed  a 
soul  equal  to  every  crisis.  No  undue  elevation  of  spirit  fol- 
lowed his  successes ;  neither  did  the  clouds  of  adverse  fortune, 
so  frequently  darkening:  the  prospect  of  the  American  arms, 
sink  him  into  despondency.t  Indeed,  each  succeeding  calami- 
ty was  but  another  test  of  Ws  moral  greatness,  for  he  rose  above 
them  all. 

Nothing,  however,  could  exceed  the  terror  which  these 
events  diffused  among  the  inhabitants,  not  only  of  Northern 
New- York,  but  of  the  New  England  States,  The  consterna- 
tion was,  moreover,  increased  by  the  reported  murders  and  the 
cruelties  of  the  savages — since  all  the  efforts  of  General  Burgoyne 
to  dissuade  them  from  the  perpetration  of  their  cruel  enormities 
were  ineffectual.  Restrain  them  he  could  not ;  and  it  was  ad- 
mitted by  the  British  writers  of  that  day,  that  the  friends  of  the 
Royal  cause,  as  well  as  its  enemies,  were  equally  victims  to 
their  indiscriminate  rage.  It  was  even  ascertained  that  the 
British  officers  were  deceived  by  their  treacherous  allies,  into 
the  purchase  of  the  scalps  of  their  own  comrades. 

Among  other  instances  of  cruelty,  the  well-known  murder  ot 
Miss  Jane  M'Crea,  which  happened  in  the  early  part  of  the 
campaign,  filled  the  public  mind  with  horror.  Every  circum 
stance  of  this  unnatural  and  bloody  transaction — around  which 
there  lingers  a  melancholy  interest  to  this  day — served  to 
heighten  alike  its  intel-est  and  its  enormity.  Many  have  been 
the  versions  of  this  bloody  tale.  General  Gates,  who  had 
at  this  juncture  been  most  unjustly  directed  to  supersede  Gene- 

♦  Letter  of  Schuyler  to  Washington. 

t  "This  stroke  is  severe  indeed,  and  has  distressed  us  much.  But,  notwithstand- 
ing things  at  present  have  a  dark  and  gloomy  aspect,  I  hope  a  spirited  opposition 
will  check  the  progress  of  Qeneral  Burgoyne's  army,  and  that  the  confidence  de- 
rifed  from  his  success,  will  hurry  him  into  measures  that  will,  in  their  consequences, 
be  favorable  to  us.  We  should  never  despair.  Our  situation  has  before  been  un- 
promising, and  has  changed  for  the  better ;  so,  I  trust,  it  will  agaiii.  If  new  diffi- 
culties arise,  we  must  only  put  forth  new  exertions,  and  proportion  our  efforts  to  the 
exigency  of  the  times."— LcNer  0/  Washington  to  Gtntral  Schuyler,  July  15, 1777. 


1  I 


*■  'Alt  1 1  ■ 
0   ' 


*•      , 


i 


204 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


if.  ■■!    '    i*--''-V 


Vtj  'S 


fJI 


^?;if 


[1777. 


ral  Schuyler  in  the  commftnd  of  the  Nortliern  Department, 
assailed  General  Burgoyne  in  the  newspapers  with  great  viru- 
lence upon  the  subject  of  these  outrages.  After  charging  the 
British  commander  with  encouraging  the  murder  of  prisoners, 
and  the  massacre  of  women  and  children,  by  paying  the  hi- 
dians  a  stipulated  price  for  scalps,  Gates,  in  a  letter  addressed 
to  General  Burgoyne,  thus  spoke  of  the  case  now  specially  un. 
der  consideration  : — "  Miss  M'Crca,  a  young  lady,  lovely  to  the 
"sight,  of  virtuous  character  and  amiable  disposition,  engaged 
"  to  an  oflicer  of  your  army,  was,  with  other  women  and  chii- 
"  dren,  taken  out  of  a  house  near  Port  Edward,  carried  into  the 
"  woods,  and  there  scalped  and  mangled  in  the  most  horrid 
"  manner.  Two  parents,  with  their  six  children,  were  treated 
"  with  the  same  inhumanity,  while  quietly  resting  in  their  own 
"  happy  and  peaceful  dwelling.  The  miserable  fate  of  Miss 
"  M'Crea  was  particularly  aggravated,  by  being  dressed  to  re- 
"  ceive  her  promised  husband ;  but  met  her  murderer,  employed 
"  by  you.  Upward  of  one  hundred  men,  women,  and  children, 
"  have  perished  by  the  hands  of  the  ruffians  to  whom,  it  is  as- 
"  serted,  you  have  paid  the  price  of  blood." 

General  Burgoyne  replied,  and  repelled  with  indignation  the 
charge  of  encouraging,  in  any  respect,  the  outrages  of  the  In 
dians.  He  asserted  that  from  the  first  he  had  refused  to  pay 
for  scalps,  and  had  so  informed  the  Indians  at  their  council. 
The  only  rewards  he  gave  them  were  for  prisoners  brought  in, 
and  by  the  adoption  of  this  course  he  hoped  to  encourage  a 
more  humane  mode  of  warfare  on  their  part.  In  this  letter 
Burgoyne  said  : — "  I  would  not  be  conscious  of  the  acts  you 
•'  presume  to  impute  to  me,  for  the  whole  continent  of  America, 
"  though  the  wealth  of  worlds  was  in  its  bowels  and  a  paradise 
"  upon  its  surface."*  In  regard  to  the  hapless  fate  of  Miss 
M'Crea,  General  Burgoyne  remarked  : — "  Her  fall  wanted  not 
"  the  tragic  display  you  have  labored  to  give  it,  to  make  it  as 
"  sincerely  abhorred  and  lamented  by  me  as  it  can  be  by  the 

*  While  these  pages  are  passing  through  the  press,  the  author  has  fallen  upon  a 
letter  written  from  Montreol,  and  published  in  the  Remembrancer  for  1777,  in  which 
it  was  sta  ed  thut  a  party  of  the  Indians  had  returned  to  Montreal  in  a  high  state  of 
dissatisfaction,  because  of  the  severity  of  Burgoyne's  discipline  toward  them,  and 
his  refusal  to  tolerate  their  mode  of  warfare,  or  pay  them  their  accustomed  boiintr 
for  scalps.  It  was  further  stated  that  they  waited  upon  Sir  Guy  Carleton  with  their 
complaints — liking  their  old  *'  Father  "  much  better  than  their  new. 


1777.]  8T0RY  OP  MISS  m'crea.  206 

"tendcrest  of  her  friends.  The  act  was  no  p.  v: meditated  bar- 
'^barity.  On  the  contrary,  two  chiefs,  who  had  brought  her  off 
i<  for  the  purpose  of  security,  not  of  violence  to  her  person, 
"disputed  which  should  be  her  guord,  and  in  a  fit  of  savage 
"passion  in  one,  from  whose  hands  she  was  snatched,  the  un- 
"  happy  woman  became  the  victim.  Upon  the  first  intelligence 
"  of  this  event,  I  obliged  the  Indians  to  deliver  the  murderer 
« into  my  hands ;  and  though  to  have  punished  him  by  our 
"laws,  or  principles  of  justice,  would  have  been  jjcrhaps  un- 
"  precedented,  he  certainly  should  have  suffered  an  ignominious 
"death,  had  I  not  been  convinced,  from  my  circumstonces  and 
"observations,  beyond  the  possibility  of  a  doubt,  that  a  pardon 
"under  the  terms  which  I  presented  and  they  occepted,  would 
"be  more  efficacious  than  an  execution,  to  prevent  similar 
"  mischiefs.  The  above  insiance  excepted,  your  intelligence 
"respecting  the  cruelty  of  the  Indians,  is  false."* 

The  British  commander  doubtless  labored  to  make  the  best 
of  his  case,  and  in  respect  to  Miss  M'Crea,  his  statement  was 
much  nearer  to  the  truth  than  that  of  General  Gates.  The 
actual  circumstances  of  the  case,  stripped  of  its  ro'nance,  were 
these  : — Miss  M'Croa  belonged  to  a  family  of  loyalists,  and  had 
engaged  her  hand  in  marriage  to  a  young  refugee  named 
Jones,  a  subordinate  officer  in  the  British  service,  who  was  ad- 
vancing with  Burgoyne.  Anxious  to  possess  himself  of  liis 
bride,  he  despatched  a  small  party  of  Indians  to  bring  her  to 
the  British  camp.  Her  family  ana  friends  were  strongly  op- 
posed to  her  going  with  such  an  escort;  but  her  affection  over- 
came her  prudence,  and  she  determined  upon  the  hazardous 
adventure.  She  set  forward  with  her  dusky  attendants  on 
horseback.  The  family  resided  at  the  village  of  Fort  Edward, 
from  whence  they  had  not  proceeded  more  than  half  a  mile 
before  her  conductors  stopped  to  drink  at  a  spring.  Meantime 
the  impatient  lover,  who  deserved  not  her  embrace  for  confiding 
her  protection  to  such  hands,  instead  of  going  himself,  had  des- 
patched a  second  party  of  Indians  upon  the  same  errand.  The 
Indians  met  at  the  spring ;  and  before  the  march  was  resumed, 
they  were  attacked  by  a  party  of  the  Provincials.  At  the  close 
of  the  skirmish  the  body  of  Miss  M'Crea  was  found  among  the 
slain — tomahawked,  scalped,  and  tied  to  a  pine  tree,  yet  stand- 

•  Tide  Marriiali's  Life  of  Waehington,  VoL  I.  Appendix. 


I  ..      i 


w. 


U'  ' 


i^'   ■ 


1 :  i,!»'' 


:'i:^if?Lf' 


h-,;|  \i:im 


4     ^^4  m   k^' 


m 


206 


LIPE   OF   DRANT. 


[1777. 


( 


tv' 


m 


f> 


r  I 


*       ;  .1 


ii  J 


'!' 


ing  by  the  side  of  the  spring,  as  a  monument  of  the  bloody  trnns- 
action.  The  name  of  tlie  young  Indy  is  inscribed  on  t!ie  tree, 
the  trunk  of  which  is  thickly  scarred  with  the  bullet's  it  received 
in  the  skirmish.  It  also  bears  the  date  1777.  "  Tradition  re 
"  ports  that  tlie  Indians  divided  the  scalp,  and  that  ea:h  party 
"  carried  half  of  it  to  the  agonized  lover."*  The  ascertaimd 
cause  of  her  murder  was  this.  The  promised  reward  fur  bring. 
ing  her  in  safety  to  iier  betrothed,  was  a  barrel  of  rum,  The 
chiefs  of  the  two  parties  sent  for  her  by  Mr.  Jones,  quarrelled 
respec'-'g  the  anticipated  compensation.  Each  claimed  it' 
and,  in  a  moment  of  passion,  to  end  the  controversy,  one  of  thein 
struck  her  down  with  his  hatchet. 

The  tale  was  sufficiently  painful  according  to  the  simple 
facts  of  the  case,  and  its  recital  produced  a  thrill  of  horror 
wherever  it  came — enlarged  and  embellished,  as  it  was  pure  to 
be  in  its  progress,  by  every  writer  who  could  add  to  the  elo- 
quence of  the  narrative  or  the  pathos  of  its  catastrophe. 

As  the  invader  advanced,  the  inhabitants  fled  in  the  wildest 
consternation.     The  horrors  of  war,  however  mitigated  by  the 
laws  and  usages  of  civilization,  are  at  all  times  sufTicicntiy 
terrific  ;   but  when  to  these  the  fierce  cruelties  of  a  cloud  of 
savages  are  superadded,  tliose  only  who  have  been  familiar  with 
an  American  border  warfare  can  form  an  adequate  opinion 
of  its  atrocities.      Among   the  fugitives  driven   from  their 
peaceful  abodes  on  the  present  occasion,  was  Mrs.  Ann  Eliza 
Bleecker,  a  lady  who  has  been  somewhat  celebrated  as  one 
of  the  early  poets  of  our  country.    She  was  the  daughter  of 
Mr.  Brandt  Schuyler  of  the  city  of  New- York,  and  the  wife  [ 
of  John  J.  Bleecker,  Esq.,  of  New  Rochelle,  whose  enterprise, 
together  with  his  lady's  love  for  the  wild  scenery  of  the  forest, 
had  induced  him  to  exchange  a  residence  among  the  biisyj 
haunts  of  men  for  a  solitary  plantation  in  the  vale  of  the  Tom- 
hanic — a  mountain  stream  flowing  into  the  Hoosic  river,  about] 
twenty  miles  from  Albany.    Mr.  Bleecker's  residence  lay  di- 
rectly in  the  march  of  Burgoyne,  on  whose  approach  he  I 
hastened  to  Albany  to  provide  accommodations  for  his  family. 
But  a  few  hours  after  his  departure,  Mrs.  Bleecker,  as  she  sat  at  I 


•  Silliman'B  Tour  from  Hartford  toCluebec.    Vide,  alio,  Manhall,  Gordon,  mi\ 
otben. 


^■''  :i  HI 


[1777. 

)loody  trnns- 
on  the  tree, 
fs  it  received 
rrudition  re 
\t  en'ih  party 
e  ascertuiiniil 
arc!  {or  l)ring- 
f  rum,    The 
es,  quarrelled 
I  claimed  it ; 
yr,  one  of  tliem 

to  the  simple 
I  rill  of  horror 
it  was  pure  to 
idd  to  the  do- 
strophe. 
[  in  the  wildest 
iligated  by  the 
ip.s  sulRciently 
s  of  a  cloud  of 
in  familiar  with 
equate  opinion 
en   from  their 
Mrs.  Ann  Eliza  I 
ebraled  as  one 
the  daughter  of  I 
k,  and  the  wife 
hose  enterprise,  | 
ry  of  the  forest, 
mong  the  busy| 
ale  of  the  Tom- 
osic  river,  about  I 
esidence  lay  di- 
sc approach  he  I 
s  for  his  family,  f 
;ker,as8hesatat| 

tfarihall,  Gordon,  mil 


1777.] 


MRS.   BLEECKER — MRS.   SCHUYLER. 


207 


table,  received  intelligence  that  the  enemy,  with  tomahawk  and 
brand,  was  within  two  miles  of  her  residence.  Instant  flight 
was  the  only  alternative.  Taking  one  of  her  children  in  her 
arms,  and  seizing  the  other  by  the  hand,  she  started  off  on  foot, 
attended  only  by  a  young  mulatto  girl,  and  leaving  her  house 
and  all  its  contents  a  prey  to  the  Indians.  The  roads  wore  en- 
cumbered by  carriages,  loaded  with  women  and  children,  each 
intent  upon  his  or  her  own  safety  ;  so  that  no  assistance  could  be 
obtained,  and  her  only  recourse  was  to  mingle  in  the  fugitive 
throng,  and  participate  in  the  common  panic  and  common  dis- 
tress. Having  travelled  about  five  miles  on  foot,  however,  she 
succeeded  in  obtaining  a  seat  for  the  children  in  a  waggon, 
which  served  to  facilitate  her  march.  On  the  following 
morning  she  was  met  by  her  husband,  who  conducted  her  to 
Albany,  and  from  tlionce  down  the  Hudson  as  far  as  Red  Hook, 
one  of  her  childn  a  dying  by  the  way.* 

Amid  this  scene  of  deso'ation  and  affright,  there  was  yet 
one  woman  whose  proud  spirit  was  undaunted.  It  was  the 
ladjr  of  General  Schuyler.  The  General's  country-seat  was 
upon  his  estate  in  Saratoga,  standing  upon  the  margin  of  the 
river.  On  the  approach  of  Burgoyne,  Mrs.  Schuyler  went  up 
to  Saratoga,  in  order  to  remove  their  furniture.  Her  carriage 
was  attended  by  only  a  single  armed  man  on  horseback.  When 
within  two  miles  of  her  house,  she  encountered  a  crowd  of 
panic-stricken  people,  who  lecited  to  her  the  tragic  fate  of  Miss 
M'Crea,  and  representing  to  her  the  danger  of  proceeding 
farther  in  ^he  face  of  the  enemy,  urged  her  to  return.  She  had 
yet  to  pass  through  a  dense  forest,  within  which  even  then 
some  of  the  savage  troops  might  be  lurking  for  prey.  But  to 
these  prudential  councils  she  would  not  listen.  "  The  Gene- 
ral's wife,"  she  exclaimed,  "  must  not  be  afraid !"  And  pushing 
Ibrward,  she  accomplished  her  purpose.t 

Before  the  mansion  was  evacuated,  however,  the  General 


*  The  facta  of  this  incident  in  the  life  of  Mrs.  Bleecker  are  taken  from  Kettell's 
biographical  sketches  of  American  poets.  The  memoirs  of  Mrs.  K  togctlicr  with 
her  poems,  were  published  many  years  ago,  but  I  have  sought  in  Tain  among  the  li- 
braries and  the  Bleeckers  to  obtain  a  copy. — Author. 

1 1  have  derived  this  incident,  and  also  that  respecting  the  Oeneral,  which  fol- 
lows in  the  text,  from  Mrs.  James  Cochran  of  Oswego,  who  was  the  youngest 
daughter  of  General  Schuyler.— v9u(W. 


ul 


r 


I 


■  '^'-m 


f   .:    ■    -;:'f 


208 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1777. 


himself  had  a  narrow  escape  from  assassination  by  the  hand  of 
a  savage,  who  had  insinuated  himself  into  the  house  for  that 
purpose.  It  was  at  the  hour  of  bed-time,  in  the  evening,  and 
while  the  General  was  preparing  to  retire  for  the  night,  that  a 
female  servant,  in  coming  in  from  the  hall,  saw  a  gleam  of  light 
reflected  from  the  blade  of  a  knife,  in  the  hand  of  some  person 
whose  dark  outline  she  discerned  behind  the  door.  The  ser- 
vant was  a  black  slave,  who  hai  sufiicioijt  presence  of  mind 
not  to  appear  to  have  made  th.  discovery.  Passing  directly 
through  the  door  into  the  apartment  where  the  General  was 
yet  standing  near  the  fire-place,  with  an  air  of  unconcern  she 
pretended  to  arrange  such  articl  as  as  were  disposed  upon  the 
mantelpiece,  while  in  an-undertono  she  informed  her  master  of 
hor  discovery,  and  said,  aloud,  "  I  will  call  the  guard."  The 
General  instantly  seized  his  arms,  while  the  faithful  servant  hur- 
ried out  by  another  door  into  a  long  hall,  upon  the  floor  of  which 
lay  a  loose  board  which  creaked  beneath  the  tread.  By  the  noise 
she  made  in  trampling  rapidly  upon  the  board,  the  Indian-  for 
such  he  proved — was  led  to  suppose  that  the  Philistines  were 
r>pon  him  in  numbers,  sprang  from  his  concealment  and  fled. 
He  was  pursued,  however,  by  the  guard  and  a  few  friendly  In- 
dians attached  to  the  person  of  General  Schuyler,  overtaken,  and 
made  prisoner.  Exasperated  at  his  treachery,  the  friendly  In- 
dians were  resolved  to  put  hirn  to  deatli,  and  it  was  with  much 
difliculty  tha*;  they  were  diverted  from  their  purpose  by  the  Ge- 
neral. 

The  eflfect  of  the  incidents  we  have  been  detailing,  and  other 
recitals  of  savage  cruelties,  not  all,  as  General  Burgoyne  re- 
presented, without  foundation,  was  extensive  and  powerful.  The 
cry  of  vengeance  was  universal ;  and  a  spirit  was  aroused 
which  proved  of  speedy  and  great  advantage  to  the  American 
arms. 


[1777. 

the  hand  of 
use  for  that 
veiling,  and 
light,  that  a 
earn  of  light 
some  person 
.    The  ser- 
ince  of  mind 
sing  directly 
General  was 
iconcern  she 
ed  upon  the 
her  master  of 
uard."    The 
,  servant  hur- 
loor  of  which 
By  the  noise 
B  Indian-  for 
lilistines  were 
^ent  and  fled. 
,v  friendly  In- 
ivertaker,and 
3  friendly  In- 
as  with  m\ich 
)se  hy  the  Ge- 

ing,  and  other 

Burgoyne  re- 

(owerful.  The 

was  aroused 

the  American 


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♦  Colonel  Daniel! 
I  «J  Guy  Johnson  vd 


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roga  wou 


♦  Colonel  Daniel  Claus,  a  brothewn-law  of  Sir  John  Johnson,  M  either  superied- 
ed  Guy  Johnran  as  Indian  Superintendent  in  Canada,  or  been  appointed  a  Deputy. 


'!\ 


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A.W'/-  />•"'.'• 


CHAPTER  X. 


Expedition  a^nst  the  Mohawk  Valley  from  Oswego — ^Despondeiugr  of  the  people 
in  Tryon  County — ^Letter  of  John  Jay — Arrest  of  several  of  the  disaflected — 
Flight  of  others  to  Canada — Schuyler's  complaints  of  the  cowardice  of  the  people- 
—Great  discouragements — ^Proclamation  of  General  Herkimer — ^Letter  from' 
Thomas  Spencer-^t.  Leger's  approach — Caution  and  plan  of  his  march — Diary 
of  Lieut.  Bird — Fort  Stanwix  invested — Colonel  Ganscvoort  takes  command — Its 
deplorable  condition — Gansevoort  joined  by  Willett— Story  of  Captain  Gregg- 
Situation  of  th  }  garrison — Arrival  of  St.  Leger — His  proclamation — ^Burgoyne's 
•flairs  tmiitg  critical—  Afiair  of  Bennington — General  Herkimer,  with  the 
Tiyon  County  militia,  advances  to  the  relief  of  Gansevoort — Battle  of  Oriskany — 
Bloody  upon  both  sides — Unexampled  bravery  of  Captain  Gardenier— Major 
Watts — Dissatisfaction  of  the  Indians— Sortie  and  success  of  Colonel  Willett— 
Death  and  character  of  General  Heikimer. 

Contemporaneously  with  the  descent  of  Burgoyne  upon 
Northern  New-York,  Colonel  Barry  St.  Leger  had  been  des- 
patched from  Montreal,  by  the  way  of  the  St.  Lawrence  and 
Lake  Ontario,  to  Oswego,  there  to  form  a  junction  with  the  In- 
dians and  loyalists  under  Sir  John  Johnson  and  Captain  Brant. 
From  Oswego,  St.  Leger  was  to  penetro  te  by  the  way  of  Oneida 
Lake  and  Wood  Creek  to  the  Mohawk  river,  with  a  view  of 
forming  a  junction  from  that  direction  with  Burgoyne,  on  his 
arrival  in  Albany.  Tl  ;e  alarm  everywhere  felt  on  the  approach 
of  Burgoyne  from  the  North,  was  greatly  increased  in  Tryon 
County,  on  receiving  int  3lligence  of  the  contemplated  invasion 
by  the  Indians  and  loyalists  from  the  West.  The  news  of  this 
movement  was  first  brought  to  the  inhabitants  by  an  Oneida 
half-breed  sachem  named  Thomas  Spencer,  who  came  there- 
with direct  from  Canada,  whither  he  had  gone  as  a  secret 
emissary  to  obtain  information.  Spencer  stated  that  he  had 
been  present  at  a  council  held  at  the  Indian  castle  of  Cassassen*- 
ny,  at  which  Colonel  Claus  presided.*  According  to  Thomas's 
relation,  Colonel  Claus  strongly  urged  the  Indians  to  join  in 
the  expedition  into  the  Mohawk  Valley  by  the  Western  ap- 
proach ;  boasting  of  the  strength  of  the  army  under  Burgoyne, 
which  had  gone  against  Ticonderoga,  and  the  number  of  In- 
dians with  them,  and  before  whom  he  assured  them  Ticonde- 
roga would  fall.    "  Yes,"  said  Colonel  Claus,  "  Ticonderoga  is 

*  Colonel  Daniel  Glaus,  a  brother-in-law  of  Sir  John  Johnson,  had  either  supersed- 
ed Quy  Johnson  as  Indian  Superintendent  in  Canada,  or  been  appointed  a  Deputy. 

16 


Ml 


b ' 


210 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1777. 


I'l 


f 


'm 


m 


"  mine.  This  is  true  :  you  may  depend  on  it,  and  not  one  gun 
"shall  be  fired."  Singularly  enough,  though  improbable  at 
the  time,  the  prediction,  as  we  have  seen,  was  literally  fulfilled. 
"  The  same,"  added  the  superintendent, "  is  true  of  Fort  Schuy- 
"  ler.  I  am  sure  that  when  I  come  before  that  fort,  and  the 
"  commanding  ofiicer  shall  see  me,  he  also  will  not  fire  a  shot, 
"  but  will  surrender  the  fort  to  me."  The  Oneida  sachem 
farther  inforniod  the  people  that  Sir  John  Johnson  and  Colonel 
Glaus  were  then  at  Oswego  with  their  families,  with  seven 
hundred  Indians  and  four  hundred  regular  troops.  There 
were  also  six  hundred  Tories  on  one  of  the  islands  above  Os- 
wegatchie  preparing  to  join  them ;  and  Colonel  Butler  was  to 
arrive  at  Oswego  on  the  14th  of  July  from  Niagara,  to  hold  a 
council  with  the  Six  Nations,  to  all  of  whom  he  would  offer 
the  hatchet  to  join  them,  and  strike  the  Americans.*  Thomas 
thereupon  concluded  his  communication  in  the  following 
speech : — 

"  Brothers  :  Now  is  your  time  to  awake,  and  not  to  sleep 
longer  ;  or,  on  the  contrary,  it  shall  go  with  Fort  Schuyler  as 
it  went  already  with  Ticonderoga. 

"  Brothers  :  I  therefore  desire  you  to  be  spirited,  and  to 
encourage  one  another  to  march  on  to  the  assistance  of  Fort 
Schuyler.  Come  up,  and  show  yourselves  as  men,  to  defend 
and  save  your  countrj^  before  it  is  too  late.  Despatch  your- 
selves to  clear  the  brush  about  the  fort,  and  send  a  party  to  cut 
-trees  in  the  Wood  Creek  to  stop  up  the  same. 

"  Brothers  :  If  you  don't  come  soon,  without  delay,  to  as- 
'Sist  this  place,  we  cannot  stay  much  longer  on  your  side ;  for 
if  you  leave  this  fort  without  succor,  and  the  enemy  shall  get 
possession  thereof,  we  shall  suffer  like  you  in  your  settlements, 
and  shall  be  destroyed  with  you.  We  are  suspicious  that  your 
enemies  have  engaged  the  Indians,  and  endeavor  daily  yet  to 
strike  and  fight  against  you ;  and  General  Schuyler  refuses  al- 
ways that  we  shall  take  up  arms  in  the  country's  behalf 

"  Brothers  :  I  can  assure  you,  that  as  soon  as  Butler's 
speech  at  Oswego  shall  be  over,  they  intend  to  march  down  the 
country  immediately  to  Albany.    You  may  jtidge  yourselves 


*  Referring,  doubtless,  to  the  Grand  Council,  Of  which  an  account  is  given  ''<  | 
chapter  YIII. 


account  i«  gWen  '"i 


1777.]  FALTERING    IN   TRYON   COUNTY.  211 

that  if  you  don't  try  to  resist,  we  shall  be  obliged  to  join  them 
or  fly  from  our  Castles,  as  we  cannot  hinder  them  alone.  We, 
the  good  friends  of  the  country,  are  of  opinion,  that  if  more 
force  appears  at  Fort  Schuyler,  the  enemy  will  not  move  from 
Oswego  to  invade  these  frontiers.  You  may  depend  on  it  we 
are  willing  to  help  you  if  you  will  do  some  efforts  too." 

The  counsel  of  the  faithful  Oneida  was  neither  early  enough, 
nor  was  it  seconded  with  sufficient  promptitude  on  the  part  of 
the  inhabitants.  Indeed,  it  must  be  confessed,  that,  as  the  storm 
of  war  rolled  onward,  gathering  at  once  from  different  direc- 
tions, and  threatening  daily  to  break  upon  them  with  increas- 
ing fury,  many  of  the  yeomen  who  had  hitherto  borne  them- 
selves nobly,  began  to  falter.  A  spirit  of  disaffection  had  also 
been  more  widely  diffused  among  the  settlements  than  could 
have  been  supposed  from  the  previous  patriotic  conduct  of  the 
people,  while  treason  lurked  in  many  places  where  least  sus- 
pected. Upon  this  subject,  and  with  special  reference  to  the 
popular  feeUng  and  conduct  in  Tryon  County,  John  Jay,  then 
sitting  in  the  State  Convention  at  Kingston,  addressed  the  fol- 
lowing letter  to  Gouverneur  Morris,  a  member  of  the  Council 
of  Safety,  who  was  at  that  time  with  General  Schuyler  in  the 
North : — 

John  Jay  to  Gouverneur  Morris. 

«  Kingston,  July  2Ut,  1777. 
"  Dear  Morris, 

"  The  situation  of  Tryon  County  is  both  shameful  and 
alarming.  Such  abject  dejection  and  despondency,  as  mark 
the  letters  we  have  received  from  thence,  disgrace  human  na- 
ture. God  knows  what  to  do  with,  or  for  them.  Were  they 
alone  interested  in  their  fate,  I  should  be  for  leaving  their  cart 
in  the  slough  till  they  would  put  their  shoulders  to  the  wheel. 

"  Schuyler  has  his  enemies  here,  and  they  use  these  things 
to  his  disadvantage.  Suspicions  of  his  having  been  privy  to 
the  evacuation  of  Ticonderoga  spread  wide  ;  and  twenty  little 
circumstances,  which  perhaps  are  false,  are  trumped  up  to  give 
color  to  the  conjecture.*    We  could  wish  that  your  letters  might 

*  Reference  hu  already  been  made,  in  the  text,  to  the  injustice  done  toward  Gene- 
ril  Schuyler  during  this  memorable  year.  There  was  probably  no  officer  in  the 
wvice,  the  Commander-in-chief  alone  excepted,  who  was  considered  by  the  enemy 


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LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1777. 


contain  paragraphs  for  the  public.  We  are  slier  t  because  we 
have  nothing  to  say ;  and  the  people  suspect  the  worst  because 
we  say  nothing.  Their  curiosity  must  be  constantly  gratified, 
or  they  will  be  uneasy.  Indeed,  I  do  not  wonder  at  their  im- 
patience, the  late  Northern  events  having  been  such  as  to  have 
occasioned  alarm  and  suspicion.  I  have  not  leisure  to  add 
any  thing  more,  than  that  I  am,  very  sincerely,  yours,  &,c. 

"John  Jay." 


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As  early  as  the  lOth  of  April,  Colonel  Robert  Van  Rensselaer 
wrote  to  a  friend,  that  the  Chairman  of  the  County  Committee 
had  applied  to  him  for  the  assistance  of  his  militia,  to  quell  an 
insurrection  of  the  loyalists  in  Ballston ;  but  such  was  the  con- 
dition of  his  own  regiment,  that  he  was  obliged  to  decline  the 
request.  The  spirit  of  disaffection  had  become  so  prevalent 
among  his  men,  that  numbers  of  them  had  taken  the  oath  of 
secrecy  and  allegiance  to  Great  Britain.  However,  he  added 
that  seventeen  of  the  villains  had  been  arrested  by  the  vigilance 
of  the  officers,  and  were  then  in  confinement ;  and  a  hope  was 
indulged  of  being  able  to  detect  the  whole.*  Early  in  the  fol- 
lowing month  the  residue  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Scotch  set- 
tlers in  the  neighborhood  of  Johnstown  ran  oflf  to  Canada,  to- 
gether with  some  of  the  loyalist  Germans — all  headed  by  two 
men  named  McDonald,  who  had  been  permitted  by  General 
Schuyler  to  visit  their  families.     The  fact  that  the  wives  and 

so  great  an  obstacle  to  the  success  of  their  arms.  A  narrow  sectional  prejudice  ex- 
isted against  him  in  New  England.  The  failure  of  the  Canadian  campaign  had 
been  most  wrongfully  attributed  toliim  in  1776,  and  with  equal  injustice  the  fall 
of  Trconderoga  was  now  charged  to  his  remissness  by  his  own  countrymen.  Tiie 
enemy  were  not  slow  to  avail  themselves  of  these  prejudices  and  groundless  impu- 
tations, and  through  the  agency  of  the  Tories,  the  most  artful  and  insidious  means 
were  employed  to  destroy  the  public  confidence  in  his  integrity  and  capacity.  The 
flame  of  suspicion  was  fanned  by  them  until  it  became  general,  and  was  openly 
avowed.  Committees,  towns,  and  districts,  Msembled,  and  passed  resolves  express- 
ing their  distrust  in  him,  and  both  Congress  and  the  Provincial  Legislature  of  New- 
York  were  addressed  upon  the  subject.  General  Schuyler,  than  whom  there  was 
not  a  trter  patriot,  nor  a  more  earnest  or  active  in  the  public  seivice,  was  well 
aware  of  these  movements.  To  a  Cor.imitteo  of  the  Provincial  Congress,  who  had 
formally  communicated  the  charges  tc  him,  he  returned  an  answer  worthy  of  a  brave 
and  magnanimous  soldier.  The  character  of  this  answer  will  be  understood  from 
this  single  sentence : — "We  must  bear  with  the  caprice,  jealousy,  and  envy  of  our 
misguided  friends,  and  pity  them." 
*  MS,  documents  in  the  Department  of  State,  Albany. 


1777.] 


FALTERING    IN   TRYON   COUNTY. 


213 


families  of  the  absconding  loyalists  were  holding  communica- 
tion with  them,  and  administering  to  their  subsistence  on  the  out- 
skirts of  the  settlements,  had  suggested  their  arrest,  and  removal 
to  a  place  of  safety,  to  the  number  of  four  hundred— a  measure 
that  was  approved  by  General  Herkimer  and  his  officers.* 
Alarming  reports  of  various  descriptions  were  continually  in 
circulation,  and  the  inhabitants  were  harassed  beyond  mea- 
sure by  the  necessity  of  performing  frequent  tours  of  military 
duty— acting  as  scouts  and  reconnoitring  parties ;  and  stand- 
ing, some  of  them,  as  sentinels  around  their  fields,  while  others 
did  the  labor.  No  neighborhood  felt  secure,  and  all  were  ap- 
prehensive that  the  whole  country  would  be  ravaged  by  the 
Indians ;  while  parlies  of  the  disaffected  were  continually'steal- 
ing  away  to  augment  the  ranks  of  the  enemy.  Thus  circum- 
stanced, and  at  the  very  moment  when  they  were  called  upon  to 
reinforce  Fort  Schuyler,  the  Committees  both  of  Palatine  and 
Schoharie,  feeling  that  they  were  not  strong  enough  even  for 
self-defence,  were  calling  upon  the  Council  of  Safety  at  Albany 
to  send  additional  forces  for  their  protection.  Mr.  Paris  wrote 
repeatedly  upon  the  subject.  The  Schoharie  Committee,  on  the 
17th  of  July,  wrote  very  frankly,  that  "  the  late  advantages 
"  gained  by  the  enemy  had  such  an  effect,  that  many  who  had 
"been  counted  as  friends  of  tlie  State  were  drawing  back. 
"Our  situation,"  he  added,  "is  deplorable— excepting  those 
"  who  have  sought  protection  from  the  enemy.  We  are  en- 
"  tirely  open  to  the  Indians  and  Tories,  whom  we  expect  every 
"  hour  to  come  upon  us.  Part  of  our  militia  are  at  Fort  Ed- 
"  ward  ;  and  of  the  few  that  are  here,  many  are  unwilling  to 
"take  up  arms  to  defend  themselves,  as  they  are  unable  to 
"stand  against  so  many  enemies.  Therefore  if  your  honors 
"do  not  grant  us  immediate  relief  to  the  amount  of  about  five 
"hundred  men,  we  must  either  fall  a  prey  to  the  enemy,  or  take 
"protection  also."t  On  the  18th  of  July,  General  Schuyler 
wrote  to  the  Hon.  Pierre  Van  Courtlandt,  from  Saratoga,  and 
again  on  the  21st  from  Fort  Edward,  to  the  same  effect.  "  I  am. 
"exceedingly  chagrined,"  he  says,  "at  the  pusillanimous  spirit 
"  which  prevails  in  the  County  )f  Tryon.  I  apprehend  much 
"  of  it  is  to  be  attributed  to  the  infidelity  of  the  leading  persons 

*  MS.  documents  ia  the  Department  of  State,  Albany — Letter  of  Isaac  Paris, 
t  MS.  correspondence  of  the  Provincial  Congress — Secretary's  office,  Albany. 


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LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1777. 


"  of  that  quarter."  "  If  I  had  one  thousand  regular  troops,  in  ad- 
"  dition  to  those  now  above  and  on  the  march,  I  should  ven- 
"  ture  to  keep  only  every  third  man  of  the  militia,  and  would 
"  send  them  down."  "  The  substance  of  Colonel  Harper's  in- 
"  formation  had  been  transmitted  about  a  month  ago.  In  con- 
"  sequence  whereof,  I  sent  Colonel  Van  Schaick  into  Tryon 
"  County  with  as  many  troops  as  I  could  collect.  After  the 
"  improper  agreement  made  by  General  Herkimer,*  these  troops 
"  were  marched  back  ;  but  as  soon  as  I  was  informed  of  the 
"  march,  I  ordered  them  to  remain  in  Tryon  County,  where 
«'  they  are  still,  and  I  Iiave  sent  up  Colonel  Wesson's  regiment 
"  to  reinforce  them.  But  if  I  may  be  allowed  to  judge  of  the 
"  temper  of  General  Herkimer  and  the  Committee  of  Tryon 
"  County,  from  their  letters  to  me,  nothing  will  satisfy  them  un- 
"  less  I  march  the  whole  army  into  that  quarter.  With  defer- 
"  ence  to  the  better  judgment  of  the  Council  of  Safety,  I  cannot 
"  by  any  means  think  it  prudent  to  bring  on  an  open  rupture 
"  with  the  savages  at  the  present  time.  The  inhabitants  of 
"  Tryon  County  are  already  too  much  inclined  to  lay  down  their 
"  arms,  and  take  whatever  terms  the  enemy  may  please  to  af- 
"  ford  them.  Half  the  militia  from  this  (Tryon)  County, 
"  and  the  neighboring  State  of  Massachusetts,  we  have  been 
"  under  the  necesity  of  dismissing ;  but  the  whole  should  go." 
"  I  enclose  you  the  proceedings  of  a  council  of  General  officers, 
"  held  at  this  place  on  the  20th  instant.  You  will  perceive 
"  that  we  have  been  driven  to  the  necessity  of  allowing  some 
"  of  the  militia  to  return  to  their  plantations.  The  remainder 
"  have  promised  to  remain  three  weeks  longer — that  is  to  say, 
"  unless  they  choose  to  return  sooner,  which  will  doubtless  be 
"  the  case,  and  for  which  they  have  many  reasons."  t 

The  complaints  of  General  Schuyler  were  not  without  just 
foundation,  as  the  reader  has  already  seen.  Indeed,  both  regu- 
lars and  militia  in  Tryon  County,  seemed  for  the  moment  to 
have  lost  all  the  high  qualities  of  soldiers  or  citizens.  Of  two 
hundred  militiamen  ordered  to  muster  and  join  the  garrison  of 
Fort  Schuyler,  r.ily  a  part  obeyed ;  while  two  companies  of 
regular  troops,  receiving  the  like  orders,  entered  upon  the  ser- 
vice with  great  reluctance,  and  not  without  urging  various  ex- 

*  Probably  referring  to  the  interview  between  Herkimer  and  Brant  at  Unadilla. 
t  MS.  Cor.  Council  of  Safety— Secretary's  office,  Albany. 


1777.]  Herkimer's  proclamation.  215 

cuses — complaining  that  service  in  scouting  parties  had  unfitted 
them  for  garrison  duty.*  Under  circumstances  of  such  dis- 
couragement, it  was  a  time  of  peculiar  trial  to  the  officers  and 
Committees  of  Safety.  Tryon  County  had  early  espoused  the 
cause  of  freedom,  and  apparently  with  greater  unanimity  than 
any  other  county  in  the  State  ;  and  the  extensive  defection,  or 
criminal  apathy,  which  we  have  just  been  contemplating,  was 
altogether  unexpected.  But  a  crisis  was  approaching,  which 
necessity  soon  obliged  them  to  meet.  Accordingly,  on  the  17th 
of  July,  General  Herkimer  issued  a  patriotic  proclamation  to 
the  inhabitants  of  the  county,  announcing  the  gathering  of 
the  enemy  at  Oswego,  "  Christians  and  Savages,"  to  the  num- 
ber of  two  thousand  strong,  with  the  intention  of  invading  the 
frontier,  and  calling  upon  the  people  en  masse,  to  be  ready  at  a 
moment's  warning  to  repair  to  the  field,  with  arms  and  accou- 
trements, on  the  approach  of  the  enemy.  Those  in  health,  from 
16  to  60  years  of  age,  were  designated  for  actual  service ;  while 
those  above  60  years  of  age,  or  invalids,  were  directed  to  arm 
for  the  defence  of  the  women  and  children  at  whatever  place 
they  might  be  gathered  in  for  safety.  Concerning  the  disaffected, 
and  those  who  might  refuse  to  obey  the  orders,  it  was  directed 
in  the  proclamation  that  they  should  be  arrested,  their  f^ms  se- 
cured, and  themselves  placed  under  guard  to  join  the  main 
body.  All  the  members  of  the  Committee,  and  all  those  who, 
by  reason  of  having  formerly  held  commissions,  had  become  ex- 
empts from  service,  were  invited  to  repair  to  the  rendezvous, 
and  aid  in  repulsing  the  foe :  "  not  doubting  that  the  Almighty 
"  Power,  upon  our  humble  prayers,  and  sincere  trust  in  Him, 
"  will  then  graciously  succour  our  arms  in  battle  for  our  just 
"  cause,  and  victory  cannot  fail  on  our  side." 

The  Oneida  Indians,  who  were  sincerely  disposed  to  favor 
tl«  cause  of  the  United  States,  but  who,  pursuant  to  the  hu- 
mane policy  of  Congress  and  the  advice  of  General  Schuyler, 
had  determined  to  preserve  their  neutrality,  beheld  the  ap- 
proaching invasion  from  Oswego  with  no  small  degree  of  ap- 
prehension. The  course  they  had  marked  out  for  themselves, 
as  they  were  well  aware,  was  viewed  with  displeasure  by  their 
Mohawk  brethren,  while  the  other  members  of  their  confedera- 

*  Annals  of  Tiyon  County. 


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216 


LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


[1777. 


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cy  were  obviously  inclined  to  side  with  their  "  Uncle."*  Liy. 
ing,  moreover,  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  Fort  Schuy. 
ler,  where  St.  Loger's  first  blow  must  bo  struck,  they  were  not 
a  little  troubled  in  tiie  prospect  of  what  might  happen  to  them- 
selves. The  watchful  Thomas  Spencer,  therefore,  despatched 
the  following  letter  to  the  Committee  on  the  29th  of  July, 
which  was  received  ou  the  30th  : — 

"  At  a  meeting  of  the  chiefs,  they  tell  me  that  there  is  but 
four  days  remaining  of  the  time  set  for  the  king's  troops  to 
come  to  Fort  Schuyler,  and  they  think  it  likely  they  will  be 
here  sooner. 

"  The  chiefs  desire  the  commanding  officers  at  Fort  Schuy- 
ler  not  to  make  a  Ticonderoga  of  it ;  but  they  hope  you  will  be 
courageous. 

"  They  desire  General  Schuyler  may  have  this  with  sj!»68d, 
and  send  a  good  army  here ;  there  is  nothing  to  do  at  New- 
York  ;  we  think  there  is  men  to  be  spared — we  expect  the  road 
is  stopped  to  the  inhabitants  by  a  party  through  the  woods ; 
we  shall  be  surrounded  as  soon  as  they  come.  This  may  be 
our  last  advice,  as  these  soldiers  are  part  of  those  that  are  to 
hold  a  treaty.  Send  this  to  the  Committee — as  soon  as  they 
receive.it,  let  the  militia  rise  up  and  come  to  Fort  Schuyler. 

"  To-morrow  we  are  a-going  to  the  Three  Rivers  t  to  the 
treaty.  We  expect  to  meet  the  warriors,  and  when  we  come 
there  and  declare  we  are  for  peace,  we  expect  to  be  used  with 
indifference  and  sent  away. 

"  Let  all  the  troops  that  come  to  Fort  Schuyler  take  care  on 
their  march,  as  there  is  a  party  of  Indians  to  stop  the  road  be- 
low the  fort,  about  80  or  100.  We  hear  they  are  to  bring  their 
cannon  up  Fish  Creek.  We  hear  there  is  1000  going  to  meet 
the  enemy.  We  advise  not — the  army  is  too  large  for  so  few 
men  to  defend  the  Fort — we  send  a  belt  of  8  rows  to  confirm  the 
truth  of  what  we  say. 

"  It  looks  likely  to  me  the  troops  are  near — hope  all  friends 
to  liberty,  and  that  love  their  families,  will  not  be  backward, 
but  exert  themselves ;  as  one  resolute  blow  would  secure  the 

*  In  the  Six  Nations,  the  Mohawks — the  head  tribe — were  called  "Uncle."  The 
Oneidas  were  "  the  elder  brother,"  &c. 

t  The  junction  of  the  Oneida,  Seneca,  and  Oswego  river*— not  "  Three  Rivers' 
m  Canada. 


capo ;  were  ( 


1777.] 


THE    ENEMY   AT   OSWEQO. 


217 


friendsliip  of  the  Six  Nations,  nnd  almost  free  this  part  of  the 
country  froi.i  the  incnrsioiiis  of  the  enemy."* 

Tlio  certainty  that  the  invaders  were  thus  approaching,  the 
earnestness  of  the  appeals  of  the  Committee  to  the  patriotism  of 
the  people,  the  influence  of  the  proclamation  of  the  German 
General,  who  was  a  much  better  man  than  ofRcer,  save  only  in 
the  single  attribiite  of  courage ;  and,  above  all,  the  positive 
existence  of  a  com^  ton  danger  from  which  there  was  no  es- 
cape ;  were  circumstances,  together,  not  without  their  effect. 
And  although  the  eleventh  hour  had  arrived,  yet  the  militia, 
and  all  upon  whom  the  call  to  arms  had  been  made,  now  began 
to  move  with  a  degree  of  alacrity  and  an  exhibition  of  spirit 
that  went  far  to  atone  for  the  unpatriotic,  if  not  craven,  symp- 
toms already  noticed. 

Meantime,  having  completed  his  organization  at  Oswego, 
General  St.  I.^eger  commenced  his  march  upon  Fort  Schuyler, 
moving  by  the  route  already  indicated,  though  with  great  cir- 
cumspection. The  name  of  this  place  of  rendezvous  has  al- 
ready recurred  more  than  once,  or  twice,  in  the  preceding 
pages.  Its  position  was  important,  and  it  had  been  a  place  of 
renown  in  the  earlier  wars  of  the  Colony.  The  river  bearing 
the  same  name,  which  here  pours  Northwardly  into  Lake  On- 
tario, is  the  outlet  both  of  the  Oneida  and  Seneca  rivers,  through 
which,  and  their  tributary  streams,  it  is  connected  with  the 
chain  of  small  lakes  bearing  the  names  of  Oneida,  Cazenovia, 
Skaneateles,  Owasco,  Cayuga,  Seneca,  and  Canandaigua.  Its 
estuary,  of  course,  forms  the  natural  opening  into  the  rich 
district  of  country  surrounding  those  lakes,  which,  down 
to  the  period  of  the  present  history,  contained  the  principal 
towns  of  four  of  the  Five  Nations  of  Indians.  During  the 
wars  between  the  French  and  Five  Nations,  Oswego  was  re- 
peatedly occupied  by  the  armies  of  the  former.  It  was  here 
that  Count  Frontenac  landed,  on  his  invasion  of  the  Onondaga 
country  in  1692,  at  which  time,  or  subsequently,  a  considera- 
ble military  work  was  erected  on  the  western  side  of  the  river. 
During  the  war  with  France,  which  was  closed  in  America  by 
the  conquest  of  Canada,  it  was  in  the  occupancy  of  the  Provin- 

*  MS.  letter  among  the  papers  of  General  Ganscvoort  Thomas  Spencer  was  a 
blacksmith,  who  had  resided  among  the  Cayugas,  and  was  greatly  beloved  by  the 
laditLns,— Letter  from  Oeneral  Schuyler  to  Colonel  Dayton — Oansevoort  papers. 


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218 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1777. 


cials  and  English.  The  expedition  destined  to  descend  the 
St.  Lawrence  npon  Montreal,  was  assembled  at  this  point  in 
1759,  after  the  fall  of  Niagara,  under  General  Shirley  and  Sir 
William  Johnson.  The  army  was  encamped  here  several 
weeks,  and  finally  broke  up  without  attempting  its  main  object 
— owing,  as  Sir  William  Johnson  intimates  in  his  private 
diary,  to  a  want  of  energy  on  the  part  of  Shirley.  After  the 
fall  of  Quebec  and  Montreal  into  the  hands  of  the  English,  a 
battalion  of  the  55th  regiment  was  stationed  at  Oswego,  under 
Major  Duncan,  a  brother  of  the  naval  hero  of  Camperdown. 
A  new  and  far  more  formidable  work  was  constructed  upon  the 
Eastern  or  North-eastern  promontory,  formed  by  the  embouchure 
of  the  river  into  the  lake.  The  new  position  was  far  better 
chosen  for  a  fortress  than  the  old  ;  and,  ultimately,  before  the 
Britons  were  dispossessed  of  it  hy  :he  Americans,  it  became  a 
work  of  somewhat  formidable  strength  and  dimensions.  The 
situation  is  one  of  th(  nost  beautiful  that  can  be  imagined; 
and  during  the  two  or  three  years  in  which  Major  Duncan  was 
in  command,  by  the  cultivation  of  a  large  garden,  the  laying; 
out  and  improving  of  a  bowling-green  and  other  pleasure- 
grounds,  it  was  rendered  a  little  paradise  in  the  wilderness.* 

All  told,  the  army  of  St.  Leger  consisted  of  seventeen  hun- 
dred men — Indians  included.  These  latter  were  led  by  Thay- 
endanegea.  The  order  of  their  march,  as  beautifully  drawn 
and  colored,  was  subsequently  taken,  with  the  escritoire  of  the 
commanding  General,  and  will  be  found  on  the  subsequent 
page,  accurately  copied  and  engraved.  The  advance  of  the 
main  body,  it  will  be  seen,  was  formed  of  Indians,  marching  in 
five  Indiun  columns  ;  thit  is,  in  single  files,  at  large  distances 
from  eacli  other,  and  four  hundred  and  sixty  paces  in  front  of  the 
line.  From  these  columns  of  Indians,  files  were  stretched  at  a 
distance  often  paces  from  each  other,  forming  a  line  of  com- 
munication with  the  advanced  guard  of  the  line,  which  was 
one  hundred  paces  in  front  of  the  column.  The  right  and  left 
flanks  were  covered  by  Indians  at  one  hundred  paces,  forming 
likewise  lines  of  communication  with  the  main  body.  The 
King's  regiment  moved  from  the  left  by  Indian  file,  while  the 
34th  moved  in  the  same  order  from  the  right.    The  rear-guard 

•  See  Mrs.  Grant's  deliglitful  book — "  Memoirs  of  an  American  Lady,"  chap- 
ters xUv.  to  xlvii.  inclusive. 


can  Lady,"  chap- 


1777.] 


ST.  leoer's  order  of  march. 


219 


Ckmra. 


m 


m 


220  LIFE    OP   BRANT.  [1777. 

was  formed  of  regular  troops ;  while  the  advance  guard,  com 
posed  of  sixty  marksmen,  detached  from  Sir  John  Johnson's 
regiment  of  Royal  Greens,  was  led  by  Sir  John's  brotlier-in-law 
Captain  Watts.  Each  corps  was  likewise  directed  to  have  ten 
chosen  marksmen  in  different  parts  of  its  line,  in  case  of  at- 
tack, to  be  pushed  forward  to  any  given  point  as  circumstances 
might  require.* 

From  these  extraordinary  precautions,  it  may  well  be  inferred 
that  General  St.  Leger,  who  probably  acted  much  under  the 
advice  of  Sir  John  Johnson  and  the  refugee  Provincials,  who 
must  have  been  best  acquainted  with  the  country  and  the  cha- 
racter of  the  enemy  they  were  going  to  encounter,  was  not  a 
little  apprehensive  of  an  attack  by  surprise  while  on  his  march. 

In  addition  to  the  arrangements  already  indicated,  a  detach- 
ment from  the  8th  regiment,  with  a  few  Indians,  was  sent  a 
day  or  more  in  advance,  under  the  command  of  Lieuteha.it 
Bird.  This  officer  pushed  forward  with  spirit,  but  was  some- 
what annoyed  by  the  insubordination  and  independent  action 
of  his  allies.  The  following  extracts  from  his  private  diary  t 
will  not  only  disclose  his  own  embarrassments,  but  illustrate 
the  character  of  Indian  warriors  ncting  in  concert  with  regular 
troops : — 

"  Tuesday,  2Stk  July,  1777. — After  going  two  miles,  and  no 
savages  coming  up,  waited  two  hours  for  them.  Sixteen  Sene- 
cas  arriving,  proceeded  to  the  Three  Rivers  X — w&ited  there 
two  hours — seventy  or  eighty  Messesaugues  coming  up,  I  pro- 
posed moving  forward.  They  had  stolen  two  oxen  from  the 
drove  of  the  army,  and  would  not  advance,  but  stayed  to  feast. 
I  advanced  without  Indians  seven  miles  farther — in  all  nine- 
teen miles.  Posted  four  sentinels  all  night  from  a  sergeant's 
guard  of  twelve  men— relieved  every  hour — visited  every  half 
hour.    All  fires  put  out  at  9  o'clock. 

"  Wednesday — Set  off  next  morning  at  six,  having  waited 
for  the  savages  till  that  time,  though  none  arrived.  Ordered 
the  boats  to  keep  seventy  rods  behind  each  other — half  the  men 
keeping  their  arms  in  their  hands,  while  the  other  half  rowed. 
Ordered,  on  any  of  the  boats  being  fired  upon,  that  the  men 

•  MS.  directions  found  among  the  captured  papers  of  St  Leger. 

t  MS.  Diary  of  Lt.  Henry  Bird,  captured  fronj  Gen.  St.  Leger  by  Col.  Qansevoort 

I  The  junction  of  tho  Oneida,  Seneca,  and  Oswego  rivers. 


hat  the  men 


Col.  Qansevoort. 


1777.] 


DIARY   OF   LIEUT.   BIRD. 


221 


should  jump  ashore.    The  rest  to  support  them  with  all  expe. 
dition.    Rowed  all  night.    Encamped  at  Nine  Mile  Point. 

«  Thursday^  July  30. — With  twenty-seven  Senecas  and 
nine  Messesaugues  joined  Mr.  Hair's  party.*  Many  savages  be- 
ing with  us,  proceeded  to  Wood  Creek,  a  march  of  fifteen 
miles.        *         *        •«#•#•» 

«  Friday. — The  savages  hinted  an  intention  to  send  parties 
to  Fort  Stanwix,  but  to  proceed  in  a  body  no  farther.  I  called 
a  council  of  the  chiefs — told  them  I  had  orders  to  approach 
near  the  fort— that  if  they  would  accompany  me,  1  should  be 
content ;  but  if  they  would  not  go,  I  should  take  the  white  peo- 
ple under  my  command,  and  proceed  myself.  The  Messesau- 
gues said  they  would  go  with  me.  The  Senecas  said  I  had 
promised  to  be  advised  by  their  chiefs — that  it  was  their  way 
to  proceed  with  caution.  I  answered,  that  I  meant  only  as  to 
fighting  in  the  bush,  but  that  I  had  communicated  my  inten- 
tions to  them  in  the  former  camp,  of  preventing  them  [the 
Americans  meaning]  from  stopping  the  creek,t  and  investing 
their  fort.  But  since  I  had  promised  to  be  advised  by  them, 
I  would  take  it  so  far  as  to  wait  till  next  morning — and  would 
then  certainly  march  by  daybreak.  After  some  counselling, 
they  seemed  pleased  with  what  I  had  said,  and  said  they  would 
send  out  large  scouts  to  prepare  the  way.  Accordingly  eight- 
teen  or  twenty  set  off  this  evening." 

On  the  2d  of  August,  however,  Bird  wrote  back  to  his  Gene- 
ral that  no  savages  would  advance  with  him  except  Henriques, 
a  Mohawk,  and  one  other  of  the  Six  Nations,  an  old  acquaint- 
ance of  his.  The  letter  continues : — "  Those  two,  Sir,  I  hope 
"  to  have  the  honor  to  present  to  you.  A  savage,  who  goes  by 
"  the  name  of  Commodore  Bradley,  was  the  chief  cause  of  their 
"  not  advancing  to-day.  Twelve  Messesaugues  came  up  two 
"  or  three  hours  after  my  departure.  Those,  with  the  scout  of 
"  fifteen  I  had  the  honor  to  mention  to  you  in  my  last,  are  suf- 
"  ficient  to  invest  Fort  Stanwix,  if  you  favor  me  so  far  as  not 
"  to  ordei'  to  the  contrary,! 

St.  Legcr  received  this  letter  on  the  same  day,  a'  Nine 

♦  Lieut  Hair — a^erward  killod. 

t  General  Schuyler  had  directed  the  commanding  officer  oi'  Fort  Stanwix  to  ob- 
itruct  the  navigation  of  Wood  Creek  by  felling  trees  Uiereiu. 
(  MS.  of  the  original  letter,  among  the  Ganaevoort  papers. 


ml 


;il    r'l  l"  -I    if: 


n 


nil 


i   ^4 


222 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1777.    ■    1777.] 


Mile  Point,  whence  he  immediately  despatched  the  following 
reply : — 

General  St.  Leqer  to  I^ievt.  Bird. 

«  Nine  Mile  Point,  Aug.  2, 1777. 
"Sir, 
"  I  this  instant  received  your  letter  containing  the  account 
of  your  operations  since  you  were  detached,  which  I  with  great 
pleasure  tell  you  have  been  sensible  and  spirited ;  your  resolu- 
tion  of  investing  Port  Stanwix  is  perfectly  right ;  and  to  ena- 
ble you  to  do  it  with  greater  effect,  I  have  detached  Joseph 
[Thayendanegea]  and  his  corps  of  Indians  to  reinforce  you. 
You  will  observe  that  I  will  have  nothing  but  an  investiture 
made ;  and  in  case  the  enemy,  observing  the  discretion  and 
judgment  with  which  it  is  made,  should  offer  to  capitulate,  you 
are  to  tell  them  that  you  are  sure  I  am  well  disposed  to  listen 
to  them :  this  is  not  to  take  any  honor  out  of  a  young  soldier's 
hands,  but  by  the  presence  of  the  troops  to  prevent  the  barba- 
rity and  carnage  which  will  ever  obtain  where  Indians  make 
so  superior  a  part  of  a  detachment ;  I  shall  move  from  hence 
at  eleven  o'clock,  and  be  ^arly  in  the  afternoon  at  the  entrance 
of  the  creek. 

"  I  am.  Sir,  your  most  obt.  and  humble  ser't. 

"Barry  St.  Leqer." 
"  Lieut  Bird,  8th  reg't."" 

The  investment  of  the  fort  was  made  by  Lieut.  Bird  forth- 
with— Brant  arriving  to  his  assistance  at  the  same  time. 
But  the  result  of  the  siege  that  followed  proved  that  the  British 
commander  had  grievously  miscalculated  the  spirit  of  the  garri- 
son of  Fort  Stanwix,  in  his  anticipations  of  a  speedy  capitulation. 
Still,  his  prudential  order,  the  object  of  which  was  to  prevent 
an  unnecessary  sacrifice  of  life  at  the  hands  of  his  Indian  allies, 
calculating,  of  course,  upon  an  easy  victory,  was  not  the  less 
commendable  on  that  account. 

The  ^  "uation  of  Fort  Stanwix  itself— or  rather  Fort  Schuy- 
ler, as  it  must  now  be  called — next  demands  attention.  At  the 
beginning  of  the  year,  as  we  have  already  seen,  the  post  was 

*  MS.  of  the  original  letter,  among  the  Qanseveort  papers. — Vide,  also,  Camp- 
beil't  Annali. 


commanded 

term  of  that  < 

also  of  the  S 

successor,  by 

that  month. 

in  repairing  t 

found  them  ii 

only  indefen.< 

ensued  betwe 

subject,  from 

miserable  coni 

vasion  from  tl 

respects  suffic 

of  men,  and  ir 

Added  to  all  \v 

confided  to  hit 

9thof  June.T 

Colonel  Ma] 
thegarri.son  a 
fortunate  was  i 
operate  with  j 
and  energy,  ar 
tion.    The  wc 
bastions,  surn 
depth,  with  a  ( 
the  other  beir 
In  front  of  th 
by  a  salient  an 
tre  of  the  ditch 
with  rows  of 
der  the  embras 
war,  the  fort  hi 

♦  Letters  among 
t  "  You  will  k 
speeches  to  be  ma 
ment;  and  when 
and  a  copy  transmi 
transaction  with  t 
Cr.  lost  no  time  in  h 
mained  friendly,  an 
1  senaibio  speech  oi 


1777.] 


SITUATION   OF   FORT   SCHUYLER. 


223 


-Vide,  also,  Camp- 


commanded  by  Colonel  Elirore  of  the  State  service.  The 
term  of  that  officer  expiring  in  April,  Colonel  Peter  Gansevoort, 
also  of  the  State  troops,  was  designated  as  Colonel  Elmore's 
successor,  by  an  order  from  General  Gates,  dated  the  26th  ot 
that  month.  Notwithstanding  the  labors  of  Colonel  Drayton, 
in  repairing  the  works,  the  preceding  year,  Colonel  Gansevoort 
found  them  in  such  a  state  of  dilapidation,  that  they  were  not 
only  indefensible,  but  untenable.  A  brisk  correspondence 
ensued  between  that  officer  and  General  Schuyler  upon  the 
subject,  from  which  it  is  manifest  that,  to  say  nothing  of  the 
miserable  condition  of  his  defences,  with  the  prospect  of  an  in- 
vasion from  the  West  before  him,  his  situation  was  in  other 
respects  sufficiently  deplorable.  He  had  but  a  small  number 
of  men,  and  many  of  those  were  sick  by  reason  of  destitution.* 
Added  to  all  which  was  the  responsibility  of  the  Indian  relations 
confided  to  him  by  special  order  of  General  Schuyler  on  the 
9th  of  June.T 

Colonel  MarinuL  Willett  was  soon  afierward  directed  to  join 
the  garrison  at  Fort  Schuyler  with  his  regiment,  and  most 
fortunate  was  the  selection  of  such  an  officer  as  Willett  to  co- 
operate with  such  another  as  Gansevoort ;  since  all  the  skill, 
and  energy,  and  courage  of  both  were  necessary  for  the  situa- 
tion. The  work  itself  was  originally  a  square  fort,  with  four 
bastions,  surrounded  by  a  ditch  of  considerable  width  and 
depth,  with  a  covert  way  and  glacis  around  three  of  its  angles  ; 
the  other  being  sufficiently  secured  by  low,  marshy  ground. 
In  front  of  the  gate  there  had  been  a  drawbridge,  covered 
by  a  salient  angle  raised  in  front  of  it  on  the  glacis.  In  the  cen- 
tre of  the  ditch  a  row  of  perpendicular  pickets  had  been  erected, 
with  rows  of  horizontal  pickets  fixed  around  the  ramparts  un- 
der the  embrasures.  But  since  the  conclusion  of  the  French 
war,  the  fort  had  fallen  into  decay ;  the  ditch  was  filled  up,  and 

*  Letters  among  tlie  Gansevoort  papers. 

t  "  You  will  keep  up  a  friendly  intercourse  with  the  Indians,  and  sufier  no 
speeches  to  be  made  to  them  by  any  person  not  employed  in  the  Indian  Depart- 
ment; and  when  you  have  occasion  to  speak  to  them,  let  yourvpeech  be  written, 
and  a  copy  transmitted  to  me,  that  the  Commissioners  may  be  informed  of  every 
transaction  with  those  people." — Schuyler's  letter  to  Colonel  Gamevoort.  Colonel 
Gr.  lost  no  time  in  holding  a  council  with  such  of  the  chiefs  and  warriors  as  yet  re- 
mained friendly,  and  he  seems  to  have  fully  acquired  their  confidence.  He  delivered 
a  sensible  speech  on  the  occasion,  but  it  contains  nothing  requiring  farther  note. 


>i[. 


%\: 


^Vt    .    ' 


,"i;v 


^'Ili^l 


J  'Am 


^1     t 


^ 


224 


LIFE  OP   BRANT. 


[1777. 


the  pickets  had  rotted  and  fallen  down  ;*  nor  had  any  suitable 
progress  been  made  in  its  reparation.  Immediate  exertions, 
energetic  and  unremitting,  were  necessary  to  repair,  or  rather 
to  renew  and  reconstruct,  the  works,  and  place  them  in  a  pos- 
ture of  defence,  should  the  long  anticipated  invasion  ensue 
from  that  quarter.  A  more  correct  idea  of  the  wretched  condi- 
tion of  the  post,  even  down  to  the  beginning  of  July,  may  be 
found  from  the  annexed  letter : — X 

Colonel  Gansevoort  to  General  Schuyler. 

"  Fort  Schui/lerf  July  ith,  1777. 
"  Sir, 
"  Having  taken  an  accurate  review  of  the  state  of  the  garri- 
son, I  think  it  is  incumbent  on  me  to  inform  your  Excellency 
by  express  of  our  present  circumstances.  Every  possible  as- 
sistance is  given  to  Captain  Marquizee,  to  enable  him  to  oar-y 
on  such  worlcs  as  are  deemed  absolutely  necessary  for  the  de- 
fence of  the  garrison.  The  soldiers  are  constantly  at  work- 
even  such  of  them  as  come  off  guard  are  immediately  turned 
out  to  fatigue.  But  I  cannot  conceal  from  your  Excellency 
the  impossibility  of  attending  fully  to  all  the  great  objects 
pointed  out  in  the  orders  issued  to  the  commanding  officer  on 
the  station,  without  f^^ther  assistance.  Sending  out  sufficient 
parties  of  observation,  felling  the  timber  into  Wood  Creek, 
clearing  the  road  from  Fort  Dayton,  which  is  so  embarrassed, 
in  many  parts,  as  to  be  impassable,  ai|(|.^prosecuting,  at  the 
same  time,  the  internal  business  of  the  *|p&rison,  are  objects  of 
the  greatest  importance,  which  should,  if  possible,  be  imme- 
diately considered.  But  while  no  exertions  compatible  with 
the  circumstances  we  are  in,  and  necessary  to  give  your  Ex- 
cellency satisfaction  with  respect  to  all  these  interesting  matters, 
shall  be  omitted,  I  am  very  sensible  it  is  not  in  our  power  to 
get  over  some  capital  obstructions  without  a  reinforcement. 
The  enclosed  return,  and  the  difficulties  arising  from  the  in- 
creasing number  of  hostile  Indians,  will  show  to  your  Excel- 
lency the  grounds  of  my  opinion.  One  hundred  and  fifty  men 
would  be  needed  speedily  and  effectually  to  obstruct  Wood 
Creek  ;  an  equal  number  will  be  necessary  to  guard  the  men  at 

•  Willett'g  Narrative. 

t  MS.  copy,  preserved  among  General  Qanaevoort'i  papers. 


1 


lYLER. 

ith,  1777. 


[1777. 

my  suitable 
e  exertions, 
ir,  or  rather 
n  in  a  pos- 

ision  ensue   ^H   •" .  .  /  Ki^jii-iij^  ^  li    !     ■■■^\Mi 

ched  condi- 
uly,  may  be 


m 


ftfjki. 


of  the  garri- 
Excellency 
possible  as- 
him  to  oar-y 
y  for  the  de- 
ly  at  work— 
iately  turned 
f  Excellency 
great  objects 
ng  officer  on 
out  sufficient 
tVood  Creek, 
embarrassed, 
uting,  at  the 
are  objects  of 

ble,  be  imme-  K  K^  ^  irv^:!! 

[ipatible  with 
;ive  your  Ex- 
isting matters, 
our  power  to 
reinforcement, 
from  the  in- 
»  your  Excel- 
and  fifty  men 

bstruct  Woodl'\V    I       I      \  I        •||r''i:Jft| 

ardthemenat 


il:;:ri 


;i:il^ 


■:f'  '  J 


.!*;■'■  •,'i-' 


'ily^n^    »'!!r 


?^9 


I 


pi 


■*;     '^"■ 


•f'f;^   f'T 


f   «^- 


;>■,/ 


V 


« 


<?i!' 


f 


M 


t 


f 


<^ 


H-r. 


^  '^^1*0^^,^..^"^- 


quarters 


/■ 


-^ 


•     -  /•>■./        /  'I" 

I'     !.  ihi'iiili'lV 


lUve, 

1      n,illrn- ''    '• '■"II- 


•■■*'  "  ^^  «■#*  4  iT,*  *****  * 


*, 


^^Mi^ij. 


>. 


4X 


t|      f  ■" 


Y  ■?'  '^  f 


*■■[■' 


^ik^ 


# 


<7'  r 


1777.] 

work  in  fellii 

from  our  mm 

parties,  woun 

might  therefo 

the  enemy.     ' 

the  affair  of  li 

terdaya  jwirtj 

ries,  attacked 

on  fatigue,  cui 

fort.    One  sol 

gled ;  two  we 

and  the  othei 

missing.     Tw 

enemy,  but  th( 

thein.    This 

out  a  greater 

acquire,  will  j 

against  us  in  t 

by  reason  of  ti 

I  must  be  giver 

hold  out  aboy 

looking  over  .C 

that  some  esse 

ber  of  the  gun 

moulds  of  dii 

advantage  to  ui 

ton,  in  additior 

tion  for  the  sh( 

everjr  difficulty 

if  your  Excelh 

ment,  with  a  si 

enable  us  to  I 

of  God,  be  abl< 

probably  come 

The  picture 
I  so  from  the  ra 
I  been  employee 
Imatelyfoundn 


f.W^y' 


•— "'^ 


I'h'L^ 


irrr.] 


SITUATION   OF   FORT   SCHUYLER. 


226 


work  in  felling  and  hauling  of  timber.  Such  a  deduction 
fi^m  our  member,  together  with  smaller  deductions  for  scouting 
parties,  would  scarcely  leave  a  man  in  the  garrison,  which 
might  therefore  be  easily  surprised  by  a  contemptible  party  of 
the  enemy.  The  number  of  inimical  Indians  increases.  On 
the  affair  of  last  week  only  two  made  their  appearance.  Yes 
terday  a  party  of  at  least  forty,  supposed  to  be  Butler's  emissa- 
ries, attacked  Ensign  Sporr  with  sixteen  privates,  who  were  out 
on  fatigue,  cutting  turf  about  three  quarters  of  a  mile  from  the 
fort.  One  soldier  was  brought  in  dead  and  inhumanly  man*- 
gled ;  two  were  brought  in  wounded — one  of  them  slightly 
and  the  other  mortally.  Six  privates  and  Mr.  Sporr  are 
missing.  Two  parUis  were  immediately  sent  to  pursue  the 
enemy,  but  they  returned  without  being  able  to  come  up  with 
then.  This  success  will,  no  doubt,  encourage  them  to  send 
out  a  greater  number  ;  and  the  intelligence  they  may  possibly 
acquire,  will  probably  hasten  the  main  body  destined  to  act 
against  us  in  these  parts.  Our  provision  is  greatly  diminished 
by  reason  of  the  spoiling  of  the  beef,  and  the  quantities  that 
must  be  given  from  time  to  time  to  the  Indians.  It  will  not 
hold  out  above  six  weeks.  Your  Excellency  will  perceive,  in 
looking  over  .Captain  Savage's  return  of  the  state  of  the  artillery,. 
that  some  essential  articles  are  very  scarce.  As  a  great  num>- 
ber  of  the  gun-bullets  do  not  suit  the  fire-locks,  some  bullet- 
moulds  of  different  sizes  for  casting  others,  would  be  »f  great 
advantage  to  us.  Our  stock  of  powder  is  absolutely  too  little ;  a 
ton,  in  addition  to  what  we  have,  is  wanted  as  the  lowest  propor- 
tion for  the  shot  we  have  on  hand.  We  will,  notwithstanding 
every  difficulty,  exert  ourselves  to  the  utmost  of  our  power ;  and 
if  your  Excellency  will  be  pleased  to  order  a  speedy  reinforce- 
ment, with  a  sufficient  supply  of  provision  and  ammunition  to 
enable  us  to  hold  out  a  siege,  we  will,  I  hope,  by  the  blessing 
of  God,  be  able  to  give  a  good  account  of  any  force  that  will 
I  probably  come  against  us." 

The  picture  is  gloomy  enough ;  and  was  rendered  the  more 
I  so  from  the  mistakes  of  the  engineer,  a  Frenchman,  who  had 
been  employed  by  General  Schuyler,  and  whom  it  was  ulti- 
mately found  necessary  to  arrest  and  send  back  to  head-quarters.* 


m 

Ml 

IHI 

nRH^B^Hn^H 

Mm 


# 


17 


•  WiUett's  NamtiTe. 


226 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


Colonel  Willett  had  from  the  first  doubted  the  capacity  of 
Marquizee,  and  after  his  dismissal  the  work  proceeded  for  the 
most  part  under  his  own  immediate  direction. 

The  garrison  had  likewise  other  difficulties  to  encounter. 
With  the  gathering  of  St.  Leger's  motley  forces  at  Oswego,  pre- 
paratory  to  hii;  descent  upon  the  Mohawk,  the  Indians,  as  has 
already  been  seen  by  Gansevoort's  letter,  begon  to  appear  in 
scouting  parties  in  the  circumjacent  forests.  The  utmost  cau- 
tion was  therefore  necessary  on  leaving  the  fort,  even  'jr  a  short 
distance.  It  was  during  this  critical  period  that  the  familiar 
■incident  of  Captain  Gregg  and  his  foithful  dog  occurred, 
of  which  the  following  brief  account  was  given  by  Colonel 
Gansevoort : —  j^ 

CoL.  Gansevoort  to  Gen.  Schuyler,  (Extract.) 

«  Fort  Schuyler,  June  26,  1777. 
"  I  am  sorry  to  inform  your  Honor  that  Captain  Gregg  and 
Corporal  Madison,  of  my  regiment,  went  out  a  gunning  yester- 
day morning,  contrary  to  orders.  It  seems  they  went  out  just 
after  breakfast,  and  at  about  10  o'clock  Corporal  Madison  was 
killed  and  scalped.  Captain  Gregg  was  shot  through  his  back, 
tomahawked  and  scalped,  and  is  still  alive.  He  informs  me 
that  the  misfortune  happened  about  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning. 
He  looked  at  his  watch  after  he  was  scalped.  He  saw  but  two 
Indians.  He  was  about  one  mile  and  a  half  from  the  fort, 
and  was  not  discovered  until  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  I 
immediately  sent  out  a  party  and  had  him  brought  into  the  j 
fort,  just  after  three  o'clock  ;  also  the  corpse  of  Madison.  Gregg 
is  perfectly  in  his  senses,  and  speaks  strong  and  hearty,  not- 
withstanding that  his  recovery  is  doubtful."* 

There  was  little  of  romance  in  Colonel  Gansevoort,  and  he 
related  the  incident  with  military  brevity.  The  story,  how- 
ever, has  often  been  told,  with  a  variety  of  amplifications,  par- 
ticularly in  regard  to  the  wounded  soldier's  faithful  dog.  to  I 
whose  ofifectionate  sagacity  he  is  said  to  have  been  indebted  for 
his  discovery,  if  not  his  life.  According  to  the  narrative  of 
President  Dwight,  it  appears  that  Gregg  and  his  companion 
had  been  seduced  into  a  fatal  disobedience  of  orders,  by  the  | 

•  MS.  of  the  original  dnug^t,  among  Col.  Ganaeroort's  papers. 


8T0RT   or   CAPTAIN   OREGO. 


237 


even  'jt  a  short 


clouds  of  pigeons  appearing  in  the  adjoining  woods.  Imme 
diately  upon  their  fall,  the  Indians  rushed  upon  them  for  their 
scalps,  which  they  took — giving  each  a  simuUnneous  cut  upon 
tho  head  with  their  tomahAwks.  The  corporal  had  been  killed 
by  the  shot,  but  Captain  Gregg  was  only  wounded.'  Feign- 
ing death,  however,  he  had  the  presence  of  mind,  and  the  for- 
titude, to  submit  to  the  subsequent  torture  without  betraying 
himself  by  a  gronn  or  the  quivering  of  a  muscle.  The  Indians 
departing  immediately,  Captain  Gregg  crawled  to  his  lifei«««? 
companion,  and  pillowed  his  head  upon  his  body ;  while  his 
faithful  dog  ran  to  a  place  at  no  great  distance  thenca,  where 
two  men  were  engaged  in  fishing,  and  by  his  imploring  looks 
and  significant  actiotu,  induced  them  to  follow  him  to  the  spot 
where  lay  his  wounded  master.  Hastening  to  the  fort,  the  fish 
ermen  reported  what  they  had  seen,  and  a  party  of  soldiers  be 
ing  forthwith  despatched  to  the  place,  the  bodies  of  the  wounded 
and  the  dead  were  speedily  brought  into  the  garrison,  as  we 
have  seen  from  the  Colonel's  official  account.  Captain  Gregg 
was  severely  wounded,  independently  of  the  scalping;  and  his 
case  was  for  u  long  time  critical. 

The  friendly  Indians,  then  chiefly,  if  not  exclusively,  Onei- 
das,  though  still  acting  and  speaking  in  the  name  of  the  Six 
Nations,  presented  an  address  of  condolence  to  Colonel  Ganse- 
voort  on  this  occasion,  to  which  the  latter  made  a  suitable  reply, 
which  alone  has  been  preserved,  and  reads  as  follows : — 

"Brother  Warriors  of  the  Six  Nations  :  I  thank  you 
for  your  good  talk. 

"Brothers:  You  tell  us  you  are  sorry  for  the  cruel  usage 
of  Captain  Gregg,  and  the  murder  of  one  of  our  warriors ;  that 
you  vv  uld  have  immediately  pursued  the  murderers,  had  not 
General  Schuyler,  General  Gates,  and  the  French  General,  de- 
sired you  not  to  take  any  part  in  this  war  ;  and  that  you  have 
obeyed  their  orders,  and  are  resolved  to  do  so.  I  commend 
your  good  inclination  and  intention. 

"  Brothers  :  You  say  you  have  sent  a  runner  to  the  Six 

*  It  has  been  asserted  in  history,  that  St.  Leger  encouraged  these  isolated  mur- 
I  ders  by  large  bounties  for  scalps.  Twenty  dollars  is  said  to  have  been  the  price  he 
ptid ;  but  his  despatch  to  Lieut  Bird,  before  cited,  does  not  corroborate  the  charge 
of  such  inhumanity.  That  despatch  was  a  private  document,  moreover,  not  written 
for  the  light,  or  for  effect,  and  must  therefore  be  received  as  true.  It  was  found 
uwmg  CoL  Gameroort'e  papera. 


■> 


228 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1777. 


*•' 


m 


^i' 


^IteVT;    :-  f 


Nations,  to  inform  them  of  what  has  happened,  and  that  you 
expect  some  of  your  chiefs  will  look  into  the  affair,  and  try  to 
find  out  the  murderers.  You  have  done  well.  I  shall  be  shi 
to  smoke  a  pipe  with  your  chiefs,  and  hope  they  will  do  as  they 
speak. 

"  Brothers  :  I  hope  the  mischief  has  been  done,  not  by  any 
of  our  good  friends  of  the  Oneida  nation,  but  by  the  Tories, 
who  are  enemies  to  you  as  well  as  to  us,  and  who  are  ready  to 
murder  yourselves,  your  wives,  and  children,  if  you  will  not  be 
as  wicked  as  themselves. 

"  Brothers  :  When  your  chiefs  shall  convince  me  that  In- 
dians of  the  Six  Nations  have  had  no  hand  in  this  wicked  thino-, 
and  shall  use  means  to  find  out  the  mur^rers  and  bring  them 
to  justice,  you  may  be  assured  that  we  will  strengthen  the 
chain  of  friendship,  and  embrace  you  as  our  good  brothers.  I 
will  not  suffer  any  of  our  warriors  to  hurt  you." 

The  address  contained  two  or  three  additional  paragraphs 
in  reference  to  other  subject?;.  Captain  Gregg  recovered, 
and  resumed  his  duties ;  and  having  served  to  the  end  of  the 
war,  lived  many  years  afterward. 

Another  tragic  incident  occurred  at  nearly  the  same  time, 
About  noon,  on  the  3d  of  July,  the  day  being  perfectly  clpur. 
Colonel  Willet  was  startled  from  his  siesta  by  the  report  o( 
musketry.  Hastening  io  the  parapet  of  the  glacis,  he  saw  a 
little  girl  running  with  a  basket  in  her  hand,  while  the  blood 
was  trickling  down  her  hosom.  On  investigating  the  facts,  it 
appeared  that  the  girl,  with  two  others,  was  picking  berries,  not 
two  hundred  yards  from  the  fort,  when  they  were  fired  upon 
by  a  party  of  Indians,  and  two  of  the  number  killed.  Happily, 
she  who  only  was  left  to  tell  the  tale,  was  but  slightly  wounded, 
One  of  the  girls  killed,  was  the  daughter  of  an  invalid,  who  had 
served  many  yearis  in  the  British  artilleiy.  He  was  entitled  to 
a  situation  in  Chelsea  Hospital,  but  had  preferred  rather  to  re- 
main in  the  cultivation  of  a  small  piece  of  ground  at  Fort  Stan- 
wix,  than  again  to  cross  the  ocean.* 

By  the  middle  of  July,  the  Indians  hovering  about  the  fort 
became  so  numerous,  and  so  bold,  as  to  occasion  great  annoy 
ance.  Large  parties  of  soldiers  could  only  venture  abroad  on 
the  most  press^iag  emergencies  ]  and  even  one  of  these  was  at- 

♦  WiUett's  Narrative. 


1777.] 


COMMENCEMENT    OF    THE   SIEGE. 


229 


ice  me  that  In- 


ind  brinff  them 


od  brothers.  1 


tacked,  several  of  its  numbers  killed  and  woun  ed,  and  the 
officer  in  command  taken  prisoner.  The  force  of  the  garrison, 
at  this  time,  consisted  of  about  five  hundred  and  fifty  men— ill- 
supplied,  as  we  have  already  seen,  both  with  provisions  and 
munitions  of  war.  Fortunately,  however,  on  the  2d  of  August, 
the  very  day  of  the  investiture  of  the  fort  b/  the  advance  of  St. 
Leger's  army  under  Thayendanegea  and  Bird,  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Mellon,  of  Colonel  Weston's  regiment,  arrived  with 
two  hundred  men,  and  two  batteaux  of  provisions  and  military 
stores.  Not  a  moment  was  lost  in  conveying  these  opportune 
supplies  into  the  fort.  Delay  would,  indeed,  have  been  danger- 
ous ;  for  at  the  instant  the  last  loads  arrived  at  the  fort,  the  ene- 
my appeared  on  tlie  s^cirt  of  the  forest,  so  near  to  the  boats,  that 
ilic  CM'.  .11  who  commanded  them  became  their  prisoner.* 

Tlie  ^  mmand  of  Colonel  Gansevoort  now  consisted  of  seven 
hundred  and  fifty  men,  all  told ;  and  upon  cxammation  it  was 
ascertained  that  they  had  provisions  for  six  v/eeks  —with  fixed 
amiimnition  enough  for  the  small  arms.  But  for  the  cannon 
they  were  lamentably  deficient — having  barely  enough  for  nine 
rounds  »)er  diem  during  the  period  specified.  A  besieging 
army  was  before  the  fort,  and  its  garrison  was  without  a  flag ! 
But  as  necessity  is  the  mother  of  invention,  they  were  not  long 
thus  destitute.  Stripes  of  white  were  cut  from  ammunition 
skirts ;  blue  from  a  camblet  cloak  captured  from  the  enemy ; 
while  the  red  was  supplied  from  such  odds  and  ends  of  clothes 
of  that  hue  as  were  at  hand.t  And,  thus  furnished,  commenced 
the  celebrated  defence  of  Fort  Schuyler. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  Fort  Schuyler  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  memorable  siege  of  1777 — an  event,  with  its  attend- 
ing circumstances,  forming  an  important  feature  in  the  Northern 
I  border  warfare  of  the  Revolution.     Colonel  St.  Legert  himself 
I  arrived  before  the  fort  on  the  3d  of  August,  with  his  whole 
I  force — a  motley  collection  of  British  regulars,  Hessian  auxilia- 


Ife;?'!' 


*  Willett's  Narrative.  t  Idem. 

J  It  is  diffic'ilt,  from  the  books,  to  determine  what  wos  at  that  time  the  precise 
I  rank  of  St.  Leger.  He  has  usually  heen  called  a  Brigadier  Gentral,  By  some 
contemporary  writers  he  was  called  Colmtl  St.  Leger.  But  in  Genera)  Durgoyne'a 
degpatches  to  Lord  George  Germaine,  of  August  20,  1777,  he  is  repeatedly  deno- 
minated Lieutenant- Co/otiet  St.  Leger.  He  is  also  called  Colonel  St.  Leger  by  Bis- 
nett,  But  he,  nevertheless,  signed  liis  name  as  a  Brigadier-General  in  a  letter  to  Col. 
Qonaevoort,  on  the  9th  of  August. 


230 


LIFE    OF   BRANT. 


[1777. 


lies,  New- York  loyalists,  usually  denominated  "Johnson's 
Greens,"  together  with  numbers  of  the  Canadians,  and  the  In- 
dians  under  Thayendanegea.  Sir  John  Johnson,  and  Colonels 
Claus  and  Butler,*  were  also  engaged  with  him  in  the  expe- 
dition. A  flag  was  sent  into  the  fort  on  the  morning  of  thai 
day,  with  a  copy  of  a  rather  pompous  proclamation  from  St. 
Leger,  which,  it  was  probably  supposed,  from  its  vaunting 
threats  and  lavish  promises,  might  produce  a  sfong  impression 
upon  the  garrison.  "  The  forces  intrusted  to  my  command 
"  are  designed  to  act  in  concert,  and  upon  a  common  principle, 
"  with  the  numerous  armies  and  fleets  which  already  display, 
"  in  every  quarter  of  America,  the  power,  the  justice,  and,  when 
"  properly  sought,  the  mercy  of  the  King.'?  So  commenced  the 
proclamation.  After  denouncing  "the  unnatural  rebellion" 
as  having  already  beei  made  the  "foundation  for  the  com- 
"  pletest  system  of  tyranny  that  ever  God  in  his  displeasure  suf- 
"  fered  for  a  time  to  be  exercised  over  a  froward  and  stubborn 
"generation,"  and  charging  that  "arbitrary  imprisonment, 
"confiscation  of  property,  persecution  and  torture,  unprece- 
"dented  in  the  inquisitions  of  the  Roman  church,  were  among 
"  the  palpable  enormities  that  verified  the  aflirmation  "—and 
after  denouncing  "  the  profanation  of  religion,"  and  other 
"  shocking  proceedings "  of  the  civil  authorities  and  commit- 
tees in  rebellion,  the  proclamation  proceeded — "animated by 
"  these  considerations ;  at  the  head  of  troops  in  the  fiiU  powers 
"  of  health,  discipline,  and  valor  ;  determined  to  strike  where 
"  necessary,  and  anxious  to  spare  when  possible,  I,  by  these 
"  presents,  invite  and  exhort  all  persons  in  all  places  where  the 
"  progress  of  this  army  may  point,  and  by  the  bl.^ssing  of  God 
"  I  will  extend  it  far,  to  maintain  such  a  conduct  as  may  justify 
"  mo  in  protecting  their  lands,  habitations,  and  families."  The 
object  of  his  address  was  to  hold  forth  security,  and  not  depre- 
dation ;  he  oflfered  employment  to  those  who  would,  join  his 
standard ;  security  to  the  infirm  and  industrious ;  and  payment 
in  coin  for  all  the  supplies  the  people  would  bring  to  his  camp. 
In  conclusion,  he  said — "  If^  notwithstanding  these  endeavors, 


"were  at  :3a 


•  At  the  breaking  out  of  the  war,  John  Butler  was  Lieutenant-Colonel  of  a  regi 
ment  of  the  Tryon  County  militia,  of  which  Quy  Johnson  was  the  Colonel  and 
Jellet  Fonda  the  Major.  Sir  John  had  been  commissioned  a  General  after  the  da- 
cease  of  his  father. 


1777.] 


PROGRESS   OF   THE    SIEGE. 


231 


"and  sincere  inclinations  to  effect  them,  the  frenzy  of  hostility 
"should  remain,  I  trust  I  shall  stand  acquitted  in  the  eyes  of 
"God  and  men,  in  denouncing  and  executing  the  vengeance 
"of  the  State  agpinst  the  wilful  outcasts.  The  messengers  of 
"justice  and  of  wrath  await  them  in  the  ficild ;  and  devastation, 
« famine,  and  every  concomitant  horror  that  a  reluctant,  but 
"indispensable  prosecution  of  military  duty  must  occasion, 
"will  bar  the  way  to  their  return."* 

This  manifesto,  however,  produced  no  effect,  then  or  after- 
ward. The  siege  had  been  anticipated,  and  the  brave  garrison, 
officers  and  men,  had  counted  the  cost  and  determined  to  defend 
;he  fortress  to  the  last.  Accordingly,  hostilities  commenced 
actively  on  the  morning  of  the  following  day.  The  Indians, 
concealing  themselves  behind  clumps  of  shrubbery  and  stumps 
of  trees,  annoyed  the  men  who  were  employed  in  raising  the 
parapets  not  a  little  with  their  rifles.  Several  were  v/ounded ; 
and  it  was  found  necessary  immediately  to  station  sharp- 
shooters at  suitable  points,  to  watch  opportunities,  and  fire  in  re- 
turn. The  5th  was  spent  in  much  the  same  manner,  with  the 
addition  of  the  throwing  of  a  few  shells  by  the  enemy — several  of 
which  fell  within  the  fort,  and  some  in  the  barracks.  "  On  the 
"evening  of  this  day,  soon  after  it  was  dark,  the  Indians,  who 
"  were  at  '  jast  one  thousand  in  number,  spread  themselves 
"through  the  woods,  completely  encircling  the  fort,  and  com- 
"menced  a  tc  rible  yelling,  which  was  continued  at  intervals 
"  the  greater  part  of  the  night."t 

Having  thus  commenced  his  operations.  Colonel  St.  Leger 
found  means  of  conveying  the  intelligence  to  General  Bur- 
goyne — not  for  a  moment  anticipating  the  distressing  circum- 
stances in  which  the  Northern  Commander-in-chief  already 
found  himself  involved,  though  but  mid-way  in  the  career  of 
victory.  Harassed  incessantly  by  the  foes  he  had  vanquished ; 
unable  to  obtain  supplies,  except  by  sending  back  for  them  to 
Fort  George,  in  which  service  his  troops  were  already  greatly 
fatigued  ;  not  one  third  of  his  horses  arrived  from  Cana- 
da ;  the  roads  excessively  bad,  and  rendered  all  but  impassa- 

*  For  tho  proclamation,  entire,  see  Appendix  No.  III.  It  is  &  copy,  or  nearly  ao, 
or  the  proclamation  almost  simultanoously  issued  by  Qeneral  Burgoyne,  announcing 
hu  approach  from  Lake  Champlain. 

t  Willett't  Narrative. 


f 


1    il    w 


>'i  1 


V  '• 

^^..  ^ 


¥{' 


m    t' 


m 


il.i 


':i  it\- 


'^ 


232 


LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


[1777. 


** 


Ki»    1. 


ble  by  a  deluge  of  rain  ;  with  only  four  days  of  p-  ovisions  on 
hand ;  the  vaunting  General,  who  had  boasted  in  the  British 
capital  that,  with  ten  thousand  men,  he  could  luarch  through 
the  whole  rebel  country  at  pleasure,  already  found  himself  in 
an  unenviable  situation.  But  on  learning  the  advance  of  Ge- 
neral St.  Leger,  he  instantly  and  justly  considered  that  a  rapid 
movement  forward,  at  this  critical  juncture,  would  be  of  the 
utmost  importance.  If  the  retreating  Americans  should  pro- 
ceed up  the  Mohawk  with  a  view  of  relieving  Fort  Schuyler. 
in  the  event  of  St.  Leger's  success  against  that  place  they 
would  place  themselves  between  two  fires  ;  or  perhaps  Bur- 
goyne  supposed  that  were  such  a  movement  to  be  made  on  the 
part  of  the  Americans,  he  might  yet  thi'^v/  his  army  between 
them  and  Albany,  and  thus  compel  thenj  ■  ither  to  stand  a  ge- 
neral engagement  or  to  strike  off  to  the  right,  and  by  recrossing 
the  Hudson  higher  up,  secure  a  retreat  into  New  England.  If, 
on  the  other  hand,  the  Americans  should  abandon  Fort  Schuyler 
to  its  fate,  and  themselves  fall  back  lij^on  Albany,  he  argued 
that  the  Mohawk  country  would  of  coarse  be  entirely  laid  open 
to  him  ;  his  junction  with  St.  Leger  eslabiished,  and  the  com- 
bined army  be  nt  liberty  to  select  its  future  line  of  operation  * 
But  his  supph.f  v^ere  inadequate  to  such  an  extensive  opera- 
tion, and  bis  s..  .ny  was  too  weak  to  allow  him  to  keep  up  such 
a  chaiu  of  posts  as  would  enable  him  to  bring  them  up  daily 
from  the  depot  at  Lake  George.  With  a  view,  therefore,  of 
obtaining  immediate  relief,  and  of  opening  anew  source  of  sup- 
ply, especially  of  cattle,  from  the  upper  settlements  of  New 
England,  the  expedition  to  Bennington,  the  place  of  deposite  of 
provisions  for  the  Provincial  forces,  was  planned,  and  committed 
to  a  detachment  of  the  Hessian  troops,  under  Colonel  Baum,  for 
execution.  The  s  ignal  failure  of  this  expedition  was  calculated 
still  farther  both  to  embarrass  and  depress  the  invaders  ;  while 
the  brilliant  success  of  the  militia  under  General  Starke  on 
that  occasion,  proving,  as  it  had  done,  that  neither  English 
nor  German  troops  were  invincible,  revived  the  drooping  spirits 
of  the  disheartened  ,  re-inspired  the  people  with  confidence  of 
ultimate  success  ;  and  was  the  source  of  universal  exultation. 
The  progress  of  events  brings  us  back  to  the  lower  Valley  of 

•  London  Universal  Magazine. 


I7r7.j 

Ihe  Mohaw] 
Fort  Schuy 
County,  tha 
clamation  h 
mand  to  the 
the  garrison 
vailed  in  the 
sponded  to, 
the  County, 
entered  the 
fears  so  gem 
vanished  wif 
found  himsel 
thousand  mi 
Their  place  c 
in  the  uppei 
beiuitifiil.      ' 
Yisscher,  Co^ 
and  pohmteei 
termined  at  a, 
Indeed,  their 
hurried  foiw 
without  adec 
the  ground  o 
Fort  Dayton 
hood  of  Oris 
an  express  t  v 
Colonel  Gans 
co-operation, 
announced  bj 
port  of  which 
Oriskany — ot 
vened,  so  that 
eleven  o'cloc 
the  camp  of  t 
thei     u'ops 
alc'i',  thf,  edg 


■    P.fOUabl'     -.le 

p"te88ifln  B  .  ~    til 
i  AdamHeurM 


I 


1777.] 


ADVANCE  OP  GENERAL  HERKIMER. 


233 


the  Mohawk.    No  sooner  was  the  advance  of  St.  Leger  upon 
Fort  Schuyler  known  to  the  Committee  and  officers  of  Tryon 
County,  than  General  Herkimer,  in  conformity,  with  the  pro- 
clamation heretofore  cited,  summoned  the  militia  of  his  com- 
mand to  the  field,  for  the  purpose  of  marching  to  the  succor  of 
the  garrison.     Notwithstanding  the  despondency  that  had  pre- 
vailed in  the  early  part  of  the  Summer,  the  call  was  nobly  re- 
sponded to,  not  only  by  the  militia,  but  by  the  gentlemen  ol 
the  County,  and  most  of  th  3  members  of  the  Committee,  who 
entered  the  field  either  as  officers  or  private  volunteers.     The 
fears  so  generally  and  so  recently  indulged  seemed  all  to  have 
vanished  with  the  arrival  of  the  invader,  and  the  General  soon 
found  himself  at  the  head  of  between  eight  hundred  and  a 
thousand  men,  all  eager  for  action  and  impatient  of  delay. 
Their  place  of  rendezvous  was  at  Fort  Dayton,  (German  Flatts,) 
in  the  upper  section  of  the  Mohawk  Valley — and  the  most 
beautiful.      The  regiments  were  those  of  Colonels  Klock, 
Yisscher,  Cox,  and  one  or  two  others,  augmented  by  volunteers 
and  r^lnnteer  officers,  who  were  pushing  forward  as  though  de- 
termined at  all  hazards  to  redeem  the  character  of  the  county. 
Indeed,  their  proceedings  were  by  far  too  impetuous,  since  they 
hurried  foiward  in  their  march  without  order  or  precaution, 
without  adequate  flanking  parties,  and  without  reconnoitring 
the  ground  over  which  they  were  to  pass.     They  moved  from 
Fort  Dayton  on  the  4th,  and  on  the  5th  reached  the  noighbor- 
hood  of  Oriskany,*  where  they  encamped.     From  this  point 
au  express  t  was  sent  forward  by  General  Herkimer  to  apprise 
Colonel  Gansevoort  of  his  approach,  and  to  concert  measures  of 
co-operation.     The  arrival  of  the  express  at  the  fort  was  to  be 
announced  by  three  successive  discharges  of  cannon,  the  re- 
port of  which,  it  was  supposed,  would  be  distinctly  heard  at 
Oriskany — only  eight  miles  distant.     Delays,  however,  inter- 
vened, so  that  the  messengers  did  not  reach  the  fort  until  ten  or 
eleven  o'clock  on  the  following  morriing  ;  previous  to  which 
the  camp  of  the  enemy  being  uncommonly  silent,  a  portion  of 
lliei     u'ops  had  been  observed  by  the  garrison  to  he  moving 
ak  njj  thf  edge  of  the  woods  down  the  river,  in  the  direction  of 

■  ProbiibK  "^e  site  of  Whiteatown.     One  of  the  MS.  narratives  in  the  authcu's 
pr^ftMuion  HuiMi*  they  crnsaed  the  river  at  old  Fort  Schuyler  (now  Utica.) 
t  Adam  Hetn'er  accoinpan'  jd  by  two  other  men. 


^M:^tu  ':  it' 


V.:.) 


234 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1777. 


w 


the  Oriskany  Creek.*  The  concerted  signals  were  immediate- 
ly fired  ;t  and  as  the  proposition  of  Herkimer  was  to  force  a 
passage  to  the  fort,  arrangements  were  immediately  made  by 
Colonel  Gansevoort  to  effect  a  diversion  of  the  enemy's  atten- 
tion, by  making  a  sally  from  the  fort  upon  the  hostile  camp 
for  which  purpose  two  hundred  men  were  detailed,  consisting 
one  half  of  Gansevoort's,  and  one  half  of  the  Massachusetts 
troops,  and  one  field-piece — an  iron  three  pounder.  The  exe- 
cution of  the  enterprise  was  entrusted  to  Colonel  Willett.J 

It  appears  that  on  the  morning  of  that  day,  which  was  the 
6th  of  August,  General  Herkimer  had  misgivings  as  to  the  pro- 
priety of  advancing  any  farther  without  first  receiving  reinforce- 
ments. His  officers,  however,  were  eager  to  press  forward.  A 
consultation  was  held,  in  which  some  of  the  officers  manifested 
much  impatience  at  any  delay,  while  the  General  still  urged 
them  to  remain  where  they  were  until  reinforcements  could 
come  up,  or  at  least  until  the  signal  of  a  sortie  should  be  re- 
ceived from  th«i  fort.  High  words  ensued,  during  which 
Colonels  Cox  and  Paris,  and  many  others,  denounced  their 
oommander  to  h's  face  as  a  Tory  and  coward.  The  brave  old 
man  calmly  replied  that  he  considered  himself  placed  over 
them  as  a  lather,  and  that  it  was  not  his  wish  to  lead  them  into 
any  difficulty  from  which  he  could  not  extricate  them.  Burn- 
ing, as  they  now  seemed,  to  meet  the  enemy,  he  told  them 
roundly  that  they  would  run  at  his  first  appearance.§  But  his 
remonstrances  were  unavailing.  Their  clamor  increased,  and 
their  reproaches  were  repeated,  until,  stung  by  imputations  of 
cowardice  and  a  want  of  fidelity  to  the  cause, II  and  somewhat 
irritated  withal,  the  General  immediately  gave  the  order— 


*  Letter  of  Colonel  Willett  to  Governor  Trumbull  of  Connecticut. 

t  MS.  of  Captain  Henry  Seeber,  in  the  author's  possession.  See,  also,  Willett's 
Narrative. 

J  Willett's  letter  to  Governor  Trumbull.  The  officers  serving  in  this  detach- 
ment were  Captain  Van  Benschotcn  and  Lieutenant  Stockwell,  who  led  the  ad- 
vance guard  ;  Captains  Allen,  (of  Massachusetts,)  Bleecker,  Johnson,  and  Swart- 
wout ;  Lieutenants  Diefcndorf,  Conyne,  Bogardus,  M'Clenner,  and  Bali ;  Ensigns 
Chase,  BaiLy,  Lewis,  Dcnniston,  Magee,  and  Ament.  The  rear-guard  was  com. 
manded  by  Major  Badlam. 

§  Travels  of  President  D  wight,  vol.  iii.  p.  192. 

II  MS.  statement  of  George  Walter,  in  poas  uon  of  the  author;  also  of  Henry 
Seeber. 


1777.] 


BATTLE    OF   ORISKANY. 


235 


n;  also  of  Henry 


« March  on  !"*  The  words  wore  no  sooner  hoard  than  the 
troops  gave  a  shout,  and  moved,  or  rather  rushed  forward. 
They  marched  in  files  of  two  deep,  preceded  by  an  advanced 
guard  and  keeping  flanks  upon  each  side.t 

Having,  by  10  o'clock,  proceeded  rapidly  forward  to  the  dis- 
tance of  only  two  or  three  miles,t  the  guards,  both  front  and 
flanks,  were  suddenly  shot  down,  the  forest  rang  with  the  war- 
whoops  of  a  savage  foe,  and  in  an  instant  the  greater  part  of 
the  division  found  itself  in  the  midst  of  a  formidrble  ambuscade. 
Colonel  St.  Leger,  it  appeared,  having  heard  of  the  advance  of 
General  Herkimer,  in  order  to  prevent  an  attack  in  his  intrench- 
ments,  had  detached  a  division  of  Sir  John  Johnson's  regiment 
of  Greens,  under  Sir  John's  brother-in-law.  Major  Watts,  Colo- 
nel Butler  with  his  Rangers,  and  Joseph  Brant  with  a  strong 
body  of  Indians,  to  intercept  his  approach.§  With  true  Indian 
sagacity,  Thayendanegea  had  selected  a  position  admirably  fit- 
ted for  his  purpose,  which  was,  to  draw  the  Americans,  whom 
be  well  knew  to  be  approaching  in  no  very  good  military  array, 
into  an  ambuscade.  The  locality  favored  his  design.  There 
was  a  deep  ravine  crossing  the  path  which  Herkimer  with  his 
undisciplined  array  was  traversing,  "  sweeping  toward  the 
"East  in  a  semi-circular  form,  and  bearing  a  Northern  and 
"Southern  direction.  The  bottom  of  this  ravine  was  marshy, 
"  and  the  road  crossed  it  by  means  of  a  causeway.  The  ground, 
"  thus  partly  enclosed  by  the  ravine,  was  elevated  and  level. 
"  The  ambuscade  was  laid  upon  the  high  ground  west  of  the 
"ravine."  II 

The  enemy  had  disposed  hmiself  adroitly,  in  a  circ'p,  leav- 
ing only  a  narrow  segment  open  for  the  admission  ol  tiie  ill- 
starred  Provincials  on  their  approach.     The  stratagem  was 

*  Statement  of  Adam  ^^ter,  in  possession  of  the  author. 

t  It  has  been  charged  ty  most  writers  that  even  tlieso  ordinary  pnM»ution8  were 
not  observed.    Miller  and  Walter,  however,  both  assert  the  fact. 

I  The  battle  ground  is  about  two  miles  west  of  Oriskany,  and  six  from  Whites- 
borough. 

§  In  every  account  of  this  battle  which  has  fallen  under  tho  author's  observation, 
excepting  that  of  Colonel  Willett,  Sir  John  Johnson  is  made  the  British  commander 
at  this  battle.  He  was  not  in  it  at  all,  as  will  appear  a  few  pages  forward.  Even  the 
cautious  and  inquisitive  President  Dwight  falls  into  tho  error,  and  carries  it  through 
his  whole  account 

II  Campbell's  Annals.  "^ 


♦l>    fi'^p 


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A 


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HJ 


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236 


LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


[irn. 


' 


f 


successful.  Unconscious  of  the  presence  of  the  foe,  Herkimer, 
with  his  whole  army  excepting  the  rear-guard,  composed  ot 
Colonel  Visscher's  regiment,  found  himself  encompassed  at 
the  first  fire— the  enemy  closing  up  the  gap  at  the  instant  of 
making  himself  known.  By  thus  early  completing  the  circle,  the 
baggage  and  ammunition  waggons,  which  had  just  descended 
into  the  ravine,  were  cut  off  and  separated  from  the  main  body, 
as  also  was  the  regiment  of  Colonel  Visscher,  yet  on  the  Eastern 
side  of  the  ravine ;  which,  as  their  general  had  predicted, 
instantly  and  ingloriously  fled,  leaving  their  companions  to 
their  fate.  They  were  pursued,  however,  by  a  portion  pf  the 
Indians,  and  suffered  more  severely,  probably,  than  they  would 
have  done,  had  they  stood  by  their  fellows  in  the  hour  of  need, 
either  to  conquer  or  to  fall. 

Being  thrown  into  irretrievable  disorder  by  the  suddenness  of 
the  surprise  and  the  destructiveness  of  the  fire,  which  was 
close  and  brisk  from  every  side,  the  division  was  for  a  time 
threatened  with  annihilation.  At  every  opportunity  the  sa- 
vages, concealed  behind  the  trunks  of  trees,  darted  forward 
with  knife  and  tomahawk  to  ensure  the  destruction  of  those 
who  fell ;  and  many  and  fierce  were  the  conflicts  that  ensued 
hand  to  hand.  The  veteran  Herkimer  fell,  wounded,  in  the 
early  part  of  the  action— a  musket  ball  having  passied  through 
and  killed  his  horse,  and  shattered  his  own  leg  just  below  the 
knee.*  The  General  was  placed  upon  his  saddle,  however, 
against  the  trunk  of  a  tree  for  his  support,  and  thus  continued 
to  order  the  battle.  Colonel  Cox,  and  Captains  Davis  and  Van 
Sluyck,  were  severally  killed  near  the  commencement  of  the 
engagement ;  and  the  slaughter  of  their  broken  ranks,  from  the 
rifles  of  the  Tories  and  the  spears  and  tomahawks  of  the  Indians, 
was  dreadful.  But  even  in  this  deplorable  situation  the 
wounded  General,  his  men  dropping  like  leaves  around  him, 
and  the  forest  resounding  with  the  horrid  y  ills  of  the  savages, 
ringing  high  and  wild  over  the  din  of  battle,  behaved  with  the 
most  perfect  firmness  and  composure.  The  action  had  lasted 
about  forty-five  minutes  in  great  disorder,  before  the  Provincials 
formed  themselves  into  circles  in  order  to  repel  the  attacks  ot 
the  enemy,  who  were  concentrating,  and  closing  in  upon  them 


'<'  Walton's  MS.  account 


1777.] 


BATTLE   OP   ORISKANY. 


237 


from  all  sides.*  From  this  moment  the  resistance  of  the  Pro- 
vincials was  more  effective,  and  the  enemy  attempted  to  charge 
with  the  bayonet.  The  firing  ceased  for  a  time,  excepting  the 
scattering  discharges  of  musquetry  from  the  Indians  ;  and  as 
the  bayonets  crossed,  the  contest  became  a  death  struggle,  hand 
to  hand  and  foot  to  foot.  Never,  however,  did  brave  men  stand 
a  charge  with  more  dauntless  courage,  and  the  enemy  for  the 
moment  seemed  to  recoil — just  at  t'.e  instant  when  the  work 
of  death  was  arrested  by  a  heavy  shower  of  rain,  which  sud- 
denly broke  upon  the  combatants  with  great  fury.  The  storm 
raged  for  upward  of  an  hour,  during  which  time  the  enemy 
sought  such  shelter  as  might  be  found  among  the  trees  at  a 
respectful  distance ;  for  they  had  already  suflfered  severely,  not- 
withstanding the  advantages  in  their  favor. 

During  this  suspension  of  the  battle,  both  parties  had  time  to 
look  about,  and  make  such  new  dispositions  as  t'.y.y  pleased 
for  attack  and  defence,  on  renewing  the  murderous  conflict. 
The  Provincials,  under  the  direction  of  their  General,  were  so 
fortunate  as  to  take  possession  of  an  advantageous  piece  of 
ground,  upon  which  his  men  formed  themselves  into  a  circle, 
and  as  the  shower  broke  away,  awaited  the  movements  of  the 
enemy.  In  the  early  part  of  the  battle,  the  Indians,  whenever 
they  saw  a  gun  fired  by  a  militia-man  from  behind  a  tree,  rushed 
upon  and  tomahawked  him  before  he  could  re-load.  In  order 
to  counteract  this  mode  of  warfare,  two  men  were  stationed 
behind  a  single  tree,  one  only  to  fire  at  a  time — the  other  re- 
serving his  fire  until  the  Indians  ran  up  as  before.t  The  fight 
was  presently  renewed,  and  by  the  new  arrangement,  and  the 
cool  execution  done  by  the  fire  of  the  militia  forming  the  main 
circle,  the  Indians  were  made  to  suffer  severely ;  so  much  so, 
that  they  began  to  give  way,  when  Major  Watts  {  came  up  with 
a  reinforcement,  consisting  of  another  detachment  of  Johnson's 
Greens.§    These  men  were  mostly  loyalists,  who  had  fled  from 


1  '^ 

I    I  I 


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*  The  first  movement  of  thia  kind  was  made  by  Jacob  Seeber,  without  orders,  ac- 
cording to  the  narrative  of  Henry  Seeber. 

t  Campbell's  Annals. 

i  Brother  of  the  iate  venerable  John  Watts,  of  New- York. 

§  Campbell.  The  enemy,  as  on  the  march  fcom  Oswogo,  had  posted  a  line  of 
sentinels  at  short  distances  from  each  other,  extending  from  St.  Legcr's  intrench- 
ments  to  the  scene  of  action ;  so  that  communications  could  be  interchanged  rapidly, 
ind  at  pleuuie. 


238 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


\'. 


[1777. 


Tryon  County,  now  returned  in  arms  ngainst  their  formct 
neighbors.  As  no  quarrels  are  so  bitter  as  tiiose  of  families,  so 
no  wars  are  so  cruel  and  passionate  as  those  called  ci  ,'i',.  Mony 
of  the  Provincials  and  Greens  were  known  to  each  r  uio/- ;  and 
as  they  advanced  so  near  as  to  afford  opportunities  of  mutual 
recognition,  the  contest  became,  if  possible,  more  of  a  death 
struggle  than  before.  Mutual  resentments,  and  fecliiijjs  of  hate 
and  revenge,  raged  in  their  bosoms.  The  Proviticiuls  fired 
upon  them  as  they  advanced,  and  then  springing  like  cimfed 
tigers  from  their  covers,  attacked  them  with  their  bayonets  and 
the  butts  of  their  muskets,  or  both  parties  in  closer  contact 
throttled  each  other  and  drew  their  knives ;  stabbing,  and 
sometimes  literally  dying  in  one  another's  embrace. 

At  length  a  firing  was  heard  in  the  distance  from  the  fort,  a 
sound  as  welcome  to  the  Provincials  as  it  was  astounding  to 
the  enemy.  Availing  themselves  of  the  hint,  however,  a  rim- 
de-guerre  was  attempted  by  Colonel  Butler,  which  had  well- 
nigh  proved  fatal.  It  was  the  sending,  suddenly,  from  the  di- 
rection of  the  fort,  a  detachment  of  the  Greens  disguised  as 
American  troops,  in  the  expectation  that  they  might  be  received 
as  a  timely  reinforcement  from  the  garrison.  Lieutenant  Jacob 
Sammons  was  the  first  to  descry  their  approach,  in  the  direction 
of  a  body  of  men  commanded  by  Captain  Jacob  Gard(  nier~an 
officer  who,  during  that  memorable  day,  performed  prodigies 
of  valor.  Perceiving  that  tlieir  hats  were  American,  Sammons 
informed  Captain  Gii  denier  that  succors  from  the  fort  were 
coming  up.  The  quick  eye  of  the  Captain  detected  the  nwe, 
and  he  replied — '*  Not  so :  they  are  enemies :  don't  you  see 
their  greeii  coats  !"*  They  continued  to  advance  until  hailed 
by  Gardenier.  ut  which  moment  one  of  his  own  soldiers,  ob- 
serving an  acquaintance,  and  supposing  him  a  friend,  ran  to 
meet  him,  and  presented  his  hand.  It  was  grasped,  but  with  no 
friendly  gripe,  as  the  credulous  fellow  was  dragged  into  the 
opposing  line,  and  informed  that  he  was  a  prisoner.  He  did  not 
yield  without  a  struggle ;  during  which  Gardenier,  watching 
the  action  and  the  result,  sprang  forward,  and  with  a  blow  from 
his  spear  levelled  the  captor  to  the  dust  and  liberated  his  man.i 
Others  of  the  foe  instantly  set  upon  him,  of  whom  he  slew  the 


*  Manuscript  narrative  of  William  Gardenier,  in  the  poeeesaim  of  the  author. 
t  Idem, 


wever,  a  riise- 


Ml  of  the  author. 


1777.J 


BATTLE   OP   0R18KANY. 


239 


seoond  and  wounded  a  third.    Three  of  the  disguised  Greens 
now  sprang  upon  him,  and  one  of  his  spurs  becoming  en- 
tangled in  their  clothes,  he  was  thrown  to  the  ground.     Still 
contending,  however,  with  almost  super-human  strength,  both 
of  his  thighs  were  transfixed  to  the  earth  by  the  bayonets  ot 
two  of  his  assailants,  while  the  third  presented  a  bayonet  to 
his  breast,  as  if  to  thrust  him  through.     Seizing  this  bayonet 
with  his  left  hand,  by  a  sudden  wrench  he  brought  its  owner 
down  upon  himself,  where  he  held  him  as  a  shield  against  the 
arms  of  the  others,  until  one  of  his  own  men,  Adam  Miller,* 
ob   rving  the  struggle,  fluw  to  his  rescue.     As  the  assailants 
t   ned  upon  their  new  adversary,  Gardenier  rose  upon  his  seat ; 
,  nd  although  his  hand  was  severely  lacerated  by  grasping  the 
Dayonot  which  had  been  drawn  through  it,  he  seized  his  spear 
lyinfj  by  his  side,  and  quick  as  lightning  planted  it  to  the  barb 
ill  the  side  of  the  assailant  with  whom  he  had  been  clenched. 
The  man  foil  and  expired  —proving  to  be  Lieutenant  M'Don- 
ald,  one  of  the  loyalist  officers  from  Tryon  County.     All  this 
transpired  in  far  less  time  than  is  necessarily  occupied  by  the  re- 
lation.    While  engaged  in  the  struggle,  some  of  his  own  men 
culled  out  to  Gardenier — "  for  God's  pake.  Captain,  you   are 
killing  your  own  men  !"     He  replied — "  they  are  not  our  men — 
they  are  the  enemy — fire  away  !"     A  deadly  fire  from  the  Pro- 
vincials ensued,  during  which  about  thirty  of  the  Greens  fell 
slain,  and  mnny  Indian  warriors.     The  parties  once   more 
rushed  upon  each  other  with  bayonet  and  spear,  grappling  and 
fighting  with  terrible  fury ;  while  the  shattering  of  shafts  and 
the  clashing  of  steel  mingled  with  every  dread  sound  of  war  and 
death,  and  the  savage  yells,  more  hideous  than  all,  presented  a 
scene  which  can  be  more  easily  unagined  than  described.f 
The  unparalleled  fortitude  and  bravery  of  Captain  Gardenier  in- 
fused fresh  spirits  into  his  men,  some  of  whom  enacted  won- 
ders of  valor  likewise.      It  happened  during  the  melee,  in 

*  The  same  whose  private  narrative  has  already  been  cited. 

t  MS.  of  William  Gardenier.  It  was  in  reference  to  these  individual  deeds  o( 
prowess,  that  the  eloquent  Gouvemeur  Morris  thus  spoke  in  his  address  before 
the  New- York  Historical  Society: — "Let  nne  recall,  gentlemen,  to  your  recollec- 
tion, that  bloody  field  in  which  Herkimer  fell.  There  was  found  the  Indian  anc 
tlie  white  man  bom  on  the  banks  of  the  Mohawk,  their  left  hand  clenched  in  each 
other's  hair,  the  right  grasping  in  a  gripe  of  death,  the  knife  plunged  in  each  other's 
bosom;  thus  they  lay  frowning." 


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33  WBT  MAIN  STRUT 

WitSTIR.N.Y.  MSM 

(716)  t72-4S03 


►  *^J^ 


^ 


240 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1777. 


which  the  contending  parties  were  mingled  in  great  confusion 
that  three  of  Johnson's  Greens  rushed  within  the  circle  of  the 
Provincials,  and  attempted  to  make  prisoner  of  a  Captain  Dil- 
lenback.  This  officer  had  declared  he  would  never  be  taken 
alive,  and  he  was  not.  One  of  his  three  assailants  seized  his 
gun,  but  he  suddenly  wrenched  it  from  him,  and  felled  him 
with  the  butt.  He  shot  the  second  dead,  and  thrust  the  third 
through  with  his  bayonet.*  But  in  the  moment  of  his  triumph 
at  an  exploit  of  which  even  the  mighty  Hector,  or  either  of  the 
sons  of  Zeruiah  might  have  been  proud,  a  ball  laid  this  brave 
man  low  in  the  dust. 

Such  a  conflict  as  this  could  not  be  continued  long ;  and  the 
Indians,  perceiving  with  what  ardor  the  Provincials  maintained 
the  fight,  and  finding  their  own  numbers  sadly  diminished,  now 
raised  the  retreating  cry  of  "  Oonah .'"  and  fled  in  every  direc- 
tion, under  the  shouts  and  hurrahs  of  the  surviving  Provincials 
and,  a  shower  of  bullets.  Finding,  moreover,  from  the  firing  at 
the  fort,  that,  their  presence  was  necessary  elsewhere,  the 
Greens  and  Rangers  now  retreated  precipitately,  leaving  the 
victorious  militia  of  Tryon  County  masters  of  the  field.t 

Thus  ended  one  of  the  severest,  and,  for  the  numbers  en- 
gaged, one  of  the  most  bloody  battles  of  the  Revolutionary 
war.  Though  victorious,  the  loss  of  the  Provincials  was  very 
heavy ;  and  Tryon  County  long  had  reason  to  mourn  that  day. 
Colonel  Paris  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  enemy,  and  arterward 
murdered  by  the  ui  lians.  Several  other  prisoners  were  also 
killed  by  the  savages,  after  they  had  been  brought  into  Colonel 
Butler's  quarters ;  and,  as  it  was  said,  by  the  Colonel's  own 
tacit  consent,  if  not  permission  in  terms.  But  the  general  cha- 
racter of  that  officer  forbids  the  imputation.!  Major  John  Frey, 
of  Colonel  Klock's  regiment,  was  likewise  wounded  and  taken ; 

*  George  V^Taltcr  relates  thii  incident,  in  his  narrative,  iH  the  possession  of  the 
author.  Walter  was  himself  a  witness  of  the  fact,  while  lying  wounded  with  two 
balls,  by  the  side  of  General  Herkimer. 

t  It  is  an  extraordinary  fact,  that  every  historian  who  has  written  of  the  battle  of 
Oriskany,  has  recorded  it  as  a  defeat  of  the  Provincials,  from  Marshall  and  Ramsay 
down,  to  say  nothing  of  the  British  chroniclers.  Such  was  alsii  the  author's  iin> 
pression  until  he  undertook  the  present  investigation.  Captain  Brant  himself,  in 
conversation  with  Samuel  Woodruff,  Esq.  admitted  that  they  were  the  victors ;  and 
all  the  written  statements  which  the  author  has  been  able  to  procure  from  the  surviv- 
ors of  that  battle,  bear  the  same  testimony. 

%  The  late  Doctor  Moses  Younglovo,  of  Hudson,  Colimbia  County,  was  ths 


1777.] 


BATTLE   OF   ORISKANY. 


S41 


tbia  Coanty,  was  th« 


and  to  show  the  more  than  savage  fury  burning  in  the  bosoms 
of  the  men  brought  into  conflict  on  this  occasion,  the  disgrace- 
liil  fact  may  be  added,  that  his  own  brother,  who  was  in  the 
British  service,  attempted  to  take  his  life  after  he  had  arrived  in 
Butler's  camp.  The  Major  ''aw  his  brother  approaching  in  a 
menacing  manner,  and  called  out — "  Brother,  do  not  kill  me  ! 
Do  you  not  know  me  ?"  But  the  infuriated  brother  rushed 
Ibrward,  and  the  Major  was  only  saved  by  the  interposition  of 
others.*  The  whole  number  of  the  Provincial  militia  killed 
was  two  hundred,  exclusive  of  wounded  and  lost  as  prisoners^. 
Such,  at  least,  was  the  American  report.  The  British  state- 
ments claimed  that  four  hundred  of  the  Americans  were  killed^. 
and  two  hundred  taken  prisoners.f 

Retaining  possession  of  the  iield,  the  survivors  immediately 
set  themselves  at  work  in  constructing  rude  litters,  upon  which 
to  bear  off  the  wounded.  Between  forty  and  fifly  of  these,, 
among  whom  was  the  commanding  General,  were  removed  in 
this  manner.  The  brave  old  man,  notwithstanding  the  impru'- 
dence  of  the  morning — imprudence  in  allowing  a  premature 
movement  at  the  dictation  of  his  subordinates—had  nobly  vinr 
dicated  his  character  for  courage  during  the  day.  Though 
wounded,  as  we  have  seen,  in  the  onset,  he  had  borne  himself 
during  the  six  houis  of  conflict,  under  the  most  trying  circum- 
stances, with  a  degree  of  fortitude  and  composure  worthy  of  all. 
admiration.  Nor  was  his  example  without  effect  in  sustaining. 
his  troops  amid  the  perils  by  which^  they  were  environed.  At 
one  time  during  the  battle,  while  sitting  upon  his  saddle  raised 

surgeon  of  General  Herkimer's  brigade.    He  was  taken  prisoner  in  this  battle  by  a 

lergeant  of  Sir  John  Johnson's  regiment.    After  his  release  he  made  a  deposition 

Ktting  forth  many  grievous  barbarities  committed,  both  by  the  Indians  and  Tories, 

upon  thb  prisoners  who  fell  into  their  hands  that  day.    They  were  crueHy  tortured, 

I  Kveral  of  them  murdered ;  and,  as  the  Doctor  had  reason  to  believe,  some  of  them 

were  subsequently  taken  to  an  island  in  Lake  Ontario,  and  eaten.    This  ia  scarcely 

I  to  be  believed.    See  Deposition  of  Dr.  Younglove,  Appendix  No.  IV. 

*  MS.  statement  of  Jacob  Timmerman,  in  the  author's  possession. 

t  "  On  the  5th  I  learned,  from  discovering  parties  on  the  Mohawk  river,  that  a  body 

I  oTone  thousand  militia  were  on  their  march  to  raise  the  siege.    On  tlte  confirmation 

of  tiiii  news,  I  moved  a  large  body  of  Indians,  with  some  troops,  the  same  night,  to 

liy  in  ambuscade  for  them  on  their  march.    They  fell  into  it.    The  completest  vic- 

1 107  was  obtained.    Above  four  hundred  lay  dead  on  the  field,  amongst  the  number 

I  of  whom  were  almost  all  the  principal  movers  of  rebellion  in  that  country." — Letter 

jo/Cofeiu'  Si.  Leger  to  General  Burgoyne,  Aug.  11,  1777.  .q 


il   f 

K    Hill' 


I  V',  I  w«i 


iiripjii 


AV,iS 


242 


LIFE  OF   BRANT. 


[1777. 


upon  a  little  hillock,  being  advised  to  select  a  less  exposed  situa- 
tion, he  replied — "  I  will  face  the  enemy."  Thus,  "  surrounded 
*'  by  a  few  men,  he  continued  to  issue  his  orders  with  firmness. 
"  In  this  situation,  and  in  the  heat  of  the  onslaught,  he  delibe- 
"  rately  took  his  tinder-box  from  his  pocket,  lit  his  pipe,  and 
"  smoked  with  great  composure."*  At  the  moment  the  soldiers 
were  placing  him  on  the  litter,  while  adjusting  the  blankets  to 
the  poles,  three  Indians  approached,  and  were  instantly  shot 
down  by  the  unerring  rifles  of  three  of  the  militia.  These 
were  the  last  shots  fired  in  that  battle.t 

The  loss  of  the  enemy  in  this  engagement  was  equally,  if 
not  more  severe,  than  that  of  the  Americans.  The  Greens  and 
Rangers  of  Sir  John  Johnson  and  Colonel  Butler  must  have 
suffered  badly,  although  no  returns  were  given  in  the  contem- 
poraneous accounts.  Major  Watts  was  severely  wounded  and 
left  on  the  field,  as  was  supposed,  among  the  slain.  His  death 
was  reported  by  Colonel  Willett,  in  his  letter  to  Governor 
TnimbuU,  and  by  other  authorities.  But  such  was  not  the 
fact.  Reviving  from  faintness  produced  by  loss  of  blood,  some 
hours  after  the  action,  he  succeeded  in  crawling  to  a  brook, 
where,  by  slaking  his  thirst,  he  was  preserved  from  speedy 
death,  and  in  the  course  of  two  or  three  days  was  found  by 

•  Campbell.    An  officer,  who  was  in  the  general  staiTat  the  battle  ofLeipzig.hai 
related  to  the  author  a  very  fliniilar  incident  in  the  conduct  of  old  Blucher.    He  was  j 
not  wounded ;  but  he  sat  upon  a  hillock,  issuing  his  orders  and  smoking  hia  pip«, 
while  the  cannon  balls  were  ploughing  up  the  earth  about  him. 

t  Narrative  of  Jacob  Sammons,  MS.    The  officers  of  the  Tiyon  County  militia  j 
killed  or  wounded  in  this  battle  were  as  follows : — In  Colonel  Frederick  Visgchet'i 
regiment,  Captains  John  Davis  and  Samuel  Pettingill,  killed ;  Major  Blauvelt  and 
Lieut.  Groat  taken  prisoners  and  never  heard  of  aflerward ;  Captain  Jacob  Garde- 
nier  and  Lieut.  Samuel  Gardcnier  wounded.    In  Colonel  Jacob  Klock's  re^ment, 
Major  John  Eisenlord,  and  Major  Van  Sluyck,  and  Captain  Andrew  Dillenbick, 
killed ;  Captains  Christopher  Fox  and  John  Breadbeg,  wounded ;  Brigade  Major  i 
John  Frey,  wounded  and  taken  prisoner.    In  Colonel  Peter  Bellinger's  regiment,  [ 
Major  Enos  Elepsattle,  Captain  Frederick  Helmer,  and  Lieut.  Petrie,  were  killed.  I 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Frederick  Bellinger  and  Henry  Walradt' were  taken  prisoner*  j 
In  Colonel  Ebenezer  Cox's  regiment,  Colonel  Cox  and  Lient  Col.  Hont  werej 
killed ;  Captains  Henry  Diefendorf,  and  Robert  Crouse,  and  Jacob  Bowman,  Y 
ed.    Captain  Jacob  Seeber  and  Lieut.  William  Seeber  mortally  wounded.    Tiie| 
surgeon,  Moses  Younglove,  was  taken  prisoner.    Among  the  volunteers  not  be- 1 
longing  to  the  militia,  who  were  killed,  were  Isaac  Paris,  (then  a  member  of  Ihel 
Legislature,)  Samuel  Billington,  John  Dygert,  and  Jacob  Snell,  members  of  thel 
Committee  of  Safety.    There  was  likewise  a  Captain  GrtTes  who  fell,  but  to  whial 
regiment  he  belonged  the  author  has  not  ascertained. 


*■   0i  •%    7 


\177.] 


BATTLE   OP   ORISKANY. 


243 


some  Indian  scouts,  and  brought  into  St.  Leger's  camp.*  But 
the  Indians  were  the  most  roughly  handled,  they  having  lost 
nearly  one  hundred  warriors,  several  of  whom  were  sachems  in 
great  favor.  Frederick  Sammons,  who  had  been  detached  up- 
on a  distant  scout  previous  to  the  battle,  returning  some  days 
afterward,  crossed  the  battle-field,  wheic,  he  says — "I  beheld 
"the.most  shocking  sight  I  had  ever  witnessed.  The  Indians 
"and  white  men  were  mingled  with  one  another,  just  as  they 
"had  been  left  when  death  had  first  completed  his  work. 
"Many  bodies  had  also  been  torn  to  pieces  by  wild  beasts."! 

It  has  been  affirmed  that  the  Indians  were  persuaded  to  join 
in  this  battle  only  with  great  difficulty,  and  not  until  they  had 
besQ  induced  to  sacrifice  their  reason  to  their  appetites.  It  was 
very  manifest  that  during  the  action  many  of  them  were  intox- 
icated. 'J^he  consequence  was,  that  they  suffered  more  severely 
than  ever  before.t  According  to  the  narrative  of  Mary  Jemison, 
the  Indians,  (at  least  the  Senecas,)  were  deceived  into  the  cam- 
paign. "  They  were  sent  for  to  see  the  British  whip  the  rebels. 
"They  were  told  that  they  were  not  wanted  to  fight,  but  merely 
"to  sit  down,  smoke  their  pipes,  and  look  on.  The  Senecas 
"went  to  a  man  ;  but,  contrary  to  their  expectation,  instead  of 
"smoking  and  looking  on,  they  were  obliged  to  "  "*^t  lor  theii 
'lives  ;  and  in  the  end  of  the  battle  were  completely  beaten, 
"with  a  great  loss  of  killed  and  wounded."§ 

The  whole  Indian  force  was  led  by  Thayendanegea  in 

*  This  statement  respecting  Major  Watts  was  derived  from  the  late  Mr.  John 
W&tt8,  of  New-York,  his  brother.    As  mentioned  in  the  text,  St.  Leger,  in  his  offi- 
'  aal  report,  did  not  state  the  number  of  his  own  iiilled  and  wounded.    Colonel  But- 
ler, iiowever,  wrote  to  Sir  Guy  Carleton — "  Ctf  the  New-Yorkers,  <  jiptain  M'Donaid 
was  i(illed,  Captain  Watts  dangerously  wounded,  and  one  subaltern.     Of  the  Ran- 
gers, Captains  Wilson  and  Hare  killed,  and  one  private  wounded.    The  Indians 
nfifered  much,  having  thirty-three  killed  and  twenty-nine  wounded ;  the  Senecas  lost 
I  Kveoteen,  among  whom  were  several  of  their  chief  warriors,  and  had  sixtoea 
wounded.    During  the  whole  action  the  Indians  showed  the  greatest  zeal  for  his 
ijesty's  cause ;  and  had  they  not  been  a  little  too  precipitate,  scarcely  a  rebel  of 
)  party  would  have  escaped.    Most  of  the  leading  rebels  are  cut  off  in  the  action, 
I  M  (hat  any  farther  attempts  from  that  quarter  are  not  to  be  expected.    Captain 
Watts,  of  the  Royal  New-Yorkers,  whose  many  amiablo  qualities  deserved  a  better 
fiite,  lay  wounded  in  three  places  upon  the  field  two  days  befor  j  he  was  foitiid.''— 
I  Pirliamentary  RegUler. 
t  MS.  narrative  of  Frulerick  Sammons,  in  the  author's  possession. 
\  Jojinal  of  General  Lincoln. 
k  Life  of  Mary  Jemison, 


.1, 


244 


LIFE    OF    BRANT. 


[u:: 


I 


person — "the  great  Captain  of  the  Six  Nations,"  as  he  was 
then  called — and  as  the  Cayugas  had  now  likewise  joined  the 
Mohawks  in  alliance  with  the  arms  of  England--the  Ononda- 
gas  adopting  a  doubtful  policy,  but  always,  in  fact,  acting 
against  the  Provincials — he  must  have  had  a  large  force  in  the 
field.  Of  the  Senecas  alone  thirty-six  were  killed  and  a  great 
number  wounded.  Captain  Brant  was  accustomed,  long  years 
afterward,  to  speak  of  the  sufferings  of  his  "  poor  Mohawks"  in 
thL.  battle.  Indeed,  the  severity  with  which  they  were  handled 
on  that  occasion,  rendered  them  morose  and  intractable  during 
the  remainder  of  the  campaign ;  and  the  unhappy  prisoners 
were  the  first  to  minister  with  their  blood  to  their  resentment,' 
"  Our  town,"  says  Mary  Jemison,  "  exhibited  a  scene  of  real 
"  sorrow  and  distress  when  our  warriors  returned  and  recount- 
"  ed  their  misfortunes,  and  stated  the  real  loss  they  had  sus- 
"  tained  in  the  engagement.  The  mourning  was  excessive, 
"  and  was  expressed  by  the  most  doleful  yells,  shrieks,  and 
"  bowlings,  and  by  inimitable  gesticulations." 

It  was  unfortunate  that  General  Herkimer  formed  his  line  of 
march  with  so  little  judgment  that,  when  attacked,  his  men 
were  in  no  situation  to  support  each  other ;  and  more  unfortu- 
nate still,  that  he  marched  at  all,  so  long  before  he  could  expect 
to  hear  the  concerted  signal  for  the  diversion  to  be  made  in 
his  favor  by  the  sortie  of  Colonel  Willett.  The  heavy  rain 
storm,  moreover,  which  caused  a  suspension  of  the  battle,  had 
likewise  the  effect  of  delayyig  the  sally  for  nearly  an  hour.  It 
was  made,  however,  as  soon  as  it  was  practicable,  and  was  not 
only  completely  successful,  but  was  conducted  with  such  abili- 
ty and  spirit  by  the  gallant  ofiicer  to  whom  it  was  confided,  as 


*  In  Mr.  Samuel  WoodraiT's  memoranda  of  his  conversations  with  Brant,  refer. 
red  to  in  the  introduction,  it  is  noted  as  the  admission  of  the  latter,  that  "  he  and  his  I 
Mohawks  were  compelled  to  flee  in  a  dispersed  condition  through  the  woods,  all 
euffering  from  fatigue  and  hunger  before  they  arrived  at  a  place  of  safety.    Their 
retreat  began  at  nightfall.    They  were  pureued  by  a  body  of  Oneidas,  who  fought  j 
with  General  Herkimer.    The  night  was  dark  and  lowery.    Exhausted  by  the  la- 
bora  of  the  day,  and  fearful  he  might  be  overtaken  by  the  purauing  Onoidas,  Brant  I 
ascended  a  branching  tree,  and  planting  himself  in  the  crotch  of  it,  waited  somewhat 
impatiently  for  daylight."    There  is  evidently  somewhat  of  error  in  this  statemenL 
The  field  of  battle  was  not  more  than  five  miles  from  St.  Leger's  entrenchments, 
and  the  battle  was  ended  at  S  o'clock  P.  M.    Judge  W.  probably  confounded  thii 
battle  with  another — perhaps  that  of  the  Chemung. 


1777.] 


SORTIE  OP  roLONEL  WILLETT. 


245 


to  win  for  him  the  applause  of  the  foe  himself.*  In  addition 
to  the  two  hundred  men  detailed  for  this  service,  under  Colo- 
nel Willett's  command,  as  before  stated,  fifty  more  were  added 
to  guard  the  light  iron  three  pounder  already  mentioned.  With 
these  troops,  and  this  his  only  piece  of  mounted  ordnance.  Co- 
lonel Willett  lost  not  a  moment,  after  the  cessation  of  the  rain, 
in  making  the  sally.  The  enemy's  sentinels  being  directly 
ill  sight  of  the  fort,  the  most  rapid  movements  were  necessary. 
The  sentinels  were  driven  in,  and  his  advanced  guard  attacked, 
before  he  had  time  to  form  his  troops.  Sir  John  Johnson,  whose 
regiment  was  not  more  than  two  hundred  yards  distant  from 
the  advanced  guard,  it  being  very  warm,  was  in  his  tent,  di- 
vested of  his  coat  at  the  moment,  and  had  not  time  to  put  it  on 
before  his  camp  was  assailed.  Such,  moreover,  were  the  cele- 
rity of  Willett's  movement  and  the  impetuosity  o^  the  attack, 
that  Sir  John  could  not  bring  his  troops  into  oiUer,  and  their 
only  resource  was  in  flight.  The  Indian  encampniant  was 
next  to  tljat  of  Sir  John,  and  in  turn  was  carried  with  equal 
rapidity.  The  larger  portion  of  the  Indians,  and  a  detachment 
from  the  regiment  of  Sir  John,  were,  at  the  very  moment  of  this 
unexpected  assault  upon  their  quarters,  engaged  in  the  battle 
of  Oriskany.  Those  who  were  left  beliind  now  betook  them- 
selves,— Sir  John  and  his  men  to  the  river, — and  the  Indians 
to  their  natural  shelter,  the  woods — the  troops  of  Colonel  Wil- 
lett firing  briskly  upon  them  in  their  flight.  The  amount  of 
spoil  found  in  the  enemy's  camp  was  so  great,  that  Willett  was 
obliged  to  send  hastily  to  the  fort  for  waggons  to  convey  it 
away.  Seven  of  these  vehicles  were  three  times  loaded  and 
discharged  in  the  fort,  while  the  brave  little  Provincial  band 
held  possession  of  the  encampments.  Among  the  spoils  thus 
captured,  consisting  of  camp  equipage,  clothing,  blankets,  stores, 
&c.  vere  five  British  standards,  the  baggage  of  Sir  John 
Johnson,  with  all  his  papers,  the  baggage  of  a  number  of  other 
officers,  with  memoranda,  journals,  and  orderly  books,  contain- 
ing all  the  information  desirable  on  the  part  of  the  besieged.t 


wn 


3, 


*  London  Universal  Magazine,  1762. 

t  "  Among  Other  things  taken  from  the  enemy,  were  several  bundles  of  papers, 
and  a  parcel  of  letters  belonging  to  our  ^rrison,  which  they  had  taken  from  our 
militia,  but  not  yet  opened.  Here  I  found  one  letter  for  myself:  there  were  like- 
wise papers  belonging  to  Sir  John  Johnson,  and  several  others  of  the  enemy's  offi' 


'    Ff 


.  [','■' 


246 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1777. 


While  Colonel  Willett  was  returning  to  the  fort,  Colonel  St. 
Leger,  who  was  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  attempted  a 
movement  to  intercept  him,  Willett's  position,  however,  ena- 
bled him  to  form  his  troops  so  as  to  give  the  enemy  a  full  gre 
in  front,  while  at  the  same  time  he  was  enfiladed  by  the  tire  of 
a  small  field-piece.  The  distance  was  not  more  than  sixty 
yards  between  them ;  and  although  St.  Leger  was  not  back- 
ward in  returning  the  fire,  his  eim  was  nevertheless  so  wild  as  to 
be  entirely  without  effect.  The  assailants  returned  into  the  for- 
tress in  triumph,  without  having  lost  a  man — the  British  flaps 
were  hoisted  on  the  flag-staff  under  the  American — and  the  rren, 
ascending  the  parapets,  gave  three  as  hearty  cheers  as  were 
ever  shouted  by  the  same  number  of  voices.  Among  the  pri- 
soners brought  off  by  the  victors,  was  Lieutenant  Singleton, 
of  Sir  John  Johnson's  regiment.  Several  Indians  were  found 
dead  in  their  camp,  and  others  were  killed  in  crossing  the 
river.  The  loss  to  the  enemy,  particularly  in  stores  and  bag- 
gage, was  great ;  while  the  affair  itself  was  of  still  more  im- 
portance, from  the  new  spirit  of  patriotic  enthusiasm  with 
which  it  inspired  the  little  garrison.*  For  this  chivalrous  ex- 
ploit Congress  passed  a  resolution  of  thanks,  and  directed  the 
Commissary  General  of  military  stores  to  procure  an  elegant 
sword,  and  present  the  same  to  Colonel  Willett  in  the  name  of 
the  United  States. 

General  Herkimer  did  not  long  survive  the  battle.  He  was 
conveyed  to  his  own  house  t  near  the  Mohawk  river,  a  few 
miles  below  the  Little  Falls ;  vrhere  his  leg,  which  had  been 
shattered  five  or  six  inches  below  the  knee,  was  amputated 
about  ten  days  after  the  buttle,  by  a  young  French  surgeon  in 
the  army  of  General  Arnold,  and  contrary  to  the  advice  of  the 
General's  own  medical  adviser,  the  late  Doctor  Petrie.  But 
the  operation  was  unskilfiiUy  pcrformed,t  and  it  was  found  im- 

cers,  with  letters  to  and  from  General  St.  Leger,  the  commander.  These  letters 
have  been  of  some  service  to  us.*' — Colonel  WiUstt's  letter  to  Goeetnor  Trumbull. 

*  In  this  account  of  the  sortie,  the  author  has  adopted  almost  the  very  language 
of  the  brave  Colonel  himself,  in  his  Narrative.  As  he  led  the  affiiir,  and  was  nf 
course  the  best  qualified  to  describe  it,  the  author  could  do  no  better  than  take  his 
own  words.  In  tracing  the  progress  of  the  siege,  it  will  be  often  necessary  to  draw 
from  the  same  indisputable  source. 

t  Yet  standing,  1837. 

i  Col.  Roff  s  statement— MS.  in  possession  of  the  author. 


irrr.j 


DEATH  OF  GENERAL  HERKIMER. 


247 


possible  by  his  attendants  to  stanch  the  blood.    Colonel  Wil* 
lett  called  to  see  the  General  soon  after  the  operation.    He  was 
sitting  up  in  his  bed,  with  a  pipe  in  his  mouth,  smoking,  and 
talking  in  excellent  spirits.     He  died  the  night  following  that 
visit.    His  friend.  Colonel  John  Roff,  was  present  at  the  am- 
putation, and  affirmed  that  he  bore  the  operation  with  nncora- 
mon  fortitude.    Ho  was  likewise  with  him  at  the  time  of  his 
deuth.    The  blood  continuing  to  flow — there  being  no  physi* 
cian  in  immediate  attendance — and  being  himself  satisfied  that 
the  time  of  his  departure  was  nigh,  the  veteran  directed  the 
Holy  Bible  to  be  brought  to  him.    He  then  opened  it  and  :ead, 
ia  the  presence  of  those  who  surrounded  his  hed,  with  all  the 
composure  which  it  was  possible  for  any  man,  to  exhibit,  the 
thirty-eighth  psalm — applying  it  to  his  own  situation.*    He 
soon  afterward  expired ;  and  it  may  well  be  questioned  whether 
the  annals  of  man  furnish  a  more  striking  example  of  \yhristian 
heroism— calm,  deliberate,  and  firm  in  the  hour  of  death — than 
is  presented  in  thi&  remarkable  instance.    Of  the  early  history 
of  General  Herkimer  but  little  is  known.    It  has  been  al> 
ready  stated  that  his  family  was  one  of  the  first  of  the  Grer- 
inans  who  planted  themselves  in  the  Mohawk  Valley.    And 
the  massive  stone  mansion,  yet  standing  at  German  Flatts, 
bespeaks  its  early  opulence.    He  was  an  uneducated  man — 
with,  if  possible,  less  skill  in  letters,  even  thim  General  Put- 
nam, which  is  saying  much.    But  he  was,  nevertheless,  a 
man  of  strong  and  vigorous  understanaing — destitute  of  some 
of  the  essential  requisites  of  generalship,  but  of  the  most 
cool  and  dauntless    courage.     These  traits  were  all  strik- 
ingly  disclosed  in  the  brief  and  bloody  expedition  to  Oriska- 
ny.    But  he  must  have  been  well  acquainted  with  that  most 
important  of  all  books — The  Bible.    Nor  could  the  most 
learned  biblical  scholar,  lay  or  clerical,  have  selected  a  portion 
of  the  Sacred  Scriptures  more  exactly  appropriate  to  the  situa- 
tion of  the  dying  soldier,  than  that  to  which  he  himself  spon- 
taneously turned.    If  Socrates  died  like  a  philosopher,  and 
Rousseau  like  an  unbelieving  sentimentalist,  General  Herkimer 
died  like  a  Christian  Hero.    Congress  passed  a  resolution 
requesting  the  Governor  and  Council  of  New- York  to  erect  a 

*  Statement  of  Colonel  Ro^  in  possession  of  the  author. 


■it'!''  ^1 


mm 


'„:'  &*'.S:; 'J:    *:i: 


-,^,mm'm 


i48 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[irn. 


monument,  at  the  expense  of  the  United  States,  to  the  memory 
of  this  brave  man,  of  the  value  of  five  hundred  dollars.  This 
resolution  was  transmitted  to  the  Governor  of  New- York 
George  Clinton,  in  a  letter  from  which  the  following  passage 
is  quoted : — "  Every  mark  of  distinction  shown  to  the  memory 
"  of  such  illustrious  men  as  offer  up  their  lives  for  the  liberty 
"  and  happiness  of  their  country,  reflects  real  honor  on  those 
"  who  pay  the  tribute  ;  and  by  holding  up  to  others  the  pros- 
"  pect  of  fame  and  immortality,  will  animate  them  to  tread  in 
"  the  same  path."  Governor  Clinton  thus  wrote  to  the  Com- 
mittee of  Tryon  County  on  the  occasion  : — "  Enclosed  you 
"  have  a  letter  and  resolves  of  Congress,  for  erecting  a  monu 
"  ment  to  the  memory  of  your  late  gallant  General.  While 
"  with  you  I  lament  the  cause,  I  am  impressed  with  a  due 
"  sense  of  the  great  and  justly  merited  honor  the  Continent  has, 
"  in  this  instance,  paid  to  the  memory  of  that  brave  man." 
Such  were  the  feelings  of  respect  for  the  services  and  memory 
of  the  deceased  entertained  by  the  great  men  of  that  day. 
Sixty  years  have  since  rolled  away,  and  the  journal  of  Con- 
gress is  the  only  monument,  and  the  resolution  itself  the  only 
inscription,  which  as  yet  testify  the  gratitude  of  the  republic  to 
General  Nicholas  Herkimer. 


CHAPTER  XI. 


Siege  of  Fort  Schuyler  continued — Forced  letter  from  prisoners  to  Col.  Oansevoort 
—Si.  Lc^nr  summons  the  garrison  to  surrender — Rciusalof  Oansevoort— Appeal 
of  Sir  John  Johnson  to  the  peo,)le  of  Tryon  County — Sccrt.t  expedition  of  Colonel 
Willett  and  Major  Stock  well — Schuyler  orders  Arnold  to  the  relitf  of  Oansevoort 
— Willett  proceeds  to  Albany — Arrest  of  Walter  Butler,  and  others,  at  Ocrmon 
Fiatts — Tried  and  convicted  as  a  spy — Reprieved— Sent  to  Albany — Escapes — 
Arnold's  proclamation — Advance  ot  the  besiegers — Uneasiness  of  the  garrison — 
Sudden  flight  of  St.  Leger  and  hia  forces — Stratagem  of  Arnold — Story  of  Hon- 
Yost  Schuyler — Merriment  and  mischief  of  tho  Indians — Arrival  of  Arnold  attho 
Fort — The  spoils  of  victory — Public  estimation  of  Gonsevoort's  services — Ad- 
dress  to  hia  soldiers— Hia  promotion — Address  of  liis  officers. 

Though  in  fact  defeated  at  Oriskany,  the  enemy  claimeu,  as 
we  havo  seen,  a  victory.  In  one  sense,  it  is  true,  the  achieve- 
ment was  theirs.  They  had  prevented  the  advance  of  the 
Americans  to  the  succor  of  the  fort ;  and  on  their  retreat  the 
Americans  were  unable  to  pursue.  Still  tlic  field  was  won, 
and  retained  by  them.*  Availing  himself  of  his  questionable 
success,  however,  and  well  knowing  that  days  must  probably 
elapse  before  the  garrison  couid  become  apprised  of  the  whole 
circumstances  of  the  engagement  and  its  issue,  St.  Leger  lost 
no  time  in  endeavoring,  by  false  representations,  to  press  the 
besieged  to  a  capitulation.  On  the  same  night,  of  the  battle, 
therefore,  at  9  o'clock,  Colonel  Bellinger  and  Mnjor  Frey,  being 
in  St.  f  jcger's  camp  as  prisoners,  wore  compelled  to  address  a 
note  to  Colonel  Gansevoort,  greaMy  exaggerating  the  disasters 
of  the  day,  and  strongly  urging  a  surrender.  In  this  letter 
tliey  spoke  of  the  defeat  at  Oriskany,  of  the  impossibility  of 
receiving  any  farther  succor  from  below— of  the  formidable 
force  of  St.  Leger,  together  with  his  train  of  artillery — an- 
nounced the  probable  fact  that  Burgoyne  and  his  army  were 
then  before  Albany,  and  stated  that  longer  resistance  would 
only  result  in  "  inevitable  ruin  and  destruction."t    The  letter 


im 


*  It  was  alleged,  in  some  of  the  contemporaneous  aecotinta,  that  the  forces  en> 
gaged  with  Herkimer  were  ordered  back  in  consequence  of  the  sortie  of  Willett. 
That  circumstance,  however,  does  not  alter  the  essential  facts  of  the  case.  Thtt 
victory  was  the  same. 

t  See  Appendix,  No.  V.  for  a  oopy  of  this  letter,  vrritten  while  under  duress. 


* 


250 


LIFE   OF    DIIANT. 


[1777. 


was  transmitted  to  Colonel  Gansevoort  by  Si.  liCgcr's  Adjutant- 
general,  Colonel  Butler,  who,  in  delivering  it,  made  u  verbal 
demand  of  surrender.  Colonel  Gansevoort  replied  that  he 
would  give  no  answer  to  a  verbal  summons,  unless  delivered 
by  Colonel  St.  Leger  himself,  but  at  the  mouth  of  his  cannon. 

On  the  following  day  a  white  flag  approached  the  garrison, 
with  a  request  that  Colonel  Butler,  and  two  other  officers, 
might  be  admitted  into  the  fort  as  bearers  of  a  message  to  the 
commanding  officer.  Permission  being  granted,  those  officers 
were  conducted  blind-folded  into  the  fort,  and  received  by 
Colonel  Gansevoort  in  his  dining-room.  The  windows  of  the 
room  were  shut,  and  candles  lighted  ;  a  table  was  also  spread, 
upon  which  were  placed  some  slight  refreshments.  Colonels 
Willett  and  Mellen  were  present  at  the  interview,  together  with 
as  many  of  the  American  officers  as  could  be  accommodated  in 
the  quarters  of  their  commander.  Aflcr  the  officers  were 
seated  and  the  wine  had  been  passed  around.  Major  Ancrom, 
one  of  the  messengers,  addressed  Colonel  Gansevoort  in  sub- 
stance as  follows : — 

"  I  am  directed  by  Colonel  St.  Leger,  the  officer  commanding 
the  army  now  investing  this  garrison,  to  inform  the  command- 
ant that  the  Colonel  has,  with  much  difficulty,  prevailed  on  the 
Indians  to  agree,  that  if  the  garrison,  without  farther  resistance, 
shall  be  delivered  up,  with  the  public  stores  belonging  to  it,  to 
the  investing  army,  the  officers  and  soldiers  shall  have  all  their 
baggage  and  private  property  secured  to  them.  And  in  order 
that  the  garrison  may  have  a  sufficient  pledge  to  this  effect, 
Colonel  Butler  accompanies  me  to  assure  them,  that  not  a  hair 
of  the  head  of  any  one  of  them  shall  be  hurt."  (Here  turning 
to  Colonel  Butler,  he  said,  *  That,  I  think,  was  the  expression 
they  made  use  of,  was  it  not  Y — to  which  the  Colonel  answered, 
*  Yes.')  "  I  am  likewise  direc!ed  to  remind  the  commandant, 
that  the  defeat  of  General  Herkimer  must  deprive  the  garrison 
of  all  hopes  of  relief,  especially  as  General  Burgoyne  is  now  in 
Albany ;  so  that,  sooner  or  later,  the  fort  must  fall  into  our 
hands.  Colonel  St.  Leger,  from  an  earnest  desire  to  prevent 
farther  bloodshed,  hopes  these  terms  will  not  be  refused  ;  as  in 
this  case  it  will  be  out  of  his  power  to  make  them  again.  It 
was  with  great  difficulty  the  Indians  consented  to  the  present 
arrangement,  as  it  will  deprive  taem  of  that  plunder  which 


■m 


t^4 
Pi 


1777.] 


SIEGE   OP    ?ORT   8CHUYLEU. 


they  always  calculate  upon  on  similar  occasions.  Should,  then, 
!ho  present  terms  be  rejected,  it  will  be  out  of  the  power  of  the 
Colonel  to  restrain  the  Indians,  who  are  very  numerous  and 
much  exasperated,  not  only  from  plundering  the  property,  but 
destroying  the  lives,  probably,  of  the  greater  part  of  the  garri- 
son. Indeed,  the  Indians  are  so  exceedingly  provoked  and 
mortified  by  the  losses  they  have  sustained  in  the  late  actions, 
having  had  several  of  their  favorite  chiefs  killed,  that  they 
threaten — and  the  Colonel,  if  the  present  arrangements  should 
not  be  entered  into,  will,  not  bo  able  to  proven*,  them  from  exe- 
cuting their  threats — to  march  down  the  country,  and  destroy 
the  settlement,  with  its  inhabitants.  In  this  cose,  not  only  men, 
but  women  and  children,  will  experience  the  sad  effects  of 
their  vengeance.  These  considerations  it  is  ordently  hoped, 
will  produce  a  proper  effect,  and  induce  the  commandant,  by 
complying  with  the  terms  now  offered,  to  save  himself  from  fu- 
ture regret,  when  it  will  be  too  late." 

Thi3  singular  oration  was  of  course  delivered  extempora- 
neously, as  also  was  the  following  reply  by  Colonel  Willett, 
with  the  approbation  of  Colonel  Gansevoort : — 

"  Do  I  understand  you.  Sir  ?  I  think  you  say,  that  you 
come  from  a  British  colonel,  who  is  commander  of  the  army 
that  invests  this  fort ;  and  by  your  uniform,  you  appear  to  be 
iin  officer  in  the  British  service.  You  have  made  a  long  speech 
on  the  occasion  of  your  visit,  which,  stripped  of  all  its  superflui- 
ties, amounts  to  this — that  you  come  from  a  British  colonel,  to 
the  commandant  of  this  garrison,  to  tell  him,  that  if  he  does 
not  deliver  up  the  garrison  into  the  hands  of  your  Colonel,  he 
will  send  his  Indians  to  murder  our  women  and  children. 
You  will  please  to  reflect,  sir,  that  their  blood  will  be  on  your 
head,  not  on  ours.  We  are  doing  our  duty :  this  garrison  is 
committed  to  our  charge,  and  we  will  take  care  of  it.  Afler 
you  get  out  of  it,  you  may  turn  round  and  look  at  its  outside, 
but  never  expect  to  come  in  again,  unless  you  come  a  prisoner. 
1  consider  the  message  you  have  brought,  a  degrading  one  for 
a  British  officer  to  send,  and  by  no  means  reputable  for  a  Bri- 
tish officer  to  carry.  For  my  own  part,  I  declare,  before  I 
would  consent  to  deliver  this  garrison  to  such  a  murdering  set 
as  your  army,  by  your  own  account,  consists  of,  I  would  suffer 
my  body  to  be  filled  with  splinters,  and  set  on  fire,  as  you  know 


h !  ■ 


■mmm 


m 


:|*/* 


m 


252  L^FE   OP   BRANT.  [1777. 

has  at  times  been  practised^  by  such  hordes  of  women  and 
children  killers  as  belong  to  your  army." 

Colonel  Willett  observes  in  his  narrative,  whence  these  facts 
are  drawn,  that  in  the  delivery  he  looked  the  British  major 
full  in  the  face  ;  and  that  he  spoke  with  emphasis  i?  not  doubt- 
ed. The  sentiments  contained  in  this  reply  were  received  with 
universal  applause  by  the  Provincial  officers,  who,  far  from 
being  intimidated  by  the  threats  of  the  messengers,  were  at 
once  impressed  with  the  idea  that  such  pressing  efforts  to  in- 
duce a  capitulation  could  only  be  the  effect  of  doubt,  on  the 
part  of  the  enemy  himself,  of  his  ability  either  to  sustain  the 
siege  or  carry  the  works  by  assault.  Before  the  interview  was 
closed.  Major  Ancrom  requested  tnat  an  English  surgeon  who 
was  with  him  might  be  permitted  to  visit  the  British  wounded 
in  the  garrison,  which  request  was  granted.  Major  Ancrom 
also  proposed  an  armistice  for  three  days,  which  was  likewise 
agreed  to  by  Colonel  Gansevoort — the  more  readily,  probably, 
because  of  his  scanty  supply  of  ammunition. 

On  the  9th  of  August,  Colonel  Gansevoort  having  refused 
to  recognize  any  verbal  messages  from  the  British  commander, 
Colonel  St.  Leger  transmitted  the  substance  of  Major  Ancrom's 
speech  in  the  form  of  a  letter— protesting  that  no  indignity  was 
intended  by  the  delivery  of  such  a  message — a  message  that 
had  been  insisted  upon  categorically  by  the  Indians — and  for- 
mally renewing  the  summons  of  a  surrender — adding,  that  the 
Indians  were  becoming  exceediaglji  impatient,  and  if  the  pro- 
position should  be  rejected,  the  refusal  would  be  attended  with 
very  fatal  consequences,  not  only  to  the  garrison,  but  to  tha 
whole  country  of  the  Mohawk  river.* 

The  reply  of  Colonel  Gansevoort  was  written  with  soldierly 
brevity,  in  the  following  words : —  ^ 

COL.    GANSEVOORT   TO   COL.    ST.    LEGKR. 

"  Fort  Schuyler,  Aug.  9th,  1777. 
"Sir, 
"  Your  letter  of  this  day's  date  I  have  received,  in  answer  to 
which  I  say,  that  it  is  my  determined  resolution,  with  the  forces 
under  my  command,  to  defend  this  fort  to  the  last  extremity,  in 

•  See  Appendix,  No.  VT. 


.flip 


1777.] 


SECRET    EXFEDiriON   OF    WILI.ETT. 


953 


on,  but  to  tha 


1  with  soldierly 


behalf  of  the  United  American  States,  who  have  placed  me 
here  to  defend  it  against  all  their  enemies. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sir, 

"  Your  most  ob't.  humble  serv't., 

"  Peter  Gansevoort, 
"  Col.  commanding  Fort  tSchuyler. 
''  Gen.  Barry  St.  Leger.^'* 

Failing  in  these  attempts  to  induce  a  surrender,  the  besiegers, 
four  days  afterward,  had  recourse  to  another  expedient.  It 
was  the  issuing  of  an  appeal  to  the  inhabitants  of  Tryon 
County,  signed  by  Sir  John  Johnson,  Colonel  Claus,  and  Colo 
nel  John  Butler,  similar  in  its  tenor  to  the  verbal  and  written 
messages  of  St.  Leger  to  Colonel  Gansevoort.  The  appeal 
commenced  with  strong  protestations  of  a  desire  for  the  restora 
tion  of  peace,  with  a  promise  of  pardon,  and  oblivion  for  the 
past,  notwithstanding  the  many  and  great  injuries  the  signers 
had  received,  upon  a  proper  submission  by  the  people.  They, 
too,  were  threatened  with  the  ravages  of  a  victorious  army,  and 
the  resentment  of  the  Indians  for  the  losses  they  had  sustained 
at  Oriskany,  in  the  event  of  rejecting  this  appeal.  In  regard 
to  the  garrison  of  Fort  Schuyler,  its  longer  resistance  was  pro- 
nounced "  mulish  obstinacy,"  and  the  people  of  the  Mohawk 
Valley  were  urged  to  send  up  a  deputation  of  their  principal 
men,  to  oblige  the  garrison  to  do  at  once  what  they  must  be 
iorced  to  do  soon — surrender.  If  they  did  not  surrender,  the 
threat  was  again  repeated  that  every  soul  would  be  put  to  death 
by  the  Indians.t  Messengers  were  despatched  with  this  docu- 
ment into  Tryon  County,  but  to  no  good  purpose ;  while,  as 
will  soon  appear,  some  of  those  messengers  were  involved  in 
eerious  difficulty  by  their  errand. 

But  if  Colonel  Willeti's  success  in  the  brilliant  execution  of 
the  sortie  on  the  6th,  entitled  him,  as  it  unquestionably  did,  to 
the  commendations  he  received,  a  still  more  perilous  enterprise, 
undertaken  by  him  a  few  days  afterward,  was  thought,  alike  by 
friends  and  foes,  to  entitle  him  to  still  greater  applause.    The 


i '  %'vn 

Ifel 


*  Copied,  by  the  author,  from  the  original  draft,  found  among  tlie  Gansevoort 
papers. 

t  See  Appendix,  No.  VII.  I  have  found  thia  document  only  in  The  Rtmtm' 
(Ktiicer  for  1777,  page  461. 


fm 


254 


LIFE    OF    nilANT. 


[1777. 


artillery  of  the  besiegers  was  not  sufficiently  heavy  to  make  any 
impression  upon  the  works,  and  there  was  every  probability  that 
the  garrison  might  hold  out  until  succors  should  be  obtained 
could  their  situation  be  made  known.  Colonel  Willett  was  not 
only  well  acquainted,  but  exceedingly  popular,  in  Tryon  Coun- 
ty ;  and  it  was  supposed  that,  should  he  show  himself  personally 
among  the  militia  of  that  district,  notwithstanding  the  extent  of 
their  suffering  in  the  late  expedition,  he  might  yet  rally  a  force 
sufficient  to  reise  the  siege.  The  bold  project  was  therefore 
conceived  by  him  of  passing  by  night,  in  company  with  ano- 
ther officer,  through  the  enemy's  works,  and,  regardless  of  the 
danger  from  the  prowling  savages,  making  his  way  through 
some  forty  or  fifty  miles  of  sunken  morasses  and  pathless  woous, 
in  order  to  raise  the  County  and  bring  relief.*  Selecting  Major 
Stockwell  for  his  companion,  Colonel  Willett  undertook  ihe 
expedition  on  the  10th,  and  left  the  fort  at  ten  o'clock  that 
night,  each  armed  with  nothing  but  a  spear,  and  provided  only 
with  a  small  supply  of  crackers  and  cheese,  a  small  canteen  of 
spirits,  and  in  all  other  respects  unincuirbered,  even  by  a 
blanket.  Having  escaped  from  the  sally-port,  they  crept  upon 
their  hands  and  knees  along  the  edge  of  a  morass  to  the  river, 
which  they  crossed  by  crawling  over  upon  a  log,  and  succeeded 
in  getting  off  unperceived  by  the  sentinels  of  the  enemy, 
although  passing  very  near  to  them.  Their  first  advance  was 
into  a  deep-tangled  forest  in  which,  enveloped  in  thick  darkness, 
they  lost  their  direction,  and  found  it  impossible  to  proceed. 
While  in  this  state  of  uncertainty,  the  barking  of  a  dog  added 
little  to  their  comfort,  inasmuch  as  it  apprized  them  that  they  were 
not  far  from  a  new  Indian  encampment,  formed  subsequent 
to  the  sortie  a  few  days  before.  They  were  therefore  compelled 
to  stand  perfectly  still  for  several  hours,  and  until  the  morning 
star  appeared  to  guide  their  way.  Striking  first  in  a  Northei-n  di- 
rection for  several  miles,  and  then  Eastwardly,  they  traced  a 
zig-zag  course,  occasionally  adopting  the  Indian  method  of  con- 
cealing their  trail  by  walking  in  the  channels  of  streams,  and 
by  stepping  on  stones  along  the  river's  edge.  In  this  way  they 
travelled  the  whole  of  the  ensuing  day  without  making  a  single 
halt.    On  the  approach  of  night  they  dared  not  to  strike  a  light, 


British  Univenal  Maf^ne. 


1777.] 


EXPEDITION   OP   ARNOLD. 


256 


but  lay  down  to  sleep,  interlocked  in  each  other's  arms.  Pur- 
suing their  journey  on  the  12th,  their  little  stock  of  provisions 
being  exhausted,  they  fed  upon  raspberries  and  blackberries,  of 
which  they  found  an  abundance  in  an  opening  occasioned  by  a 
windfall.  Thus  refreshed,  they  pushed  forward  with  renewed 
vigor  an  1  at  an  accelerated  pace,  and  arrived  at  Fort  Dayton 
at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.* 

The  Colonel  and  his  friend  received  a  hearty  welcome  from 
Colonel  Weston,  whose  regiment  was  then  in  charge  of  Fort 
Dayton,  and  from  whom  he  obtained  the  agreeable  intelligence 
that,  on  learning  the  news  of  General  Herkimer's  disaster,  Ge- 
neral Schuyler  had  ordered  Generals  Arnold  and  Larned,  with 
the  Massachusetts  brigade,  to  march  to  the  relief  of  Colonel 
Gansevoort.  Colonel  Wil lett  thereupon  took  horse  immediately 
for  Albany  to  meet  General  Arnold,  who  was  to  command  the 
expedition ;  and  in  four  days  afterward  accompanied  Arnold 
back  to  Fort  Dayton,  where  the  troops  were  assembling.  The 
first  New- York  regiment  liad  been  added  to  the  brigade  of 
General  Larned,  who  was  yet  in  the  rear,  bringing  up  the  heavy 
basrgage  and  stores. 

During  Willett's  brief  absence  to  Albany,  an  incident  occur- 
red in  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Dayton,  showing  that  if  he  had 
been  active  in  his  attempts  to  bring  succors  to  the  fort,  the  enemy, 
on  the  other  hand,  had  not  been  idle.  About  two  miles  above 
Fort  Dayton  resided  a  Mr.  Shoemaker,  a  disaffected  gentleman, 
who  had  been  in  his  Majesty's  commission  of  the  peace.  Hav- 
ing heard  of  a  clandestine  meeting  of  Tories  at  the  house  of 
that  gentleman,  Colonel  Weston  despatched  a  detachment  of 
troops  thither,  which  came  upon  the  assemblage  by  surprise, 
and  took  them  all  prisoner?.  Among  them  was  Lieutenant 
Waller  N.  Butler,  from  St.  Leger's  army,  who,  with  fourteen  white 
soldiers  and  the  same  number  of  Indians,!  had  visited  the  Ger- 
man Flatts  secretly,  with  the  appeal  of  Sir  John  Johnson, 
Clans,  and  the  elder  Butler,  referred  to  in  a  preceding  page,  for 
the  purpose  of  persuading  the  timid  and  disaffected  inhabitants 
to  abandon  the  Provincial  cause,  and  enrol  themselves  with  the 

•  "  So  successful  was  Colonel  Willett  in  all  his  movements,  that  the  Indians,  b». 
lieving  him  to  be  possessed  of  supernatural  power,  gave  to  him  the  name  of  the 
Devil."— CampfteH. 

t  The  Remembrancer  for  1777,  page  395, 


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256 


LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


[1777. 

King's  army  before  Fort  Schuyler.  Butler  was  in  the  midst 
of  his  harangue  to  the  meeting  at  the  moment  of  the  unwelcome 
surprise.  General  Arnold  ordered  a  court-martial,  and  caused 
him  to  be  tried  as  a  spy.*  Of  this  tribunal  Colonel  Willett 
officiated  as  Judge  Advocate.  The  Lieutenant  was  convicted 
and  received  sentence  of  death;  but  at  the  intercession  of  a 
number  of  officers,  who  had  known  him  while  a  student  at  lav; 
in  Albany,  his  life  was  spared  by  a  reprieve.  He  was,  however 
removed  to  Albany  and  closely  imprisoned  until  the  Spring  of 
the  following  year.  When  General  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette 
assumed  the  command  of  the  Northern  department,  the  friends 
of  the  Butler  family,  in  consequence,  as  it  was  alleged,  of  his 
ill-health,  interceded  for  a  mitigated  form  of  imprisonment. 
He  was  then  removed  to  a  privatu  house  and  kept  under  guard, 
but  shortly  afterward  effected  his  escape — owing,  it  was  report- 
ed, to  treachery — and  was  subsequently  distinguished  as  one 
of  the  severest  scourges  of  the  beautiful  valley  which  had  given 
him  birth. 

The  t^ddress  of  Johnson.  Glaus,  and  Butler,  having  been 
thus  introduced  among  the  people  of  the  County,  Arnold  issued 
a  proclamation  from  Fort  Dayton  for  the  purpose  of  counter- 
acting its  influence.  It  was  couched  in  severe  language  in  re- 
gard to  St.  Leger  and  his  heterogeneous  army — denounced 
those  of  the  people  who  might  be  seduced  by  his  arts  to  enrol 
themselves  under  the  banner  of  the  king — ^but  promised  pardon 
tc  all,  whether  Americans,  Savages,  Germans,  or  Britons,  who 
might  return  to  their  duty  to  the  States.t 

Meantime  Colonel  St.  Leger  was  pushing  his  operations  be- 
fore the  fort  with  considerable  vigor.  Every  effort  to  intimi- 
date the  garrison  having  failed,  and  the  commander  exhibiting 
an  unsubmitting  spirit,  St.  Leger  "commenced  approaching 
"  by  sap,  and  had  formed  two  parallels,  the  second  of  which 
"  brought  him  near  the  edge  of  the  glacis ;  but  the  fire  of  mus- 
"  ketry  from  the  covert  way  rendered  his  farther  progress  very 
"  difficult."}  The  fire  of  his  ordnance  producing  no  effect,  his 
only  means  of  annoying  the  garrison  was  by  throwing  shells ; 

•  The  Remembrancer  states  that  Butler  came  "on  a  truce  to  the  inhabitants  of 
the  County."  But  if  he  did  bear  a  flag,  it  could  be  no  protection  for  such  a  misaioo 
—as  it  was  not 

t  See  Appendix,  No.  VHI.  t  Willett's  Narrative. 


irrr.] 


RAISING  OF   THE   SIEGE. 


267 


but  these  proved  of  so  little  consequence  as  to  afford  a  discou- 
raging prospect  of  success.  Having  advanced,  however,  within 
one  hundred  and  fifly  yards,  it  is  not  to  be  denied  that  some 
uneasiness  began  to  be  manifested  within  the  garrison.  Igno- 
rant of  the  fate  of  Colonel  Willett  and  Major  Stockwell,  and 
entirely  cut  off  from  all  communication  from  without,  their 
provisions  daily  exhausting,  and  having  no  certain  prospect  of 
relief,  some  of  the  officers  commenced  speaking  in  whispers  of 
the  expediency  of  saving  the  garrison  from  a  re-enactment  of 
the  Fort  William  Henry  tragedy,  by  acceding  to  St.  Leger's 
pi  jfTered  terms  of  capitulation.  Not  so  the  commander.  After 
weighing  well  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  he  came  to  the 
deliberate  resolve,  in  the  event  of  obtaining  no  succor  from  with- 
out, when  his  provisions  were  about  exhausted,  to  make  a  sally 
at  night,  and  cut  his  way  through  the  encampment  of  the  be- 
siegers, or  perish  in  the  attempt. 

Fortunately,  the  necessity  of  executing  the  bold  determina- 
tion did  not  arrive.  The  siege  had  continued  until  the  22d  of 
August,  when,  suddenly,  without  any  cause  within  the  know- 
ledge of  the  garrison,  the  besiegers  broke  up  their  encampment, 
and  retired  in  such  haste  and  confusion  as  to  leave  their  tents, 
together  with  a  great  part  of  their  artillery,  camp  equipage,  and< 
baggage  behind.  What  was  the  motive  for  this  unexpected 
flight  of  a  vaunting  and  all  but  victorious  foe,  was  a  problem 
they  were  unable  to  solve  within  the  garrison,  although  their 
joy  was  not,  on  that  account,  the  less  at  their  deliverance.  It 
subsequently  appeared  that  the  panic  which  produced  this  wel- 
come and  unexpected  change  in  the  situation  of  the  garrison^ 
was  caused  by  a  ruse-de-guerre,  practised  upon  the  forces  ot 
St.  Leger  by  General  Arnold,  who  had  been  waiting  at  Fort 
Dayton  several  days  for  the  arrival  of  reinforcements  and  sup- 
plies.*   But,  having  heard  that  St.  Leger  had  made  his  ap- 

*  "I  wrote  you,  the  2l9t  instant,  from  Qerman  Platts,  that  from  the  best  intelli- 
gence I  could  procure  of  the  enemy's  strength,  it  was  much  superior  to  cur's ;  at 
tlie  same  time  I  inclosed  you  a  copy  of  the  resolutions  of  a  comicil  of  war,  and  re- 
quested you  to  send  me  a  reinforcement  of  one  thousand  liglrt  troops." — Letter  of 
Arnold  to  General  Gate$,  Aug  23,  1777. — "  I  have  been  retarded  by  the  badness  of 
the  roads,  waiting  for  some  baggage  and  ammunition,  and  for  the  militia,  who  did 
not  turn  out  with  that  spirit  which  I  expected.  They  are  now  joining  me  in  great 
numbers.  A  fe.  days  will  relievo  you." — MS.  letter  front  Arnold  to  Colonel  Oatue' 
vtoH,  Aug.  22, 1777. 

LV 


U    r^ 


*  r. 


258 


LIFE   OP   BRANT, 


[1777. 


proaches  to  within  a  short  distance  of  the  fort,  Arnold,  on  the 
22d  of  August,  determined  at  all  events  to  push  forward  and 
hazard  a  battle,  rather  than  see  the  garrison  fall  a  sacrifice.* 
With  this  visw,  on  the  morning  of  the  23d,  he  resumed  his 
march  for  Fort  Schuyler,  and  had  proceeded  ten  miles  of  the 
distance  from  Fort  Dayton  when  ho  was  met  by  an  express 
from  Colonel  Gansevoort,  with  the  gratifying  intelligence  that 
the  siege  had  been  raised.  The  cause  of  this  sudden  movement 
was  yet  as  great  a  mystery  to  the  Colonel  and  his  garrison,  as 
was  the  flight  of  the  host  of  Ben-hadad  from  before  Samaria  to 
the  king  of  Israel,  when  the  Syrian  monarch  heard  the  super- 
natural sound  of  chariots,  and  the  noise  of  horses,  in  the  days 
of  Elisha  the  prophti.  Arnold  was,  of  course,  less  in  the  dark. 
The  circumstances  were  these  : — 

Among  the  party  of  Tories  and  Indians  captured  at  Shoe- 
maker's under  Lieutenant  Butler,  w^ns  a  singular  I'^ing  named 
Hon- Yost  Schuyler.  His  place  of  residence  was  near  the 
Little  Falls,  v/here  his  mother  and  a  brother  named  Nicholas. 
were  then  residing.  Hon-Yost  Schuyler  was  one  of  the 
coarsest  and  most  ignorant  men  in  the  valley,  appearing  scarce 
half  removed  from  idiocy  ;  and  yet  there  was  no  small  share  of 
shrewdness  in  his  character.  Living  upon  the  extreme  border 
of  civilization,  his  associations  had  been  more  with  the  Indians 
than  the  whites ;  and  iradition  avers  that  they  regarded  him 
with  that  mysterious  reverence  and  awe  with  which  they  are 
inspired  by  fools  and  lunatics.  Thus  situated  and  thus  con- 
stituted, Hon-Yost  had  partially  attached  himself  to  the  Royalist 
cause,  though  probably,  like  the  Cow-boys  of  West  Chester,  he 
really  cared  little  which  party  he  served  or  plundered ;  and 
had  he  been  the  captor  of  the  unfortunate  Andre,  would  have 
balanced  probabilities  as  to  the  best  way  of  turning  the  prize  to  i 
account.  Be  these  things,  however,  as  they  may,  T! on- Yost 
was  captured,  with  Walter  Butler,  and,  like  him,  was  tried  for 
his  life,  adjudged  guilty,  and  condemned  to  death.  His  mother  | 
end  brother,  hearing  of  his  situation,  ha.stened  to  Fort  Dayton,, 
end  implored  General  Arnold  to  spare  his  life.  The  old  wo- 
man strongly  resembled  th"  gipsey  in  her  character,  and  the 
eloquencte  and  pathos  with  v/hich  she  pleaded  for  the  life  oi  her 

•  Letter  abore  cited  from  Arnold  to  General  Gates.    Vide  Remembrancer,  1771,  | 
page  444. 


irrr.] 


JTORY    OP    HOX-YOST    SCHUYLER. 


359 


ide  Remembrancer,  177" 


son,  were  long  remembered  in  the  unwritten  history  of  the 
Mohawk  Valley.  Arnold  was  for  a  time  inexorable,  and  the 
w'^man  became  almost  frantic  with  grief  and  passion  on  account 
of  her  wayward  son.  Nicholas,  likewise,  exerted  himself  to  the 
utmost  in  behalf  of  his  brother.  At  length  General  Arnold 
proposed  i/^rms  upon  which  his  life  should  be  spared.  The 
conditions  were,  that  Hon- Yost  should  hasten  to  Fort  Schuyler, 
and  so  alarm  the  camp  of  St.  Leger  as  to  induce  him  to  raise 
the  siege  and  fly.  The  convict-traitor  gladly  accepted  the 
proposition,  and  his  mother  offered  herself  as  a  hostage  for  the 
faithful  performance  of  his  commission.  Arnold,  however, 
declined  receiving  the  woman  as  a  hostage,  preferring  and  in- 
sisting that  Nicholas  should  be  retained  for  that  purpose.  To 
this  the  latter  readily  assented,  declaring  that  he  was  perfectly 
willing  to  pledge  his  life  that  Hon-Yost  would  fulfil  his  engage- 
ments to  the  utmost.  Nicholas  was,  tL  \efore,  placed  in  con- 
finement, while  Hon-Yost  departed  for  the  camp  of  Colonel  St. 
Leger — having  made  an  arrangement  with  one  of  the  Oneida 
Indians,  friendly  to  the  Americans,  to  aid  him  in  the  enterprise. 
Before  his  departure  several  shots  were  fired  through  Schuyler's 
clothes,  that  he  might  appear  to  have  hac  a  narrow  escape ;  and 
the  Oneida  Indian,  by  taking  a  circuitqus^  route  to  Fort  Schuy- 
ler, was  to  fall  into  the  enemy's  camp  froni  another  direction, 
and  aid  Hon-Yost  in  creating  the  panic  desired.  The  emissary 
first  presented  himself  among  the  Indians,  who  were  in  a  very 
suitable  state  of  mind  to  be  wrought  upon  by  exactly  such  a 
personage.  They  had  been  moody  and  dissatisfied  ever  since 
the  battle  of  Oriskany — neither  the  success  nor  the  plunder 
p'-omised  them  had  been  won,  and  they  had  previously  received 
sonae  vague  and  indefinite  intelligence  respecting  the  approach 
of  Arnold.  They  had  likewise  just  been  holding  a  pow-wow, 
or  were  actually  convened  in  one,  for  the  purpose  of  consulting 
the  Manitto  touching  the  dubious  enterprise  in  which  they 
were  engaged,  when  Hon-Yost  arrived.  Knowing  their  cha- 
racter well,  he  communicated  his  intelligence  to  them  in  the 
most  mysterious  and  imposing  manner.  Pointing  to  his  riddled 
garments,  he  proved  to  them  how  narrow  had  been  his  escape 
from  the  approaching  army  of  the  rebels.  When  asked  the 
number  of  the  troops  that  Arnold  was  leading  against  them, 
he  shook  his  head  mysteriously,  and  pointed  upward  to  the 


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'■   '■fi       i?    life  ■,'•34 


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•;  ,,  lJ'l;BI;,l       >1    Mil 


260 


LIFE    OF   BRANT. 


[1777. 


leaves  of  the  trees.  The  reports  spread  rapidly  through  the 
canfps,  and  reaching  the  ears  of  the  commander,  Hon- Yost  was 
sent  for  to  the  tent  of  St.  Leger  himself  Here  he  was  inter- 
rogated, and  gave  information  that  General  Arnold,  with  two 
thousand  men,  was  so  near  that  he  would  be  upon  them  within 
twenty-four  hours.  He  gave  St.  Leger  a  pitiable  narrative  of 
his  captivity,  trial,  and  condemnation  to  the  gallows.  It  was 
while  on  his  way  to  execution,  as  he  alleged,  that,  finding  him- 
self not  very  closely  guarded,  he  took  an  opportunity  to  effect 
his  escape — thinking,  at  the  worst,  that  he  could  only  die,  and 
it  would  be  as  well  to  be  shot  as  hanged.  A  shower  of  bullets 
had  indeed  been  let  fly  at  him,  but  fortunately  had  only  wound- 
ed his  clothes,  as  the  General  might  see.*  Meantime  the 
Oneida  messenger  arrived  with  a  belt,  and  confirmed  to  the  In- 
dians all  that  Schuyler  had  said ;  adding,  that  the  Americans 
had  no  desire  to  injure  the  Indians,  and  were  intent  only  upon 
attacking  the  British  troops  and  rangers.  While  making  his 
way  to  the  camp  of  the  besiegers,  the  ingenious  Oneida  had 
fallen  in  with  some  two  or  three  straggling  Indians  of  his  ac- 
quaintance, to  whom  he  communicated  his  business,  and  whose 
assistance  in  furthering  the  design  he  engaged.  These  saga- 
cious fellows  dropped  into  the  Indian  camp  at  dififerent  points, 
and  threw  out  alarming  suggestions — shaking  their  heads 
mysteriously,  and  insinuating  that  a  bird  had  brought  them  in- 
telligence of  great  moment.t  They  spoke  of  warriors  in  great 
numbers  advancing  rapidly  upon  them,  and  used  every  indirect 
method  of  infusing  a  panic  into  the  minds  of  the  listeners  who 
gathered  around  them.  The  Indians  presently  began  to  give 
signs  of  decamping,  and  St.  Leger  assayed  in  vain  to  reassure 
them.  He  convened  a  council  of  their  chiefs,  hoping  that  by 
the  influence  of  Sir  John  Johnson,  and  Colonels  Glaus  and 
Butler,  he  should  still  be  able  to  retain  them.  Other  re- 
ports, of  a  yet  Tiore  terrifying  tendency,  getting  afloat,  not  only 
among  the  Indians  but  in  the  other  camp,  the  former  declared 
that  "  the  pow-wow  said  they  must  go  ;"  and  a  portion  of  them 
took  their  departure  before  the  council  broke  up.  ^he  result 
was  a  general  and  precipitate  flight.    It  has  been  stated,  that  iu 


•  Remembrancer,  for  1777— p.  447-448, 

t  Travels  oTPresideat  Dwij^it,  vol.  iii.  p.  195-197. 


1777.] 


ME^'RIMENT   OF   THE    INDIANS. 


261 


the  commencement  of  the  retreat  the  Indians  mndc  themselves 
merry  at  the  expense  of  their  white  allies,  by  raising  a  shout 
that  the  Americans  were  upon  them,  and  tlien  laughing  at  Ihe 
groundless  terror  thus  created.*  According  to  the  account  de- 
rived by  Gordon  from  the  Rev.  Mr.  Kirkland,  an  altercation 
took  place  between  Colonel  St.  Leger  and  Sir  John  Johnson,  the 
former  repnmching  the  latter  with  the  defection  of  th^  Indians, 
while  the  Baronet  charged  his  commander  with  but  an  indif- 
ferent prosecution  of  the  siege.  It  was  in  the  gray  of  twilight, 
when  a  couple  of  sachems,  standing  upon  a  little  eminence  not 
far  in  the  rear,  and  overhearing  the  interchange  of  sharp  words 
between  them,  put  an  end  to  the  unpleasant  colloquy  by  raismg 
the  shout — ^^  they  are  coming! — they  are  coming  T  Both 
St.  Leger  and  Sir  John  recommenced  their  retreat  with  all 
possible  expedition  upon  hearing  such  an  alarm.  Their  troops 
were  equally  nimble  of  foot  on  the  occasion,  throwing  away 
their  knapsacks  and  arm:=,  and  disencumbering  themselves  of 
civeiy  hindrance  to  the  quickstep  ;  while  the  Indians,  enjoying 
the  panic  and  confusion,  repeated  the  joke  by  the  way  until 
they  arrived  al  the  Oneida  L;ike,  It  is  believed,  however,  that 
it  was  not  the  Americans  alone  of  whom  St.  Legu»  ooj^an  to 
stand  in  fear,  being  quite  as  apprehensive  of  danger  from  his 
own  dusky  allies  as  he  was  of  tl)e  approaching  army  of  Arnold. 
There  is  British  authority  for  stating  that  the  Indians  actually 
plundered  several  of  the  boats  belonging  to  their  own  army ; 
robbing  the  officers  of  whatsoever  they  liked.  Within  a  few 
miles  of  the  camp,  they  first  stripped  off  the  arms,  and  afterward 
murdered,  with  their  own  bayonets,  all  those  British,  German, 
and  American  soldiers  who  were  separated  from  the  main 
body.t  Thus  were  the  threats  of  savage  vengeance  sent  by 
Colonel  St.  Leger  to  the  garrison,  in  some  degree  wreaked. 


%   <"! 


h 


*  Travels  of  President  Dwight,  vol.  iii.  p.  195-197. 

t  British  Universal  Magazine.  Indeed,  St,  Loser's  report  of  'Ms  disastrous  re- 
treat, addressed  to  General  Burgoyne  from  Oswego,  on  the  27th  of  August,  cor- 
responds very  closely  with  the  American  accounts  whence  the  present  narrative  has 
been  drawn.  He  states  that  the  Indians  fell  treacherously  upon  their  friends,  and 
became  more  formidable  than  the  enemy  they  had  to  expect  He  leaves  no  room, 
however,  to  suppose  that  there  was  any  difficulty  between  Sir  John  Johnson  and 
iiimself— calling  him  "  his  gallant  coadjutor,"  &c  and  commending  his  exertions  to 
induce  the  Indiana  again  to  meet  the  enemy,  as  also  those  of  Colonels  Glaus  and 
Butler. 


:«i> 


1^ 


""*  'iH 


262 


LlFl;;    OF    DUANT. 


[1777. 


IP»* 


upon  his  own  army.  Hon- Yost  Schn>.j.  ..ccompanied  the 
Hying  host  to  the  esfuury  of  Wood  Creek,  where  he  deserted 
threading  his  way  back  to  Fort  Schuyler  the  same  evening- 
imparting  to  Colonel  Gansevoort  his  first  infornrntion  of  the 
advance  of  Arnold.*  From  Fort  Schuyler,  Hon- Yost  proceeded 
back  to  the  German  Flatts.  On  presenting  himself  at  Fort 
Dayton,  his  brother  was  discharged,  to  the  inexpressible  joy  of 
ffis  mother  and  their  relaiives.  But  he  proved  a  Tory  in  grain, 
and  embraced  the  first  opportunity  subsequently  presented, 
which  was  in  October,  of  running  away  to  the  enemy,  witli 
several  of  his  neighbors,  and  attaching  himself 'to  the  forces  of 
Sir  John  Johnson,  t 

Immediately  on  the  receipt  of  Colonel  Gansevoort's  despatch 
announcing  St.  Leger's  retreat.  General  Arnold  pushed  for- 
ward a  detachment  of  nine  hundnd  men,  with  directions, if 
jwssible,  to  overtake  the  fugitives,  and  render  their  flight  still 
more  disastrous.  On  the  day  following,  Arnold  himself  arrived 
at  the  fort,  where  he  was  received  with  a  salute  of  artillery  and 
the  cheers  of  the  brave  garrison.  He,  of  course,  found  that 
Gansevoort  had  anticipated  his  design  of  harassing  the  rear  of 
the  flying  enemy,  and  had  brought  in  several  prisoners,  leather 
with  large  quantities  of  spoil. t  So  great  was  their  panic,  and 
such  the  precipitancy  of  their  flight,  that  they  lefl  their  tents 
standing,  their  provisions,  artillery,  ammunition,  their  entire 
camp  equipage,  and  large  quantities  of  other  articles  enhancing 
the  value  of  the  booty.  § 

Thus  ended  the  siege  of  Fort  Schuyler,  or  Fort  Stanwix,  as 
the  public  have  always  preferred  calling  it.  St.  Leger  hastened 
with  his  scattered  forces  back  to  Oswego,  and  thence  to  Mon- 
treal. From  that  post  he  proceeded  to  Lake  Champlain,  pass- 
ing up  the  same  to  Ticonderoga,  for  the  purpose  of  joining  the 
army  of  Burgoyne.  Finding  that  the  enemy  had  evacuated  the 
country  between  the  fort  and  Lake  Ontario,  and  that  the  post 
could  be  in  no  immediate  danger  from  that  direction,  Colonel 

*  Letter  of  Colonel  Gansevoort  to  Qeneral  Arnold. 

t  After  the  close  of  the  contsst,  Hon- Yost  returned  to  the  Mohawk  Valley,  and 
resided  there  until  his  death — which  event  occurred  about  twenty  years  since. 

I  Letter  of  Arnold  to  Qeneral  Gates,  Aug.  24,  1777. 

§  Among  other  articles  was  the  escritoire  of  St  Leger  himself,  contuning  his  pri- 
vate papers,  several  of  which  have  been  used  by  the  author  in  writing  thiB  and  the 
prtcdding  chapters. 


1777.] 


PROMOTION    OF    UANfili VOOllT, 


2G3 


Gansevoort  took  tho  opportunity  of  visiting  hi«  friends  at  Alba- 
ny, and  at  the  seat  of  the  Stutu  govorninunt,  then  just  organised 
at  Kingston.  His  reception  was  most  cordial,  as  appears  not 
only  from  contemporaneous  accounts,  but  from  the  following 
modest  address  to  his  fellow-soldiers  of  the  garrison,  on  his  re- 
turn to  resume  his  command : — 

"  I  should  be  wanting  in  justice  to  you,  if  I  did  not  give  some 
testimony  of  your  good  conduct  during  the  time  you  have  been 
in  this  garrison,  and  especially  while  we  were  besieged  by  the 
enemy.  Believe  me,  that  I  am  impressed  with  a  proper  sense 
of  tho  behavior  by  which  you  have  done  essential  service  to 
your  country,  and  acquired  immortal  honor  to  yourselves. 
Nothing  can  equal  the  pleasure  I  have  experienced  shice  my 
absence,  in  hearing  and  receiving  the  public  approbation  of  our 
country  for  our  services,  which  is,  and  must  be,  to  every  sol- 
dier, a  full  and  ample  compensation  for  the  same.  Permit  me 
10  congratulate  you  upon  the  success  of  the  American  arms, 
both  to  the  Southward  and  Northward.  Every  day  terminates 
with  victory  to  America ;  and  I  make  not  the  least  doubt,  but 
in  this  campaign  we  shall  effectually  establish  the  Indepen- 
dence of  the  Utiited  States,  and  thereby  secure  to  ourselves  the 
rights  and  liberties  for  which  we  have  so  nobly  stood  forth."* 

As  an  evidence  of  the  value  placed  upon  the  services  of  the 
Colonel  in  the  defence  of  Fort  Schuyler,  he  was  shortly  after- 
ward promoted  in  the  State  line  to  the  rank  of  Brigadier  Gene- 
ral, while  his  gallantry  was  farther  rewarded  by  a  Colonel's 
commission  from  Congress  in  the  army  of  the  United  States  f 

*  Copied  by  the  author  from  the  original  manuscript.  It  was  filed  away  anion/, 
the  Colonel's  papers,  with  the  following  inscription : — "  A  laconic  address  to  my  fe'.* 
low  officers  and  soldiers  afler  our  success  at  Fort  Stunwiz." 

t  There  seems  to  have  been  something  peculiar  and  special  in  this  commission. 
In  a  letter  which  Colonel  Gansevoort  wrote  jointly  to  William  Duer  and  Qouver- 
neiir  Morris,  a  copy  of  which  is  preserved  among  his  papers,  ho  observes : — "Con- 
gress have  done  me  the  honor  of  appointing  me  Colond  Commandant  of  Fort  Schuy- 
ler. I  should  esteem  it  as  a  favor  if  you  would  inform  me  whether  I  am  to  receive 
any  pay  for  that  commission,  other  than  as  Colonel  of  the  third  regiment  of  New- 
Yorkers  ;  and  if  not,  I  should  be  glad  if  you  would  endeavor  to  get  something  al- 
lowed me,  as  my  present  pay  will  not  reimburse  my  table  liquors,  which  you  may 
well  conceive  to  be  something  considerable  as  commanding  officer.  I  am  not  solici- 
tous to  make  money  by  my  commission ;  but  I  could  wish  not  to  sink  by  it,  as  I  am 
obliged  to  do  now.  The  commission  whi^  i  Congress  has  sent  me  as  commandant 
of  Fort  Schuyler,  subjects  me  as  much  to  the  command  of  ray  superior  officers,  u 


hi 


\:4'!M 


J.V', 


or, 
i'  1}  M 


Uy     51 


Ai 


264 


LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


[1777. 


On  leaving  his  regiment,  its  ofRcers  presented  him  with  nn  nf- 
fectionnte  letter  of  congratulation  on  his  promotion,  njingled 
with  an  expression  of  their  regret  at  the  loss  to  the  regiment  of 
"so  worthy  a  patron."  To  which  the  Colonel  returned  an 
appropriate  letter  of  thanks.*  The  people  of  Tryon  County 
wore  of  course  rejoiced,  that  the  blow,  directed,  as  the  enemy 
supposed,  with  unerring  certainty  against  them,  had  been  avert- 
ed. They  had  suffered  severely  in  the  campaign ;  but  there 
were  enough  of  her  sons  yet  left  to  swell  the  ranks  of  General 
Gates  not  a  little ;  ond  they  pressed  ordently  to  join  his  standard, 
although  circumstances  did  not  then  require  them  long  to  re- 
main in  the  field. 

In  October  following,  when  Sir  Henry  Clinton  was  ascending 
the  Hudson  for  the  purpose  either  of  succoring,  or  of  co-ope- 
rating with,  Burgoyne,  Colonel  Gansevoort  was  ordered  to 
Albany  by  General  Gates,  to  take  command  of  the  large  force 
then  concentrating  at  that  place.  Happily,  as  will  oppear  in 
the  succeeding  chapters,  there  was  no  occasion  to  test  his 
prowess  in  his  new  and  temporary  command. 

any  former  one.    irthat  was  the  intention  of  Congress,  the  appointment  is  nugntory, 
If  not,  I  wish  Congress  to  alter  the  commission." 

*  The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  address  referred  to  in  the  text : — "Honored  Sir. 
From  a  just  sense  of  that  conduct  which  has  hitherto  been  so  conspicuously  Bhown 
to  advance  the  third  New- York  regiment  to  honor  and  public  notice,  wo  congratu- 
late you  that  those  characteristics  which  so  eminently  point  out  tho  gentleman  and 
soldier,  have  by  your  personal  bravery  been  deservedly  noticed  by  our  bleeding  coun- 
try. Although  we  rejoice  at  your  promotion,  yet  wo  cannot  but  regret  the  loss  of  so 
worthy  a  patron.  That  the  prosperity  which  has  crowned  your  conduct  with  victor; 
may  still  be  continued,  is  the  sincere  wish  and  prayer  of,  honored  Sir,  your  most 
obedient  and  very  humble  servants."  It  was  signed  by  twenty-six  officers.  Colonel 
Gansevoort  replied  as  follows: — "Gentlemen:  Your  polite  address  on  my  promo- 
tion merits  my  sinccrcst  thanks.  Gratitudo,  I  hope,  shall  never  be  wanting  in  me 
to  the  third  N.  Y.  regiment,  who  have,  by  their  firmness  and  discipline,  been  the 
chief  authors  of  my  promotion.  Therefore,  Gentlemen,  please  to  accept  my  warmest 
wishes  for  the  prosperity  of  the  corps,  that  all  their  virtuous  endeavors  in  the  defence 
of  their  bleeding  country  may  be  crowned  with  honor  and  success,  which  will  always 
be  the  earnest  prayer  of,  Gentlemen,  your  most  obliged,  humble  servant." 


[1777. 


lim  with  nn  nf. 
lotion,  nnngied 
the  regiment  of 
lel  returned  an 
Tryon  County 
I,  ns  the  enemy 
had  been  avcrt- 
lign ;  but  there 
inks  of  General 
)in  his  standard, 
lem  long  to  rc- 

n  was  ascending 
ig,  or  of  co-ope- 
was  ordered  to 
if  the  large  force 
s  will  appear  in 
sion  to  test  his 


>ointmcnt  is  niigntory, 

ext : — "Honored  Sir. 
conspicuously  sliowti 

notice,  we  congratu- 
ut  the  gentleman  and 
by  our  bleeding;  coun- 
it  regret  the  loss  of  so 
ir  conduct  with  victory 
nored  Sir,  your  moat 

six  officers.  Colonel 
ddresB  on  my  promo- 
er  be  wanting  innie 
d  discipline,  been  the 
to  accept  my  warmest 
deavora  in  the  defence 
esa,  which  will  always 

e  servant." 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Recurrence  to  the  invasion  of  Burgovno — General  Schuyler  again  auporacde<l  by 
Ontes — Causes  of  this  i  justici — Battle  of  Stillwater — Both  armies  entrench— 
Biiltio  and  victory  of  Behmus's  IIeia;ht» — Funcrul  of  General  Frainr — llctrcat  of 
Biirj;oyno — DitficullioN  increasing  upon  him — His  cnpitulntion — Moitinja;  of  Bur- 

§uyne  and  Gates — Det>ortnient  of  Gates  toward  Gen.  Washington— ISoble  con- 
net  of  General  Schuyler. 

The  temporary  pacification  of  tho  Western  part  of  the 
State,  resulting  from  the  events  of  which  we  have  just  closed 
the  narrative,  affords  an  opportunity  for  recurring  to  the  inva- 
sion of  IJurgoyne,  who  was  left  in  the  mid  career  of  victory, 
checked,  it  is  true,  by  unexpected  and  increasing  difficulties, 
until  brought  to  a  stand  by  the  serious  affair  of  Bennington, 
heretofore  incidentally  disposed  of  On  shifting  the  scene, 
however,  from  the  head  waters  of  the  Mohawk  to  the  upper 
districts  of  the  Hudson,  General  Gates  is  again  found  in  com- 
mand of  the  Northern  Department — General  Schuyler,  to 
whose  wise  measures  and  indefatigable  exertions  the  country 
was  mainly  indebted  for  arresting  the  progress  of  Burgoyne, 
and  during  whose  command  the  victory  of  Bennington  had 
been  won  by  General  Stark — having  been  most  unjustly  su- 
perseded by  express  resolution  of  Congress.  There  had,  during 
the  present  year,  been  a  very  imwise,  unworthy,  and  capricious 
interference,  on  the  part  of  Congress,  with  tho  command  of  this 
department.  On  the  25th  of  March,  without  a  reason  assigned, 
General  Gates  had  superseded  General  Schuyler,  his  superior 
officer,  by  order  of  Congress  ;  and  on  the  22d  of  May,  without 
any  expressed  motive.  General  Schuyler  was  restored  to  the 
command  of  that  department.*  Again,  on  the  1st  of  August,  it 
was  resolved  by  Congress  that  General  Schuyler  should  repair 
to  head-quarters,  while  the  Commander-in-chief  was,  by  the 
same  resolution,  directed  to  order  such  general  officer  as  he 
should  think  proper,  to  assume  the  conamand  in  Schuyler's 
place.  The  day  atier  the  passage  of  that  resolution.  General 
Washington  received  a  letter  from  the  New  England  delegation 
in  Congress,  suggesting  the  name  of  General  Gates,  as  the  offi- 


^■'1 


,^V:  '*' 


¥i 


;  "I 


*  Memoirs  of  General  Wilkinson,  vol.  i.  p.  168. 


!;\>'  i' 3 


f 


266 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1777. 


lis! 


cer  who  would  be  most  likely  to  restore  harmony,  order,  and 
discipline,  and  to  relieve  our  affairs  in  that  quarter,*  We  have. 
in  a  former  chapter,  referred  to  the  prejudices  existing  against 
General  Schuyler,  and  the  causes  of  them.  These  had  now 
become  so  strong,  and  the  Eastern  States,  in  particular,  were 
so  hostile  to  his  longer  continuance  in  the  command,  that  ev.n 
his  friends  acquiesced  in  the  expediency,  though  not  in  the 
justice,  of  his  removal.t  General  Schuyler  himself,  however,  felt 
acutely  the  discredit  of  being  recalled  at  the  most  critical  and 
interesting  period  of  the  campaign  ;  when  the  labor  and  activity 
of  making  preparations  to  repair  the  disasters  of  it  had  been 
expended  by  him  ;  and  when  an  opportunity  was  offered,  as  he 
observed,  for  that  resistance  and  retaliation  which  might  bring 
glory  upon  our  arms.} 

The  Commander-in-chief  paid  no  heed  to  the  advisory  epistle 
from  the  New  England  delegates,  but  in  a  respectful  letter  to 
the  President  of  Congress,  declined  the  honor  of  making  the 
selection.§     Had  he  not  thus  excused  himself,  it  is  not  presump- 

*  Sparks's  Life  and  Cor.  of  Washington,  vol.  v.  p.  14.  Tiic  original  of  this  letter 
to  Washington  is  in  the  hand-writing  of  Samuel  Adams,  and  is  signed  by  the  fol- 
lowing names,  in  the  order  in  which  they  here  stand,  viz :  John  Adams,  Nathaniel 
Folsom,  Samuel  Adams,  Henry  Marchant,  Elbridge  Gerry,  Eliphalet  Dyer,  'VVil- 
liam  Williams. 

t  Marshall. 

X  Address  of  Chancellor  Kent  before  the  New- York  Historical  Society,  Dec.  182S. 
The  calumnies  directed  against  St.  Clair  and  Schuyler,  in  regard  to  tiliefall  of  Ticon- 
deroga,  were  so  gross  as  to  exceed  belief  in  their  propagation.  These  officers  were  de- 
nounced as  traitors  to  the  country,  acting  in  concert  with  the  enemy,  and  the  ignorant 
and  credulous  were  led  to  be'ieve  that  they  had  received  an  immense  treasure  in  sihtr 
balls,  fired  by  Burgoyne  into  St.  Clair's  camp,  and  by  hia  order  picked  up,  and  trans- 
mitted to  Schuyler  at  Fort  George.  Wilkinson,  who  was  Gates's  Adjutant  General, 
avers  that  respectable  people  questioned  him  with  much  gravity  as  to  the  fact! 
These  slanders  were,  for  factious  purposes,  countenanced  by  respectable  men,  and 
the  consequence  was,  general  defection  and  desertion,  in  the  early  part  of  the  Summer, 
80  that,  at  one  time,  the  Northern  army  was  reduced  to  less  than  three  thousand, 
and  the  militia  to  less  than  thirteen  hundred — and  these  subject  to  no  effectual  le- 
Btraint. 

§  "  At  the  same  time  that  I  express  my  thanks  for  the  high  mark  of  confidence 
which  Congress  has  been  pleased  to  repose  in  me  by  their  resolve,  authorising  me  to 
send  an  officer  to  command  the  Northern  army,  I  should  wish  to  be  excused  from 
making  the  appointment.  For  this,  many  reasons  might  be  mentioned,  which,  I  am 
persuaded,  will  occur  to  Congress  on  reflection.  The  Northern  Pepartment  in  a 
great  measure  has  been  considered  as  separate,  and  more  peculiarly  under  their  di- 
rection ;  and  the  ofRcers  commanding  there  always  under  their  nomination.  I  have 
never  interfered  farther  than  merely  to  advise,  and  to  give  such  aids  ae  were  witliiu 


water,  on  i 


1777.] 


burgoyne's  campaign. 


267 


tion  to  intimate,  that,  influenced  by  the  peculiar  attitude  which 
Gates  had  even  then  begun  to  assume,  and  acting,  as  Washing- 
ton ever  did,  under  the  stern  behests  of  conscience,  he  would 
have  made  a  different  selection  from  that  proposed  to  him  by 
the  Eastern  representatives,  and  which  ultimately  prevailed. 

General  Gates,  however,  did  not  join  the  Northern  army 
until  the  19th  of  August ;  and  as  the  time  was  not  specified 
within  which  he  was  required  to  report  himself  at  head-quar- 
ters, General  Schuyler  was  allowed  to  remain  at  the  North, 
with  the  approbation  both  of  Congress  and  the  Commander-in- 
chief,  until  after  the  campaign  had  been  closed  by  the  surren- 
der of  the  British  commander  and  his  army.  Nor  were  his 
exertions  the  less  active,  or  his  counsels  the  less  freely  proffered, 
in  the  cause  of  his  country,  because  of  the  injustice  by  which 
his  pride  had  been  wounded.* 

After  the  evacuation  of  Fort  Edward,t  as  mentioned  in  a 
former  chapter.  General  Schuyler  fell  down  the  river  to  Still- 
water, on  tlio  3d  of  August,  and  began  to  entrench  his  camp 
there  on  the  4th.  Burgoyne's  ill-conceived  expedition  to  Ben- 
nington, under  Colonel  Baum,  deprived  him  of  one-sixth  of  his 
effective  force  on  the  16th.  It  was  not  until  near  a  month 
afterward,  during  which  period  the  American  army  had  been 
greatly  strengthened  at  Stillwater,  that  Burgoyne  was  again 
prepared  to  advance.  Having  at  length,  by  dint  of  almost  in- 
credible labor,  brought  up  from  Fort  George  a  supply  of  pro- 
visions for  thirty  days,  and  thrown  a  bridge  of  boats  over  the 
Hudson,  the  British  commander  with  his  army  crossed  on  the 
13th  and  14th  of  September,  and  encamped  on  the  heights  and 
plains  of  Saratoga.  On  the  night  of  the  ]  7th,  Burgoyne  en- 
camped within  four  miles  of  the  American  army ;  and  about 

my  power,  on  the  requisitions  of  those  officers.  The  present  situation  of  that  depart- 
ment is  delicate  and  critical,  and  the  clioice  of  an  officer  to  the  command  may  in- 
volve very  interesting  and  important  consequences." — Letter  of  Washington  to  the 
Prtiident  of  Congress,  ^ug.  3,  1777. 

*  "The  zeal,  patriotism,  perseverance,  and  salutary  arrangements  of  General 
Schuyler,  had  roused  the  spirit  of  the  country,  and  vanquished  the  prejudices  excited 
against  him  by  artifice,  intrigue,  and  detraction."— FTt/fctnJon's  Memoirs. 

t  It  was  during  a  skirmish  before  Fort  Edward,  when  the  Americans  were  flying 
from  a  party  of  thirty  or  forty  Indians,  that  the  late  General  Matthew  Clarkson,  of 
New- York— then  Major  Clarkson  and  aid  to  General  Arnold — was  wounded  by  a 
ball  which  passed  through  the  muscular  integuments  of  the  throat.  The  wound  was 
■apposed  to  be  fatal  at  the  time,  but  he  soon  recovered 


368 


LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


[1777. 


noon  on  the  19th,  advanced  in  full  force  against  it — the  latter 
having,  in  the  mean  time,  advanced  toward  the  enemy  three 
miles  above  Stillwater.  Burgoyne  commanded  his  right  wing 
in  person,  covered  by  General  Frazer  and  Colonel  Breyman 
with  the  grenadiers  and  light-infantry,  who  were  posted  alonff 
some  high  grounds  on  the  right.  The  front  and  flanks  were 
covered  by  Indians,  Provincials,  and  Canadians.  The  enemy's 
left  wing  and  artillery  were  commanded  by  Generals  Phillips 
and  Riedesel,  who  proceeded  along  the  great  road.  Colonel 
Morgan,  who  was  detached  to  observe  their  motions,  and  to 
harass  them  as  they  advanced,  *soon  fell  in  with  their  pickets 
in  advance  of  their  right  wing,  attacked  them  sharply  and 
drove  them  in.  A  strong  corps  was  immediately  detached  by 
the  enemy  against  Morgan,  who,  after  a  brisk  engagement,  was 
in  turn  compelled  to  give  Wiay.  A  regiment  being  ordered  to 
the  assistance  of  Morgan,  whose  riflemen  had  been  sadly  scat- 
tered by  the  vigor  of  the  attack,  the  battle  was  renewed  at  about 
one  o'clock,  and  was  maintained  with  spirit,  though  with  occa- 
sional pauses,  for  three  hours — the  commanders  on  both  sides 
supporting  and  reinforcing  their  respective  parties.  By  four 
o'clock  the  battle  became  general,  Arnold,  with  nine  Continen- 
tal regiments  and  Morgan's  corps,  having  completely  engaged 
the  whole  right  wing  of  the  enemy.*  The  contest,  accidentally 
commenced,  in  the  first  instance,  now  assumed  the  most  obsti- 
nate and  determined  character.  It  was  maintained  four  hours 
longer — the  soldiers  being  often  engaged  hand  to  hand.  The 
approach  of  night  terminated  the  battle — the  Americans  retreat- 
ing to  their  encampment,  but  not  from  other  necessity  than 
the  darkness.  The  enemy  were  provided  with  artillery,  but 
the  ground  occupied  by  the  Americans  would  not  allow  the 

•  Holmes,  who  follows  Stedman.  General  Wilkinson  denies  tjiat  Arnold  shared 
much  in  this  battle.  He  says: — "Not  a  single  general  officer  was  on  the  field  of 
battle  on  the  19lh,  until  evening,  when  General  Lamed  was  ordered  out  About 
the  same  time  Generals  Gates  and  Arnold  were  in  front  of  tiie  centre  of  the  camp, 
listening  to  the  peal  of  small  arms,  when  Colonel  Morgan  Lewis,  deputy  quarter- 
master General,  returned  from  the  field,  and  being  questioned  by  the  General,  he 
reported  the  undecisive  progress  of  the  action— at  which  Arnold  exclaimed,  '  by  G— 
I  will  put  an  end  to  t(,'  and  clapping  spurs  to  his  horse,  galloped  off*  at  full  speed. 
Colonel  Lewis  inmiodiately  observed  to  General  Gates,  •  You  had  better  order  him 
back,  the  action  is  going  well,  and  he  may  by  some  rash  act  do  mischief.'  I  was 
instantly  despatched,  overtook,  and  remanded  Arnold  to  camp." — Memoirs^  vd.  i. 
Chap.  vi. 


I*  I 


irn.] 


burooyne's  campaign. 


269 


use  of  field-pieces.  The  fluctuations  of  the  battle  were  frequent 
during  the  day,  and  although  the  British  artillery  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  Americans  at  every  alternate  charge,  the  latter 
could  neither  turn  them  upon  the  enemy  nor  bring  them  off. 
« The  wood  prevented  the  last,  and  the  want  of  a  match  the 
"first,  as  the  lint-stock  was  invariably  carried  away,  and  the 
"rapidity  of  the  transitions  did  not  allow  the  Americans  time 
"to  provide  one."* 

General  Wilkinson,  at  that  time  Adjutant  General,  who  was 
himself  in  the  battle,  and  whose  account  of  it  is  the  best 
that  has  been  written,  sustains  the  remark  iliade  above,  that  the 
engagement  was  perfectly  accidental ;  neither  of  the  opposing 
Generals  meditating  an  attack  at  that  time,  and  yet,  by  a  mu- 
tual misconception  of  each  otiier's  purposes,  they  were  kept  the 
whole  day  acting  upon  the  defensive  ;  confining  themselves  to 
the  ground  occupied  at  first  by  accident,  "  and  neither  attempt- 
"ing  a  single  manoeuvre  during  one  of  the  longest,  warmest, 
"  and  most  obstinate  battles  fought  in  America.  General  Gates 
"  believed  that  his  antagonist  intended  to  attack  him,  and  cir- 
"  cumstances  seemed  to  justify  the  like  conclusion  on  the  part 
"  of  Burgoyne ;  and,  as  the  thickness  and  depth  of  an  inter- 
"vening  wood  concealed  the  position  and  movements  of  either 
"army  fium  its  adversary,  sound  caution  obliged  the  respective 
"  commanders  to  guard  every  assailable  point.  Had  either  of 
"  the  Generals  been  properly  apprised  of  the  dispositions  of  his 
"  antagonist,  a  serious  blow  might  have  been  struck  either  on 
"  the  left  of  the  American  army,  or  on  the  enemy's  right ;"  but 
although  the  combatants  changed  ground  a  dozen  times  in  tlie 
course  of  the  day,  the  contest  was  terminated  by  the  darkness, 
or  the  spot  where  it  began. t  Few  actions  have  been  more  re- 
markable than  this,  both  for  vigor  of  attack  and  obstinacy  of 
resistance.t 

Both  armies  remained  m  the  same  positions  until  the  begm- 
ning  of  October — each  entrenching  itself  within  lines  and  re- 

*  Memoirs  of  Gei.i>;ral  Wilkinson,  vol.  i.  chapter  vi. 

t  Idem. 

\  Stedman.  The  loss  on  the  part  of  the  Amer  ans,  in  killed  and  wounded,  was 
between  three  and  fo  ir  hundred.  Among  the  former  were  Colonels  Colburn  and 
Adams,  and  several  otticr  valuable  officers.  The  loss  of  the  British  was  from  six 
hundred  to  a  Uiouaand,  killed,  wounded,  and  taken. 


'5  .:  1 1! 


,'  -m 


)1 


ll  + 


1 


270  LIFE  OP   BRANT.  [1777. 

doubts,  which,  in  the  most  qligible  positions,  were  strengthened 
with  batteries.  The  engineer  having  the  direction  of  the 
American  works  at  Behmus's  Heights,  was  the  celebrated  Polish 
patriot,  Thaddeus  Kosciusko,  who  had  also  served  in  the  same 
capacity  at  Ticonderoga. 

The  action  of  the  19th  of  September  had  again  essentially 
diminished  the  strength  of  Burgoyne,  added  to  which  were  the 
great  and  increasing  difficulties  of  obtaining  supplies,  and  the 
perpetual  annoyances  to  which  he  was  subjected  by  tlie  Ameri- 
can scouts,  and  still  larger  detachments,  who  were  attacking 
his  pickets,  hanging  upon  his  flanks,  and  cutting  off  his 
foraging  parties.  By  the  4th  of  October  his  supplies  were  so 
far  reduced  that  the  soldiers  were  placed  upon  short  allowance, 
and  his  position  was  in  other  respects  becoming  so  critical, 
that,  hearing  nothing  from  Sir  Henry  Olinton,  for  whose  co- 
operation from  New- York  he  had  been  waiting  since  the  battle 
of  the  19th,  the  idea  of  advancing  was  relinquished,  and  instead 
thereof,  discussions  were  held  respecting  the  practicability  of 
a  retreat.  This  could  only  be  done  by  first  dislodging  the 
Americans,  whose  forces,  disciplined  and  undisciplined,  now  far 
out-numbered  his  own,  from  their  posts  on  the  heights.  On 
the  4th  of  October,  Burgoyne  sent  for  Generals  Phillips, 
Riedesel,  and  Frazer,  to  consult  with  them  on  the  best  measures 
to  be  taken.  His  project  was  to  attack  and  attempt  to  turn  the 
left  wing  of  the  Americans  at  once ;  but  the  other  Generals 
judged  that  it  would  be  dangerous  to  leave  their  stores  under 
so  feeble  a  protection  as  eight  hundred  men,  according  to  the 
proposition  of  their  commander.  A  second  consultation  was  held 
•on  the  5th,  at  which  General  Riedesel  positively  declared  that 
the  situation  of  the  army  had  become  so  critical,  that  they  must 
either  attack  and  force  the  entreu^nnents  of  Gates,  and  thus 
bring  about  a  favorable  change  of  aiEiirs,  or  recross  the  Hudson, 
and  retreat  upon  Fort  George.  Fraser  approved  of  the  latter 
suggestion,  and  Phillips  declined  giving  an  opinion.  General 
Burgoyne,  to  whom  the  idea  of  retreating  was  most  unwelcome, 
declared  that  he  would  make,  on  the  7th,  a  reconnoisance  as 
near  as  possible  to  the  left  wing  of  the  Americans,  with  a  view 
of  ascertaining  whether  it  could  be  attacked  with  any  prospect  of 
success.    He  would  afterward  either  attack  the  army  of  Gates, 


1777.] 


BATTLE   OP   SARATOGA. 


271 


or  retreat  by  the  route  in  the  rear  of  Battenkill.    This  was  his 
final  determination,  and  dispositions  were  made  accordingly  * 

Early  in  the  afternoon  of  the  7th,  General  Burgoyne  drew 
out  fifteen  hundred  men  for  the  purpose  of  making  his  proposed 
reconnoisance,  which  he  headed  himself,  attended  by  Generals 
Phillips,  Riedesel,  and  Frazer.  They  advanced  in  three 
columns  toward  the  left  wing  of  the  American  positions,  enter- 
ed a  wheai-field,  displayed  into  line,  and  then  began  cutting  up 
the  wheat  for  forage.  The  movement  having  been  seasonably 
discovered,  the  centre  advanced  guard  of  the  Americans  beat 
to  arms ;  the  alarm  was  repeated  throughout  the  line,  and 
the  troops  repaired  to  the  alarm  posts.  Colonel  Wilkinson 
being  at  head-quarters  at  the  moment,  was  despatched  to  as- 
certaia  the  cause  of  the  alarm.  He  proceeded  to  within  sixty  or 
seventy  rods  of  the  enemy,  ascertained'their  position,  and  return- 
ed ;  informing  General  Gates  that  they  were  foraging ;  attempt- 
ing also  to  reconnoitre  the  American  left,  and  likewise,  in  his 
opinion,  offering  battle.  After  a  brief  consultation.  Gates  said 
he  would  indulge  them ;  and  Colonel  Morgan,  whose  rifle  corps 
was  formed  in  front  of  the  centre,  was  directed  "  to  begin  the 
frame."t  At  his  own  suggestion,  however,  Morgan  was  allowed 
to  gain  the  enemy's  right  by  a  circuitous  course,  while  PoorV 
brigade  should  attack  his  left.J  The  movement  was  admirably 
executed ;  the  New- York  and  New  Hampshire  troops  attacked 
the  enemy's  front  and  left  wing  with 'great  impetuosity  ;  while, 
true  to  his  purpose,  Morgan,  just  at  the  critical  moment,  poured 
down  like  a  torrent  from  the  hill,  and  attacked  the  enemy's 
right  in  front  and  flank.  The  attack  was  soon  extended  along 
the  whole  front  of  the  enemy  with  great  determination.  Major 
Ackland,  at  the  head  of  the  grenadiers,  sustained  the  attack  of 
Poor  with  great  firmness.§.  But  on  his  right  the  light  infantry, 
in  attempting  to  change  front,  being  pressed  with  ardor  by  Co- 
lonel Dearborn,  were  forced  to  retire  under  a  close  fire,  and  hi 
great  disorder.    They  were  re-formed  by  the  Earl  of  Balcarras 

'*'  Memoirs  of  Madamo  the  Baroness  de  Riedesel. 

t  General  Burgoyne  afterward  stated  to  Wilkinson,  in  conversation,  that  his 
purpose  on  that  day  was  only  to  reconnoitre  and  obtain  forage,  and  that  in  half  an 
hour,  had  his  motives  not  been  penetrated  by  Wilkinson  and  he  not  been  attacked, 
he  should  have  finished  his  observations  and  returned  to  his  camp. 

I  Wilkinson's  Memoirs.  §  Holmes. 


/■'■'-'..  i 


'If:'   ''^11 


M.!' 


:4:  fwilm 


' ,  '>  i. 


^.fj,l 


272 


LIFE    OP    BRANT. 


I', » 


r  i 


[1777. 

behina  a  fence  in  the  rear  of  their  first  position  ;  but,  being 
again  attacked  with  great  audacity  in  front  and  flanks  by  su- 
perior numbers,  resistance  became  vain,  and  the  whole  line 
commanded  by  Burgoyne  in  person,  gave  way,  and  made  a 
precipitate  and  disorderly  retreat  to  his  camp.*  The  right  of 
Burgoyne  had  given  way  first,  the  retreat  of  which  was  covered 
by  the  light  infantry  and  a  part  of  the  24th  regiment.  The 
left  wing  in  its  retreat  would  inevitably  have  been  cut  to  pieces, 
but  for  the  intervention  of  the  same  troops,  performing  in  its 
behalf  the  same  service  that,  a  few  moments  before,  they  had 
done  for  the  right.  This  retreat  took  place  in  exactly  fifty-two 
minutes  after  the  first  shot  was  fired — the  enemy  leaving  two 
twelve  and  six  six  pounders  on  the  field,  with  the  loss  of  more 
than  four  hundred  ofiicers  and  men,  killed,  wounded,  and  cap- 
tured,  and  among  them  the  flower  of  his  officers,  viz :  General 
Frazer,  Major  Ackland,t  Sir  Francis  Cook,  and  many  others. 

*  Memoirs  of  General  Wilkinson. 

t  Idem.  General  Wilkinson  gives  an  interesting  incident  respecting  Major  Ark- 
land.  W  hilc  pursuing  the  flying  enemy,  passing  over  killed  and  wounded,  he  hoard  s 
voice  exclaim — "  Protect  me,  sir,  against  this  boy ! "  Turning  his  head,  he  saw  a  laa 
thirteen  or  fourteen  years  of  age,  deliberately  aiming  at  a  wounded  oflicer,  lying  in 
the  angle  of  a  worm-fence.  The  purpose  of  the  boy  was  arrested — the  officer 
proved  to  be  the  brave  Ackland  who  had  commanded  the  grenadiers,  and  was 
wounded  in  both  legs.  He  was  immediately  sent  to  head-quarters.  The  story  of 
Major  Ackland  has  been  rendered  familiar  to  all,  even  before  escaping  the  nursery, 
by  the  interesting  narrative  of  Lady  Harriet,  his  wife,  who  was  with  the  army,  and 
who,  two  days  after  the  battle,  came  to  the  American  camp,  under  a  flag,  to  join  her 
husband-  The  incident,  from  the  embellishments  it  received,  was  touching  and  ro- 
mar.'*  When  divested  of  its  poetry,  however,  and  reduced  to  the  plain  matter  of 
fact,  according  to  the  statement  of  the  late  General  Dearborn,  which  he  authorized 
Wilkinson  to  publish  in  his  memoirs,  the  affair  was  not  so  very  extraordinary  that 
it  might  not  have  been  enacted  by  any  other  pretty  woman  under  the  some  circum- 
stances, who  loved  her  husband.  Major  Ackland  had  already  been  sent  down  to 
Albany,  when  Lady  Harriet  arrived  at  the  camp  of  General  Gates.  She  was 
treated  with  all  possible  courtesy,  and  permitted  to  follow  and  join  him.  Major 
Ackland  was  a  gallant  officer  and  a  generous  foe.  Wliile  in  New- York,  on  his 
parole,  he  did  all  in  his  power  to  favor  the  treatment  of  distinguished  American 
prisoners.  After  his  return  to  England,  he  sacriflccd  his  life  in  defence  of  American 
honor.  Having  procured  a  regiment,  at  a  dinner  of  military  men,  the  courage  of 
the  Americans  was  questioned.  He  repelled  the  imputation  with  decision.  High 
words  ensued,  in  the  course  of  which  Ackland  gave  the  lie  direct  to  a  subordinate  offi- 
cer named  Lloyd.  A  meeting  was  the  consequence,  in  which  he  was  shot  through  the 
head.  Lady  Harriet  lost  her  senses,  and  continued  deranged  two  years ;  after  which 
she  married  a  gentleman  named  BrudencU,  who  had  accompanied  her  from  the  camp 
of  Burgoyne,  at  Saratoga,  to  that  of  Gates,  in  search  of  her  wounded  husband. 


>8pecting  Major  Ark- 
1  wounded,  he  heard  a 
lis  bead,  he  saw  a  laa 
indcd  officer,  lying  in 
arrested— the  officer 
grenadiers,  and  was 
arters.    The  story  of 
escaping  the  nursery, 
18  with  thoormy.and 
ider  a  flag,  to  join  her 
was  touching  and  ro- 
to  the  plain  matter  of 
,  which  he  authorized 
ery  extraordinary  that 
der  the  same  circum- 
dy  been  sent  down  to 
ral  Gates.    She  was 
and  join  him.    Major 
r,  New- York,  on  his 
itinguished  American 
.defence  of  American 
y  men,  the  courage  of 
with  decision.    High 
ct  to  a  subordinate  offi- 
.was  shot  through  the 
:wo  years;  after  which 
lied  her  from  the  camp 
»unded  husband. 


1777.] 


BATTLE   OF   SARATOGA. 


273 


The  British  troops  had  scarcely  entered  their  lines,  when  the 
Americans,  led  by  General  Arnold,  pressed  forward,  and,  under 
a  tremendous  fire  of  grape-shot  and  musketry,  assaulted  their 
works  throughout  their  whole  extent  from  right  to  left.  To- 
ward the  close  of  the  day,  the  enemy's  intrenchments  we^e 
forced  by  the  hft  of  the  Americans,  led  by  Arnold  in  person, 
who,  with  a  few  of  his  men,  actually  entered  the  works  ;  but 
his  horse  being  killed,  and  the  General  himself  badly  woundedi 
in  the  leg,  they  were  forced  to  retire,  and  the  approach  of  dark- 
ness induced  them  to  desist  from  the  attack.*  Meantime,  on 
the  left  of  Arnold's  detachment,  the  Massachusetts  troops,  under 
Colonel  Brooks,  had  been  still  more  successful — having  turned 
the  enemy's  right,  and  carried  by  storm  the  works  occupied  by 
the  German  reserve.  Colonel  Breyman,  their  commander,  was 
killed ;  and  his  corps^  reduced  to  two  hundred  men,  and  hotly 
pressed  on  all  sides,  was  obliged  to  give  way.  This  advan> 
tage  was  retained  by  the  Americans  ;  and  darkness  put  an  end 
to  an  action  equally  brilliant  and  important  to  the  Continental 
arms.  Great  numbers  of  the  enemy  were  killed,  and  two  hun- 
dred prisoners  taken.  The  loss  of  the  Ameiicans  was  incon- 
siderable.! 

On  the  morning  of  the  8th,  before  daybreak,  the  enemy  left 
his  position  and  defiled  into  the  plain  where  his  provisions 
were ;  but  was  obliged  to  halt  until  the  evening,  because  his 
hospital  could  not  be  sooner  removed.^    The  Americans  im-- 

♦  Subsequent  to  the  battle  of  the  19th  September,  and  previous  to  that  now  under- 
review,  Arnold  had  had  some  difficulty  with  Gates.  A  sharp  correspondence  en' 
sued,  in  the  course  of  which  the  former  demanded  permission  to  join  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief in  Pennsylvania.  The  consequence  was,  that  Arnold  found  him- 
self without  any  command  on  the  7th.  He  was  exceedingly  chafed  at  his  position ;. 
but,  orders  or  no  orders,  he  could  not  be  kept  from  the  field.  His  conduct  was  very 
strange,  and  he  has  been  charged  by  Wilkinson  and  others  with  intoxication  that 
day.  Be  it  so  or  not,  before  the  action  was  over,  he  was  in  the  hottest  of  it,  and  ex- 
ercising command.  He  exp«>scd  himself  foolishly  and  presumptuously  in  front  of 
the  German  division ;  and  i(  was  without  orders  that  he  collected  H'  few  desperate 
followers,  with  whom  he  entered  the  enemy's  intrenchment,  where  he  received  his 

I  vound. 
t  Holrrca. 
\  Memoirs  of  the  Baroness  de  Riedesel.    Of  this  lady.  General  Wilkinson  says— 

J  "I  have  more  than  once  seen  her  charming  blue  eyes  bedewed  with  tears  at  the  recital 
of  her  sufferings.    With  two  infant  children  she  accompanied  her  husband.  Major 

I  General  the  Baron  de  Riedesel  from  Germany  to  England,  from  England  to  Canada, 

|ind  ixom  the  last  place  to  the  termination  of  General  Burgoyne's  campaign,  in  which 


91  ^'■^•f;:' ill 


■•'  m: 


■  i  '■? '. .   .  .  1 


mm 

Mm, 


5ll 


-^m 


\- .  '3. 


K:'m' 


!:::■:  >r^ 


'wn> 


274 


LIFE    OF   BRANT. 


[1777. 


mediately  moved  forward,  and  took  possession  of  tlie  aban- 
doned camp.  Biirgoyne  having  condensed  his  force  upon  some 
heights  which  were  strong  by  nttture,  and  covered  in  front  by 
a  ravine  running  parallel  with  the  entrenchment  of  his  late 
camp,  a  random  fire  of  artillery  and  small  arms  was  kept  up 
through  the  day — particularly  on  the  part  of  the  enemy's  sharp- 
shooters  and  Provincials,  who  were  stationed  in  coverts  of  the 
ravine,  which  rendered  their  fire  annoying  to  every  person 
crossing  their  line  of  vision.*  It  was  by  a  shot  from  one  of 
these  lurking  parties,  that  General  Lincoln,  late  in  the  day, 
received  a  severe  wound  in  the  leg  while  riding  near  the  line. 
The  gallant  Frazer,  who  had  been  mortally  wounded  the 
day  before,  died  at  8  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  8th.  On 
the  evening  of  his  fall,  when  it  was  rendered  certain  that  he 
could  not  recover,  he  sent  for  General  Burgoyne,  and  requested 
that  he  might  be  buried  at  6  o'clock  the  following  evening,  on 
the  crest  of  a  hill  upon  which  a  breastwork  had  been  con- 
structed. It  was  a  subject  of  complaint  against  Burgoyne,  that 
in  order  to  comply  with  this  request,  he  delayed  his  retreat,  and 
thus  contributed  to  the  misfortunes  of  his  army.  Be  that  as  it 
may,  the  dying  soldier's  request  was  observed  to  the  letter.  At 
the  hour  appointed  the  body  was  borne  to  the  hill  that  had 
been  indicated,  attended  by  the  Generals  and  their  retinues ; 
the  funeral  service  was  read  by  the  Chaplairk;  and  the  corpse 
interred,  while  the  balls  of  the  American  cannon  were  flying 
around  and  above  the  assembled  mourners.t 

she  suflered  more  than  the  horrors  of  the  grnve  in  their  most  frightful  aspect."  Her 
Memoirs  were  published  in  Berlin  in  1800.  They  are  full  of  interest.  Some  ol 
the  distressing  scenes  which  attended  the  close  of  Burgoyne's  campaign  are  so 
graphically  told  by  the  Baroness,  and  afford  such  striking  illustrations  of  the  horrors 
of  war,  that  the  author  has  ventured  to  transfer  a  few  pages  to  the  Appendix  of  the 
present  volume.    See  Appendix,  No.  IX. 

•  Memoirs  of  General  Wilkinson. 

t  The  Baroness  Riedesel,  from  wliose  spirited  Memoirs  th"  circumstances  ofthie 
funeral  are  drawn,  states  that  General  Gates  protested  aftei  that  had  he  known 

what  was  going  on,  he  would  have  stopped  the  fire  immediately.  It  must  have  been 
a  solemn  spectacle,  and  General  Burgoyne  himself  described  it  with  his  usual  elo- 
quence and  felicity  of  expression : — "The  incessant  cannonade  during  the  solem- 
nity; the  steady  attitude  and  unaltered  voice  with  whid)  the  chaplain  officiated. 
though  frequently  covered  with  dust,  which  the  shot  threw  up  on  all  sides  of  him; 
the  mute  but  expressive  mixture  of  -"ensibility  and  indignation  upon  every  counte- 
nance ;  these  objects  will  remain  to  U.d  last  of  life  upon  the  mind  of  every  man  wh(  i 
was  present    The  growing  duskiness  added  to  the  scenery,  and  the  whole  marked 


;V;.,i 


I  of  the  aban- 
[)rce  upon  some 
ired  in  front  by 
lent  of  his  late 
IS  was  kept  up 
enemy's  sharp- 
1  coverts  of  the 
[)  every  person 
iot  from  one  of 
ate  in  the  day, 
g  near  the  Une. 
y  wounded  the 
of  the  Bth.    On 

certain  that  he 
le,  and  requested 
v'rng  evening,  on 

had  heen  con- 
st Burgoyne,  tliat 
id  his  retreat,  and 
y.  Be  that  as  it 
to  the  letter.  At 
the  hill  that  had 
i  their  retinues; 

,;  and  the  corpse 
nnon  were  flying 


frightful  aspect."    Her 

of  interest.    Some  ot 

yne's  campaign  are  so 

ustrations  of  the  horrors 

to  the  Appendix  of  the 


T 


-  circumstances  of  thii 
that  had  he  known 
teiy.  It  must  have  been 
ed  it  with  his  usual  elo- 
made  during  the  solera- 

the  chaplain  officiated. 

up  on  all  sides  of  Wm; 
tion  upon  every  counte- 

mind  of  every  man  wht  I 

r,  wd  the  whole  marW 


1777.] 


durooyne's  campaign. 


276 


It  was  evident  from  the  movements  in  the  enemy's  camp, 
that  he  was  preparing  to  retreat ;  but  the  American  troops, 
having  in  the  delirium  of  joy  consequent  upon  their  victory, 
neglected  to  draw  and  eat  their  rations — being  withal  not  a 
little  fatigued  with  tlie  two  days'  exertions,  fell  back  to  their 
camp,  which  had  been  left  standing  in  the  morning.  Retreat 
was,  indeed,  the  only  alternative  remaining  to  the  British  com- 
mander, since  it  was  now  quite  certain  that  he  could  not  cut 
his  way  through  the  American  army,  and  his  supplies  were 
reduced  to  a  short  allowance  for  five  days.  He  accordingly  com- 
menced his  retreat  that  night,  but  lingered  by  the  way ;  so  that 
on  the  10th  he  was  yet  near  Saratoga,  where  he  took  up  a  po- 
sition. During  this  retreat  he  ordered  the  farm-houses  to  be 
burnt  by  the  way,  among  which  was  the  elegant  mansion  of 
General  Schuyler,  with  its  mills  and  out-buildings.  This  con- 
duct on  the  part  of  the  British  commander  was  viewed  as 
alike  disreputable  and  unnecessary.* 

Well  knowing  that  a  farther  retreat,  with  a  view,  if  possible, 
of  reaching  his  depdt  at  Fort  George,  and  escapi'-j  through  the 
lakes,  was  now  the  only  movement  to  which  Burgoyne  could 
have  recourse  to  save  the  shattered  remains  of  his  army,  Gates 
lost  no  time  in  throwing  several  strong  detachments  of  troops 
into  his  rear.  A  division  of  fourteen  hundred  was  stationed  on 
the  heights  opposite  the  ford  at  Saratoga ;  two  thousand  in  his 
rear,  to  prevent  his  retreat  upon  Fort  Edward ;  and  fifteen 
hundred  at  a  ford  yet  higher  up.  Apprehensive  tfiat  he  should 
be  entirely  penned  up,  Burgoyne  sent  forward  a  corps  of  artifi- 
cers to  repair  the  bridges ;  but  these,  though  strongly  guarded, 
were  driven  precipitately  back.  His  thoughts  were  next  di- 
rected to  the  opening  of  a  passage  by  the  way  of  Fort  Ed- 
ward ;  but  the  Americans  had  already  re-possessed  themselves 

a  character  of  that  juncture,  that  would  make  one  of  the  finest  subjects  for  the  pencil 
of  a  master  tliat  the  field  ever  exhibited.  To  the  canvass,  and  to  the  faithful  pago 
of  a  more  important  historian,  gallant  friend !  I  consign  thy  memory.  There  may 
thy  talents,  thy  manly  virtues,  their  progress  and  their  period,  find  due  distinction ; 
and  long  may  they  sUrvive,  long  after  the  frail  record  of  my  pen  shall  be  forgotten !" 
—State  of  the  Expedition  from  Canada,  ^.  ^.  p.  169. 

*  "The  cruelties  which  mark  the  retreat  of  your  army,  in  burning  the  gentle- 
men's and  farmers'  houses  as  it  passed  along,  are  almost,  among  civilized  nations, 
without  precedent ;  they  should  not  endeavor  to  ruin  thonn  they  could  not  conquer , 
their  conduct  betrays  more  of  the  vindictive  malice  of  the  monk  than  the  generosity 
oft  soldier.*'— L<«er  of  Gates  to  Burgoyne,  Oct.  12, 1777. 


i  3  it 


II 


'r  ii 


i.,'    ■''!(■  «S 


y.  ■I'll'?''' 


-''•^^^^*W'i# 


■"^t 


iv^  I  Mm 


IPP 

P) 

M'^; 

tf 

4 


m 


276 


LIFE    OF    BRANT. 


[1777. 


of  that  work,  and  were  well  provided  with  artillery.  Thus 
environed  with  difficulties,  which  were  increasing  every  hour 
his  effective  force  reduced  to  less  than  three  thousand  five  hun- 
dred men, — the  American  army  increasing  every  moment 
and  now  forming  an  almost  entire  circle  around  him,— harassed 
at  all  points,  especially  by  the  sharp-shooters  who  hovered 
about  him, — Burgoyne  was  driven  to  the  necessity  of  entering 
into  a  convention  with  General  Gates,  which  was  done  by  the 
unanimous  consent  of  a  general  council  of  his  officers.  The 
preliminaries  were  soon  adjusted  ;  and  on  the  17th  of  October, 
the  royal  army  surrendered  prisoners  of  war.  At  the  opening 
of  the  campaign,  the  army  of  Burgoyne  numbered  nine  thou- 
sand two  hundred  and  thirteen  men.  The  number  that  laid 
down  their  arms,  was  five  thousand  seven  hundred  and  fifty. 
two.  His  Indian  allies  had  all,  or  nearly  all,  abandoned  him 
several  days  before. 

On  the  same  day  that  the  articles  of  capitulation  v/ere  car- 
ried into  effect,  Burgoyne,  with  his  general  officers,  was  re- 
ceived in  the  quarters  of  General  Gates,  and  entertained  by  him 
at  dinner.  They  were  received  with  the  utmost  courtesy,  and 
with  the  consideration  due  to  brave  but  unfortunate  men. 
The  conve  sation  was  unrestrained,  affable,  and  free.*  Indeed, 
the  conduct  of  Gates  throughout,  after  the  terms  of  the  surren- 
der had  been  adjusted,  was  marked  with  equal  delicacy  and 
magnanimity,  as  Burgoyne  himself  admitted  in  a  letter  to  the 
Earl  of  Derby.  In  that  letter,  the  captive  General  particularly 
mentioned  one  circumstance  which,  he  said,  exceeded  all  he 
had  ever  seen  or  read  of  on  a  like  occasion.  It  was  the  fact, 
that  when  the  British  soldiers  had  marched  out  of  their  camp 
to  the  place  where  they  were  to  pile  their  arms,  not  a  man  oj 
the  American  troops  was  to  be  seen — General  Gates  having 
ordered  his  whole  army  out  of  sight,  that  not  one  of  them 

'*'  Memoirs  of  the  Baroness  de  Riedesel.  The  first  meetingof  Burgoyne  with  Ratei 
ia  thus  described  by  Wilkinson :— "  General  Gates,  advised  of  Burgoyne's  approach, 
met  him  at  the  head  of  his  camp — Burgoyne  in  a  rich  royal  uniform,  and  Gates  in  a 
plain  blue  frock ;  when  they  had  approached  nearly  within  sword*a  length,  they 
reined  up  and  halted.  I  then  named  the  gentlemen,  and  General  Burgoyne,  raising 
his  hat  most  gracefully,  said—'  The  fortune  of  war.  General  Gates,  has  made  me 
your  prisoner ;'  to  which  the  conqueror,  returning  a  courtly  salute,  promptly  replied 
— ■<  I  shall  always  be  ready  to  bear  testimony  that  it  has  not  been  through  any  fault 
of  your  Eicellency.'*' 


1777.] 


CLOSE   OF   BURQOYNk's   CAMPAIGN. 


277 


should  be  a  spectator  of  the  humiliation  of  the  British  troops, 
nor  offer  the  smallest  insult  to  the  vanquished.  This  was  a  re- 
finement of  delicocy,  and  of  military  generosity  and  politeness, 
reflecliuif  the  highest  credit  upon  the  conqueror;  and  was 
spoken  of  by  the  officers  of  Burgoyne  in  the  strongest  terms  of 
approbation.* 

It  was,  perhaps,  no  fault  of  General  Gates,  that  he  had  been 
placed  in  command  at  the  North  just  at  the  auspicious  mo- 
ment when  the  discomfiture  of  Burgoyne  was  no  longer  pro- 
blematical. He  was  ordered  by  Congress  to  the  station,  and 
jwrformed  his  duty  well.  But  it  is  no  less  true  that  the  laurels 
won  by  him  ought  to  have  been  harvested  by  Schuyler.  Ge- 
neral (then  Colonel)  Wilkitison,  who  was  not  only  an  active  of- 
ficer in  that  campaign,  but  a  member  of  Gates's  own  military 
flimily,  has  placed  this  question  in  its  true  aspect.  He  main- 
tains that  not  only  had  ILe  army  of  Burgoyne  been  essentially 
disabled  by  the  loss  of  a  heavy  detachment,  artillery  and  bag- 
gage, and  by  the  defeat  of  the  Hessians  at  Bennington,  before 
the  arrival  of  Gates,  but  that  the  repulse  of  St.  Ijcger  at  Fort 
Schuyler  had  deranged  his  plans,  while  safety  had  been  restored 
to  the  western  frontier,  and  the  panic  thereby  caused  to  subside. 
He  likewise  maintains  that  after  the  reverses  at  the  North,  no 
wise  in  justice  attributable  to  him,  and  before  the  arrival  of 
Gates,  the  zeal,  patriotism,  and  salutary  jjrrangcments  of  Gene- 
ral Schuyler  had  vanquished  the  prejudices  excited  against 
him ;  that  by  the  defeat  of  Baum  and  St.  Legcr,  Schuyler  had 
been  enabled  to  concentrate  and  oppose  his  whole  Continental 
force  against  the  main  body  of  the  enemy  ;  and  that  by  him, 
also  before  the  arrival  of  Gates,  the  friends  of  the  Revolution 
had  been  re-animated  and  excited  to  manly  resistance,  while 
the  adherents  of  the  royal  cause  7cre  intimidated,  and  had 
shrunk  into  silence  and  inactivity.  From  these  premises,  which 
are  indisputable,  it  is  no  more  than  a  fair  deduction  to  say, 
"  that  the  same  force  which  enabled  Gates  to  subdue  the  Bri- 

•  Remembrancer  of  1777,  pages  482,  83.  A  letter  published  in  that  repository 
or,'..v;  events  of  the  American  Revolution,  at  the  same  time,  stated  that  "  some  few 
of  the  New  England  men  desired  to  have  Burgoyne  in  their  hands  for  half  an  hoiu;' 
Being  asked  for  what  purpose,  they  said  they  would  do  him  no  manner  of  harm ; 
they  would  only  tar  and  feather  him,  and  make  him  stand  on  the  head  of  one  of  hi  ^ 
own  empty  beef-barrels,  and  read  his  own  proclamation." — pp.  481,  82.  If  made 
It  all,  the  suggestion  must  have  been  merely  the  sportive  sally  of  a  wag. 


■Wi'i-l;:* 


Ii;r 


;#,;.     .r 


l\    i': 


a 


k    ■■&/■-.  .ills 


SM 


,«, 


(    ':k      I 


rl^^V;:,! 


i 


■mm 


^')  'h 


--, 


t 


278  LIKE    OP   BRANT.  [1777. 

"  tish  army,  would  finvc  produced  a  similar  effect  under  the 
"  orders  of  General  Schuyler ;  since  the  operations  of  the  cum- 
"  paign  did  not  involve  n  single  instance  of  professional  skill, 
"and  the  triumph  of  the  American  arms  was  accomplished  by 
"the  physical  force  and  valor  of  the  troops,  under  tiik  pro. 
"tection  and  direction  of  the  God  of  haitleh."* 

Flushed  with  his  fortuitous  su<;cess,  or  rather  with  the  suc- 
cess attending  his  fortuitous  position,  Gates  did  not  wear  his 
honors  with  any  remarkable  meekness.  On  the  contrary,  his 
bearing  even  toward  the  Commander-in-chief  was  far  from 
respectful.  He  did  not  even  write  to  Washington  on  the  occa- 
sion, until  atler  a  considerable  time  had  elapsed.  In  the  first 
instance  Wilkinson  was  sent  as  the  bearer  of  despatches  to 
Congress,  but  did  not  reach  the  seat  of  that  body  until  fifteen 
days  after  the  articles  of  capitulation  had  been  signed  ;  and 
three  days  more  were  occupied  in  arranging  his  papers  before 
they  were  presented.!  The  first  mention  which  Washington 
makes  of  the  defeat  of  Burgoync,  is  contained  in  a  letter  writtoii 
to  his  brother  on  the  18th  of  October — the  news  naving  boon 
communicated  to  him  by  Governor  Clinton.  He  spoke  of  tlie 
event  again  on  the  19th,  in  a  letter  addressed  to  General  Put- 
nam. On  the  25th,  in  a  letter  nddrossod  to  that  officer,  he 
acknowledges  the  receipt  of  a  copy  of  the  articles  of  capitulation 
from  him — adding,  that  that  was  the  first  authentic  intelligoiice 
ho  had  received  of  the  affair,  and  that  he  had  begun  to  grow 
uneasy,  and  almost  to  suspect,  that  the  previous  accounts  were 
premature.  And  it  was  not  until  the  2d  of  November  that 
Gates  deigned  to  communicate  to  the  Commander-in-chief  a 
word  upon  the  subjtct,  and  then  only  incidentally,  as  though  it 
were  a  matter  of  secondary  importance,  t 

*  Wilkinson's  Memoirs,  vol.  i.  chap.  v. 

t  Sparks.  "  It  was  on  this  occasion  that  one  of  the  members  made  a  motion  in 
Congress,  that  they  should  compliment  Colonel  Wilkinson  with  the  gift  of  u  pair  of 
spurs." 

I  Idem.  All  that  Qates  said  upon  the  subject  in  the  letter  referred  to,  was 
comprised  in  these  few  words : — "  Congress  having  been  requested  immediately  to 
transmit  copies  of  all  my  despatches  to  them,  I  am  confident  your  Excellency  has 
long  ago  received  all  the  good  news  from  this  quarter."  Two  days  belbre  this,  in  a 
letter  directed  to  Gates,  Washington  had  administered  one  of  those  mild  and  digni- 
fied rebukes  so  very  like  himself.  In  this  letter,  written  in  reference  to  a  special 
miMion  of  Colonel  Hamilton  to  the  North,  the  Commander-in-chief  said : — "  By 
Uua  opportunity  I  do  myself  the  pleasure  to  congratulate  you  on  the  signal  succesi 


1777.] 


NOBLE   CONDUCT   OF   SCHUYLER. 


279 


TTLKH. 

:  witli  the  sue- 
1  not  wear  his 
le  contrary,  his 
wtis  far  from 
on  on  the  occa- 
[1.     In  the  first 
[  despatches  to 
»dy  nntil  fifteen 
n  signed ;  and 
s  papers  before 
ch  Washinjflon 
1  a  letter  written 
,vs  naving  been 
\c  spoke  of  the 
o  General  Put- 
that  officer,  he 
s  of  capitulation 
ntic  intelligence 
begun  to  grow 
accounts  were 
November  that 
jnder-in-chief  a 
ily,  as  though  it 


era  made  a  motion  in 
th  the  gift  of  u  pair  of 

Iter  referred  to,  was 

lested  immediately  to 

your  Excellency  has 

days  before  this,  in  a 

those  mild  and  digni- 

reference  to  a  special 

-in-chief  said:— "By 

oa  the  aignal  tuoceH 


General  Schuyler  was  in  the  camp  with  Gates  at  the  time  of 
the  surrender,  though  without  any  personal  command ;  and 
when  Bu-goyne,  with  his  general  offlcers,  arrived  in  Albany, 
they  were  the  guests  of  Schuyler,  by  whom  they  were  treated 
with  great  liospitality.  The  Baroness  do  Riedesel  speaks  with 
great  feelitig  of  the  kindness  she  received  from  General  Schuy- 
ler on  her  first  arrival  in  the  camp  of  General  Gates,  and  after- 
ward at  the  hands  of  Mrs.  Schuyler  and  her  daughters  in  Alba- 
ny. The  urbanity  of  his  manners,  and  the  chivalric  magna- 
nimity of  his  character,  smarting  as  he  was  under  the  extent 
and  severity  of  his  pecuniary  losses,  are  attested  by  General 
Burgoyne  himself,  in  his  speech  in  1778,  in  the  British  House 
of  Commons.  Ho  there  declared  that,  by  his  orders,  "  a  very 
"good  dwelling-house,  exceeding  large  store-houses,  great  saw- 
"  mills,  and  other  out-buildings,  to  the  value  altogether  perhaps 
"of  JClOjOOO  sterling,"  belonging  to  General  Schuyler,  at  Sara- 
toga, were  destroyed  by  fire  a  few  days  before  the  surrender. 
lie  said  farther,  that  one  of  the  first  persons  he  saw,  after  tlie 
convention  was  signed,  was  General  Schuyler ;  and  when  ex- 
pressing, to  him  his  regret  at  the  event  which  had  happened  to 
his  property,  General  Schuyler  desired  him  "  to  think  no  more 
"  of  it,  and  that  the  occasion  justified  it,  according  to  the  prin- 
"ciples  and  rules  of  war.  He  did  more,"  said  Burgoyne ;  "  he 
"  sent  an  aid-de-camp  *  to  conduct  me  to  Albany,  in  order,  as 
"  he  expressed  it,  to  procure  better  quarters  than  a  stranger 
"  might  be  able  to  find.  That  gentleman  conducted  me  to  a 
"  very  elegant  house,  and,  to  my  great  surprise,  presented  me 
"  to  Mrs.  Schuyler  and  her  family.  In  that  house  I  remained 
"  during  my  whole  stay  in  Albany,  with  a  table  of  more  than 
"  twenty  covers  for  me  and  my  friends,  and  every  other  possi- 
"  ble  demonstration  of  hospitality."! 

of  the  army  under  your  command,  in  compelling  General  Burgoyne  and  his  whole 
forco  to  Burrender  themaelves  prisoners  of  wor."  •  ♦  *  *  "  Al 
the  same  time  I  cannot  but  regret  that  a  matter  of  such  magnitude,  and  so  interest- 
ing to  our  general  operations,  should  have  reached  me  by  report  only,  or  through  the 
channel  of  letters  not  bearing  that  authenticity  which  the  importance  of  it  required,  and . 
which  it  would  have  received  by  a  line  under  your  signature,  stating  the  simple 
facts."— LeMeri  of  Wasfangton,  voL  v.  pages  104,  119, 113,  124,  125. 

♦  The  late  Colonel  Richard  Varick,  then  the  military  secretary  of  Gen.  Schuyler. 

t  Parliamentary  History,  vol.  xix.  p.  1182— as  quoted  by  Chancellor  K-m  m  his 
address  before  the  New- York  Historical  Society. 


f :  ,vi'li!'' 


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CHAPTER  XIII. 


Sir  Henry  Clinton's  attenipt  to  co-operate  with  Bur^oyne — Storming  of  Forts  Clin- 
ton and  Montgomery — Burning  of  ^sopus — Review  of  military  operations  else- 
where— Expedition  to  Peekskill — Of  Gov.  Tryon  to  Danbury — rrogress  of  Sir 
William  Howe  in  Pennsylvania — Battle  of  Brandy  wine — Massacre  of  the  Paoli— 
Battle  of  Germantown — Death  of  Count  Donop — Murder  of  Captain  Deitz  and 
family  at  Berne — John  Taylor — Lady  Johnson  ordered  to  leave  Albany — Exas. 
Deration  of  Sir  John — Attempts  to  abduct  Mr.  Taylor — An  Indian  and  white  man 
bribed  to  assassinate  General  Schuyler — Fresh  alarms  in  Tryon  County — Ad- 
dress  of  Congress  to  the  Six  Nations — The  appeal  produces  no  effect — Articles 
of  confederation — Close  of  the  year 

Simultaneously  with  the  events  rapidly  sketched  in  the 
preceding  chapter,  an  expedition  from  New- York  to  the  North 
was  undertaken  by  Sir  Henry  Chnton,  to  which  an  incidental 
reference  has  already  been  made.  The  obvious  intention  of 
Sir  Henry  was  to  relieve  General  B  .rgoyne  ;*  but  it  was  un- 
dertaken at  too  late  a  period  to  render  him  any  assistance ;  a 
fact  admitted  by  Sir  Henry  himself,  who  excused  the  delay  by 
stating  that  he  could  not  attempt  it  sooner  without  leaving  the 
defences  of  New- York  too  feebly  guarded.  This  expedition 
consisted  of  about  three  thousand  men,  convoyed  by  a  fleet  un- 
der Commodore  Hotham,  who  proceeded  up  the  Hudson  river 
early  in  October,  and  was  destined,  in  the  first  instance,  against 
Forts  Montgomery  and  Clinton,  near  the  Southern  boundary  of 
the  highlands.  These  fortresses  had  been  constructed  chiefly  for 
the  purpose  of  preventing  the  ships  of  the  enemy  from  ascend- 
ing the  river,  and  were  not  defensible  in  the  rear.  They 
were  commanded  by  Governor  Clinton,  with  the  assistance  of 
General  James  Clinton,  his  brother. 

The  troops  of  the  enemy  were  landed  at  Stoney  Point, 
twelve  miles  below  the  forts.  A  small  advanced  party  of  the 
Americans  was  met  and  attacked  at  about  10  o'clock  in  the 
morning  of  the  6th  of  October,  when  within  two  and  a  half 
miles  of  the  fort.  This  party  was  of  course  driven  in,  having 
returned  the  enemy's  fire.t  When  arrived  within  a  mile  of 
the  forts.  Sir  Henry  divided  his  troops  into  two  columns  ;  the 
one,  consisting  of  nine  hundred  men  under  Lieutenant  Colonel 

•  Letter  from  Washington  to  General  Putnam,  Oct.  19,  1777. 

t  Letter  from  Governor  Clinton  to  the  Committee  of  Safety,  Oct.  7, 1777. 


was  seven 


1777.] 


PORTS   CLINTON    AND   MONTGOMERY. 


281 


[ly  assistance ;  a 


Campbell,  was  destined  for  the  attack  on  Fort  Montgomery ; 
the  other,  under  the  immediate  command  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton, 
was  to  storm  the  stronger  post  of  Fort  Clinton.*  Ascertaining 
that  the  enemy  were  advancing  to  the  west  side  of  the  moun- 
tain, to  attack  his  rear,  Governor  Clinton  ordered  a  detachment 
of  upward  of  one  hundred  men,  under  Col.  Lamb,  together  with 
a  brass  field-piece  and  fifty  men  more,  to  take  a  strong  position 
ill  advance.  They  were  soon  sharply  engaged,  and  another  de- 
tachment of  an  equal  number  was  sent  to  their  assistance.  They 
kept  their  field-piece  sharply  playing  upon  the  enemy's  advanc- 
ing column,  and  were  only  compelled  to  give  way  by  the  point 
of  the  bayonet — spiking  their  field-piece  before  they  relinquish- 
ed it.  In  this  preliminary  encounter  the  loss  of  Sir  Henry 
was  severe. 

Pressing  rapidly  onward,  both  forts  were  in  a  few  minutes 
attacked  with  vigor  upon  all  sides.  The  fire  was  incessant 
during  the  afternoon  until  about  five  o'clock,  when  a  flag  ap- 
proaching. Lieutenant  Colonel  Livingston  was  ordered  to  re- 
ceive it.  The  officer  was  the  bearer  of  a  peremptory  summons 
to  surrender,  as  he  alleged,  to  prevent  the  effusion  of  blood. 
Nor  would  he  treat,  unless  upon  the  basis  of  a  surrender  of  the 
garrison  as  prisoners  of  war,  in  which  case  he  was  authorised 
to  assure  them  of  good  usage.  The  proposition  being  reject'jd 
"  with  scorn,"t  in  about  ten  minutes  the  attack  was  rene^ ved, 
and  kept  up  until  after  dark,  when  the  enemy  force  I  the 
American  lines  and  redoubts  at  both  forts,  and  the  garrisons, 
determined  not  to  surrender,  undertook  to  fight  their  way  out 
The  last  attack  of  the  enemy  was  desperate ;  but  the  Ameri 
cans,  militia  as  well  as  regulars,  resisted  with  great  spirit, 
and,  favored  by  the  darkness,  many  of  them  escaped.  Govern- 
or Clinton  himself  escaped  by  leaping  a  precipice  in  the  dark, 
and  jumping  into  a  boat,  in  which  he  was  conveyed  away. 
His  brother  was  wounded  and  taken  prisoner.  Of  the  British 
forces.  Lieutenant  Colonel  Campbell  and  Count  Grabouski,  a 
Polish  nobleman,  engaged  as  a  volunteer  under  Sir  Henry, 
were  slain.  The  loss  of  the  Americans,  killed,  wounded,  and 
missing,  was  stated  at  two  hundred  and  fifty.    The  British  loss 


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t  Letter  of  Governor  Clinton  to  the  Council  of  Safety,  from  which  the  facts  of 
thii  ufiair  are  chiefly  drawn. 


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282 


LIFE    OP    BRANT. 


[1777 


was  stated  at  two  hundred,  but  was  believed  to  have  been  much 
more  than  that  of  the  Americans.* 

On  the  7th,  a  summons  to  surrender,  signed  jointly  by  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  and  Commodore  Hotham,  was  sent  to  Fort  Con- 
stitution ;t  but  the  flag  was  fired  upon,  and  returned.  To 
avenge  the  insult,  an  attack  was  immediately  determined  upon 
but  on  arriving  at  the  fort  on  the  following  day,  there  was  no 
enemy  to  assault — an  evacuation  having  taken  place,  so  preci- 
pitate as  to  leave  considerable  booty  to  the  conqueror. t  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  proceeded  no  farther,  but  a  strong  detachment 
of  his  army,  under  General  Vaughan,  pursued  the  enter- 
prise, with  Commodore  flotham,  as  far  north  as  iEsopus,§  de- 
stroying several  vessels  by  the  way.  At  iEsopus  Creek  there 
were  two  small  batteries  and  an  armed  galley,  mountings  how- 
ever, in  all,  but  six  or  seven  guns.  These  were  eas'ly  silenced. 
General  Vaughan  then  effected  a  landing,  marched  to  the 
town,  and  laid  it  in  ashes.  Large  quantities  of  stores  had  been 
accumulated  at  this  place,  which  were  of  course  destroyed. 
Disappointed,  however,  by  the  disastrous  termination  of  the 
campaign  of  Burgoyne,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  made  an  expeditious 
return  to  the  city. 

But  the  war  was  this  year  fruitful  in  military  events  in 
other  parts  of  the  confederation,  some  of  the  principal  of  which 
may  appropriately  be  passed  in  review  at  this  stage  of  the  pre- 
sent chapter.  In  the  month  of  March,  after  the  return  of  the 
British  troops  from  their  bootless  expedition  through  the  Jer- 

*  '*  I  believe,  from  the  bravery  of  the  garrison  of  P'ort  Montgomery,  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  purchased  victory  at  no  inconsiderable  expense.  General  Campbell  was 
certainly  killed.  This  they  mention  in  their  own  olllcial  account,  but  call  him 
Lieutenant  Colonel  of  the  fifty-second  regiment.  He  was  a  General  on  the  Ameri- 
can establishment,  so  declared  in  one  of  the  orderly  books  which  fell  into  our 
hands." — Letter  of  Wathington  to  General  Putnam.  [Sparks  corrects  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief upon  this  point — believing  that  General  Campbell  was  another  per* 
son,  who  was  at  Stolen  Island  at  the  time  i>.  question.] 

t  Situated  at  West  Point. 

J  Letter  of  Commodore  Hotham  to  Sir  William  Howe.  "  The  whole  number  of 
cannon  taken  in  the  three  forts  amount  to  sixty-seven,  with  a  large  quantity  of  pro- 
visions, ammunition,  and  stores  of  all  kinds." 

§  The  ancient  Dutch  name  of  Kingston,  the  present  shire  town  of  the  County  of 
Ulster,  N.  Y,  It  was  a  large  and  wealthy  inland  town,  built  almost  entirely  of 
ttono,  upon  a  rich  and  beautiful  plain  about  three  miles  from  the  river.  The  naked 
wails  of  many  of  the  houses  destroyed  by  Genera)  Vaughan,  were  standing  unre- 
paired, until  within  Gve  or  six  years. 


1777.] 


PROGRESS    OP    THE    WAR. 


283 


sies,  to  New- York,  Colonel  Bird  was  detached  against  Peek- 
skill,  with  five  hundred  men,  for  the  purpose  of  destroying 
the  American  stores  deposited  at  that  place.  General  IM'Dou- 
trall,  commanding  a  small  guard  at  the  dep6t,  on  the  approach 
of  a  force  which  he  had  not  the  power  to  resist,  set  fire  to  the 
stores  and  retreated.  A  similar  expedition,  ibr  the  same  object, 
was  directed  against  Danbury  toward  the  close  of  April,  con- 
sisting of  two  thousand  men  under  the  conduct  of  Major  Gene- 
ral Tryon.  Landing  at  Compo  Creek,  between  Norwalk  and 
Fairfield,  the  march  of  Governor  Tryon  to  the  point  of  his  des- 
tination was  almost  unopposed.  A  large  quantity  of  provi- 
sions— beef,  pork,  and  flour — had  been  collected  by  the  Ameri- 
cans at  ihat  place,  which  were  guarded  only  by  about  one 
hundred  militia  and  Continental  troops.  Not  being  able  to  op- 
pose the  enemy,  Colonel  Huntington  retired  to  a  neighboring 
height,  and  awaited  reinforcements.  The  town  of  Danbury 
and  the  stores  were  burnt  on  the  26th  of  April.*  During  the 
afternoon  and  the  following  night  Generals  Wooster,  Arnold, 
and  Silliman  collected  such  militia  forces  as  they  could,  for  the 
purpose  of  harassing  the  retreat  of  the  enemy  the  next  morning. 
With  three  hundred  men,  Wooster  gallantly  attacked  his  rear 
at  U  o'clock  on  the  27th,  while  Arnold,  with  five  hundred 
more,  awaited  his  arrival  at  Ridgeway.  Wooster  fell,  mortally 
wounded,  and  his  troops  were  obliged  to  give  way.  At  Ridge- 
way, Arnold  skirmished  with  the  enemy  for  about  an  hour,  but 
could  not  make  a  stand,  or  prevent  them  from  remaining  at 
that  place  over  night.  On  the  28th,  the  march  of  the  enemy 
was  resumed,  as  also  was  the  skirmishing  by  General  Arnold, 
which  was  continued  until  5  o'clock  in  the  afternoon ;  when,  as 
they  approached  their  ships,  the  Americans  charged  with  in- 
trepidity, but  were  repulsed  and  broken.  Embarking  immedi- 
ately. Governor  Tryon  returned  to  New- York,  with  a  loss  of 
one  hundred  and  seventy  men.  The  loss  of  the  Americans 
was  one  hundred.  These  predatory  excursions  were  retaliated 
by  the  Americans  under  Colonel  Meigs,  who  made  a  brilliant 
expedition  against  Sag  Harbor,  where  the  enemy  had  collected 

*  The  property  destroyed  consiBted  of  eighteen  houses ;  eight  hundred  barrels  of 
pork  and  beef;  eight  hundred  barrels  of  flour;  two  thousand  bushels  of  grain,  and 
iwenteen  hundred  tenta. 


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284 


LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


[1777. 


a  quantity  of  stores.  The  guard  was  taken  by  surprise — the 
place  carried  by  the  bayonet — the  stores  destroyed,  including 
twelve  transport  vessels — and  Colonel  Meigs  re-crossed  the 
Sound  to  Guilford  without  the  loss  of  a  man. 

After  the  return  of  the  British  forces  from  New  Jersey,  Sir 
William  Howe  suffered  them  to  remain  upon  Slaten  Island  un- 
til near  midsummer,  when,  as  the  reader  has  seen  in  a  previous 
chapter,  he  embarked  with  sixteen  thousand  men,  and  sailed 
for  the  Chesapeake  Bay.  On  the  24th  of  August  he  landed  at 
Elkton,  whence,  after  being  joined  by  Generals  Grant  and 
Knyphausen,  he  directed  his  march  upon  Philadelphia.  Anti- 
cipating  the  design  of- the  British  commander,  Washington 
tJirew  himself,  with  his  whole  disposable  force,  between  Sir 
William  and  Philadelphia,  for  the  purpose  of  intercepting  and 
bringing  him  to  a  general  engagement.  The  disastrous  battle 
of  Brandy  wine  was  fought  on  the  11th  of  September.  The 
loss  of  the  Americans  was  three  hundred  killed  and  six  hun- 
dred wounded  and  taken  prisoners.  That  of  the  enemy  was 
about  one  hundred  killed  and  four  jmndred  wounded.  While 
General  Washington  with  the  main  army  retreated  across 
the  Schuylkill,  General  Wayne  wa-;;  left  at  the  Paoli  with  fif 
teen  hundred  men,  for  the  purpose  of  gaining  and  harassing 
the  enemy's  rear.  But,  notwithstanding  the  wonted  vigilance 
of  this  officer,  he  was  surprised  in  the  course  of  the  night,  and 
routed,  by  General  Gray,  who  had  been  detached  for  that  pur- 
pose with  two  regiments  of  the  enemy's  line  and  a  body  of 
light  troops.  General  Wayne  had  attempted  to  conceal  him- 
self upon  an  elevated  piece  of  woodland,  having  an  opening  of 
a  few  acres  upon  which  his  troops  bivouacked  for  the  night, 
in  perfect  security,  as  was  supposed.  The  approach  of  the 
enemy  was  so  cautious  as  to  take  the  Americans  comNletely 
by  surprise.  Guided  by  the  light  of  their  fires,  the  enemy 
succeeded  in  cutting  off  their  outposts  and  pickets  without 
noise,  and  then  rushed  upon  the  sleeping  camp  without  firing 
a  gun,  and  depending  alone  upon  the  bayonet.  Three  hun- 
dred were  slain,  many  of  whom  were  transfixed  with  bayonets 
as  they  lay  sleeping  in  their  tents.  But,  though  surprised, 
General  Wayne  was  cool  and  self-possessed ;  and,  as  the  enemy 
himself  acknowledged,   "  by  his  prudent  dispositions"  in  the 


men,  and  sailed 


\777.] 


PROORKSS    OF   THE    WAR. 


285 


moment  of  alarm,  succeeded  in  bringing  off  the  remainder  of 
his  troops.* 

General  Washington  had  taken  post  on  the  Eastern  bank  of 
the  Schuylkill,  about  sixteen  miles  from  Germantown.  General 
Howe  marched  upon  Germantown  with  his  main  army,  where 
he  arrived  on  the  26th  of  September.  On  the  27th  Lord  Corn- 
wallis  took  possession  of  Philadelphia  without  resistance.  On 
the  4th  of  October,  the  battle  of  Germantown  was  fought,  in 
which  it  was  claimed  by  the  enemy  that  the  Americans  were 
defeated,  although  it  was,  in  fact,  a  drawn  battle.  This  action 
was  produced  by  an  attempt  of  the  Commander-in-c'.J'^f  lO  ef- 
fect something  by  way  of  surprise.  Having  asceriaineJ  the  . 
situation  of  the  enemy,  the  Americans  marched  all  night,  and 
arrived  at  Germantown  at  daylight.  The  enemy  was  attacked 
upon  two  quarters,  in  both  of  which  the  Americans  were  suc- 
cessful. Indeed,  the  enemy,  as  it  was  afterward  ascertained, 
were  thrown  into  such  a  state  of  tumult  and  disorder,  and  so 
panic-stricken,  that  a  retreat  to  Chester  had  been  resolved  upon. 
But  the  morning  was  so  excessively  dark  and  foggy,  that  nei- 
tlier  the  advantages  gained  by  the  Americans,  nor  the  confusion 

♦  Some  twenty  years  ago,  the  citizen  soldiers  of  the  neighborhood  of  the  Paoli 
piously  collected  the  remains  of  siicli  of  the  bravo  men  who  were  slain  on  t'  t  occa- 
sion as  could  be  found,  and  interred  thctn  on  the  field  of  the  massacre.  A  small 
mound  was  ri  ised  over  them,  which  is  walled  in,  and  surrounded  by  a  plain  marble 
monument — a  square  block,  with  an  urn  at  the  top,  bearing  inscriptions  upon  each 
of  the  sides,  in  the  following  words : — 

First  :  "  Sacred  to  the  memory  of  the  patriots,  who,  on  this  spot,  fell  a  sacriiice 
to  British  barbarity,  during  the  struggle  for  American  Independence,  during  the 
night  of  the  20th  of  September,  1 777." 

Second  :  "  Here  repose  the  remains  of  fifty-three  American  soldiers,  who  were 
tlie  victims  of  cold-blooded  cruelty  in  the  well-known  massacre  of  the  Paoli,  while 
under  the  con)itiand  of  Gen.  Anthony  Wayne,  an  officer,  whose  miUtary  conduct, 
bravery,  and  humanity,  were  equally  conspicuous  throughout  the  Revolutionary 
war." 

Thtrd  :  "  The  atrocious  massacre,  which  this  stone  commemorates,  was  perpo- 
trateo  by  British  troops  under  the  immediate  command  of  Maj.  Gen.  Gray." 

Fourth:  "This  memorial  in  honor  of  Revolutionary  patriotism,  was  erected 
September  20,  .1S17,  by  the  Republican  Artillerists  of  Chester  County,  aided  by  the 
contributions  of  their  fellow-citizens." 

An  annual  military  parade  is  held  upon  this  interesting  field.  The  name— TAe 
Paoli — is  derived  from  a  celebrated  tavern,  at  two  miles  distance,  on  the  Great 
Lancaster  Road,  which  was  established  contemporaneously  with  the  Corsican  strug- 
^e  for  independence,  and  named  in  honor  of  the  unfortunate  chieilain  of  that  enter- 
prise. It  bears  the  same  name  still.— /ourno/  cf  a  ViiU  to  the  field  of  Brandywinc 
ty  tke  author. 


ff      r. 


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m 


286 


LIFE   OP   B&ANT. 


[1777. 

of  the  enemy,  could  be  perceived.  This  circumstance,  by  con- 
cealing from  the  Americans  the  true  situation  of  the  enemyj 
obliged  the  Commander-in-chief  to  act  with  more  caution  and 
less  expedition  than  he  could  have  wished  ;  and,  what  was 
still  more  unfortunate,  it  served  to  keep  the  different  divisions 
of  the  Americans  in  ignorance  of  each  other's  movements,  and 
prevent  their  acting  in  concert.  It  also  occasioned  them  to 
mistake  one  another  for  the  enemy.  In  this  situation,  it  was 
considered  unsafe  to  push  too  far  through  a  strong  village, 
while  enveloped  in  a  haze  so  thick  as  to  border  upon  positive 
darkness.  The  consequence  was  a  retreat,  by  the  Americans  at 
the  very  instant  when  victory  was  declaring  in  their  favor. 
The  action  lasted  two  hours,  and  the  fighting  was  severe— the 
loss  of  the  Americans  being  about  one  hundred  men,  killed, 
wounded,  and  missing.  Among  the  slain  was  the  brave  Gene- 
ral Nash,  of  North  Carolina.  Severe,  however,  as  the  action 
was,  the  enemy  were  rendered  nothing  better  by  the  event ; 
while  the  result  was  regarded  by  Washington  "  as  rather  un- 
fortunate than  injurious."* 

But  all  the  advantages  thus  gained  by  the  enemy,  had  been 
more  than  counterbalanced  by  the  reverses  of  St.  Leger,  and 
the  nearly  simultaneous  capture  of  Burgoyne  and  his  well-ap- 
pointed army  at  the  North.  Another  circumstance,  gratifying 
to  the  friends  of  the  American  arms,  was  the  repulse  of  Count 

*  This  brief  account  of  tlie  battle  of  Gcrmaiitown  ia  drawn  from  Washington's 
letters  to  the  President  of  Congress,  his  brother,  and  Governor  Trumbull.  General 
Washington  attributed  the  successes  of  Sir  William  Howe  in  Pennsylvania,  and 
his  own  consequent  disasters,  to  the  apathy  and  disaflection  of  the  people  of  that 
State.  In  one  of  his  letters  upon  the  subject,  ho  says : — "The  Northern  army,  be- 
(ore  the  surrender  of  General  Burgoyne,  was  reinforced  hy  upward  of  twelve  hun- 
dred militia,  who  shut  tlie  only  door  by  which  Burgoyne  could  retreat,  and  cut  off  all 
his  supplies.  How  different  our  case !  The  disaffection  of  a  great  part  pf  the  in- 
habitants of  this  State,  the  languor  of  others,  and  the  internal  distraction  of  the  whole, 
have  been  among  the  great  and  insuperable  difficulties  which  I  have  met  with,  and 
have  contributed  not  a  little  to  my  embarrassments  this  campaign." — Letter  oj 
Washington  to  Landon  Carter,  Oct.  27, 1777.  Many  other  letters  from  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief, written  during  the  winter  and  spring  of  1778,  complain  of  the  con- 
duct of  the  people  of  Pennsylvania,  in  supplying  the  enemy  in  Philadelphia  with  pro- 
visions— particularly  from  Bucks  County.  In  a  letter  to  Maj.  General  Armstrong, 
of  that  State,  dated  at  Valley  Forge,  March  S7th,  he  says :— "  The  situation  of  mat- 
ters in  this  State  is  melancholy  and  alaj-ming.  We  have  da'ly  proof  that  a  majority 
of  the  people  in  this  quarter  are  only  restrained  from  supplying  the  enemy  with 
horses  and  every  kind  of  necessary,  through  fear  of  punishment ;  and,  although  I 
have  made  a  number  of  severe  examples,  I  cannot  put  a  stop  to  the  inteioourse." 


1777.] 


» •     >:: 


murdi:r  of  the  deitz  family. 


287 


Donop,  at  Red  Bank.  The  Count,  a  brave  and  experienced 
officer,  fell,  mortally  wounded  ;  and  about  400  of  his  troops  were 
killed.*  The  laurels  won  by  Colonel  Christopher  Greene,  the 
American  commander,  on  that  occasion,  were  not  the  less 
creditably  worn  because  of  the  necessity  which  compelled  him 
subsequently  to  abandon  the  post,  on  the  approach  of  Cornwal- 
lis  with  a  greatly  superior  force. 

But  neither  the  fall  of  Burgoyne,  nor  the  flight  of  St.  Leger, 
relieved  the  border  settlements  beyond  Albany  from  their  ap- 
prehensions.   Though  in  less  danger  of  a  sweeping  invasion, 
yet  the  scouts  and  scalping  parties  of  the  Tories  and  Indians 
were  continually  hovering  upon  their  outskirts  ;  and  so  crafty 
were  the  foe,  and  so  stealthy  their  movements,  that  no  neighbor- 
hood, not  even  the  most  populous  villages,  felt  themselves  secure 
from  those  sudden  and  bloody  irruptions  which  mark  the  annals 
of  Indian  warfare.     Very  soon  after  the  capture  of  Burgoyne, 
there  was  an  occurrence  in  the  neighborhood  of  Albany,  of  a 
highly  painful  description.    Previous  to  the  commencement  of 
the  war,  a  militia  company  had  been  organized  in  the  town  of 
Berne,  comprising  eighty-five  men,  commanded  by  Captain 
Ball.    On  the  breaking  out  of  hostilities,  the  Captain,  with 
sixty-three  of  his  men,  went  over  to  the  enemy.     Thus  deserted 
by  their  leader,  the  command  of  the  residue  of  the  company 
devolved  upon  the  ensign,  Peter  Deitz.     These  all  embraced 
the  cause  of  the  country,  and  for  the  safety  of  their  settlement 
threw  up  a  little  picketed  fort,  at  a  place  now  called  the  Beaver 
Dam.    Deitz  was  soon  afterward  commissioned  a  captain,  and 
his  brother,  William  Deitz,  his  lieutenant.    On  the  a])proach 
of  Burgoyne  they  marched  to  Saratoga,  and  joined  the  army  of 
Gates.     Here  the  Captain  was  killed  by  the  accidental  dis- 
charge of  the  gun  of  one  of  his  own  men.     William  Deitz  im- 
mediately succeeded  to  the  vacancy ;  and  rendered  such  good 
service  in  the  campaign  as  specially  to  incur  the  vengeance  of 
the  Tories  and  Indians.    Availing  themselves  of  an  early  op- 
portunity to  glut  their  hate,  a  party  of  them  stole  into  the  set- 


'^U 


;!;.!■■, a 


■';:'t. 


mm 


"i '  % 


*  Count  Donop  died  of  his  wounds  three  days  after  the  action,  at  a  house  near  the 
r.irt.  A  short  time  before  his  death,  he  said  to  Monsieur  Duplcssis,  a  French  offi- 
cor  wlio  constantly  attended  him  in  his  illness,  "It  is  finishing  a  noble  career  early. 
1  (lio  the  victim  of  my  ambition,  and  of  the  avarice  of  my  sovereign."— TVaee/s  of 
the  Marquis  diaitellux. 


288 


LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


m 


I 


[1777. 


tlement  of  Berne,  where  they  surprised  and  made  prisoner  of 
the  Captain  in  his  own  house.  They  next  brought  him  forth 
into  the  court,  bound  him  to  the  gate-post,  and  then  succes- 
sively brought  out  his  father  and  mother,  his  wife  and  children 
and  deliberately  murdered  them  all  before  his  eyes !  The 
Captain  was  himself  carried  a  prisoner  to  Niagara,  where  he 
ultimately  fell  a  sacrifice  to  their  cruelty,*  An  instance  of 
more  cool  and  fiend-like  barbarity  does  not  occur  in  the  annals 
of  this  extraordinary  contest.  It  was  only  equalled  by  the  con- 
duct of  tlie  Tories  afterward  at  Wyoming,  and  transcended  by 
the  refinement  of  cruelty  practised  by  a  French  officer,  durintr 
one  of  the  earlier  wars  of  the  Indians,  upon  an  unhappy 
prisoner  among  the  remote  tribe  of  the  Dionondadies,  as  relat- 
ed by  La  Potherie.f 

Other  incidents  occurred  at  Albany  and  in  its  neighborhood 
at  about  the  same  period,  which  are  deemed  worthy  of  note. 
At  the  time  of  Sir  John  Johnson's  flight  from  Johnstown,  his 
lady  had  remained  behind,  and  was  removed  immediately,  or 
soon  afterward,  to  Albany.  It  was  in  this  year  that  Mr.  John 
Taylor,t  after  having  performed  several  important  confidential 
services  under  the  direction  of  General  Schuyler,  was  appoint- 
ed a  member  of  the  Albany  Council  of  Safety.  He  was  a  man 
of  great  shrewdness  and  sagacity,  deliberate  in  the  formation  of 
his  purposes,  and  resolute  in  their  execution  when  matured. 
The  Whigs  of  Albany  were  greatly  annoyed  during  the  whole 
contest  by  the  loyalists  resident  among  them ;  many  of  whom,  it 
was  discovered  from  time  to  time,  must  have  been  in  corres- 
pondence with  the  enemy.  The  duties  of  the  Council  of 
Safety  were  consequently  the  more  arduous,  requiring  sleepless 
vigilance  and  unwearied  activity  ;  together  with  firmness  and 
energy  in  some  cases,  and  great  delicacy  in  others.  A  watch- 
ful though  general  surveillance  was  necessarily  enforced  over 

*  Albany  Monthly  Magazine,  conducted  by  the  late  Horatio  G.  Spafford,  1S15. 

t  Vide  Colden's  Canada,  and  Smith's  History  of  New- York. 

X  The  gentleman  here  referred  to  was  much  in  the  civil  service,  and  occasionally 
as  a  volunteer  in  the  military,  during  the  war  of  tho  Revolution,  and  was  almost 
constantly  in  public  life,  afterward  in  the  councils  of  the  State,  until  within  a  few 
years  of  his  death.  He  was  nine  years  Lieutenant-Governor,  and  for  a  time  the 
acting  Governor  of  the  State  ;  to  which  station  he  was  first  chosen  in  1813.  His 
life  was  rather  useful  than  brilliant ;  but  he  was  a  sound  patriot,  and  died  the  death 
of  a  Christian  in  1829— aged  87. 


'M 


t  '■    :<:' 


ide  prisoner  of 
ight  him  fortli 
d  tlien  succes- 
b  and  children, 
is  eyes!    The 
igara,  where  he 
\n  instance  of 
ir  in  the  annals 
illed  by  the  con- 
transcended  by 
1  officer,  during 
»n  an  unhappy 
idadies,  as  relat- 

;s  neighborhood, 
worthy  of  note. 
I  Johnstown,  his 
immediately,  or 
ar  that  Mr.  John 
■tant  confidential 
ler,  was  appoint- 
He  was  a  man 
the  formation  of 
when  matured, 
uring  the  whole 
nany  of  whom,  it 
e  been  in  corres- 
the  Council  of 
quiring  sleepless 
ith  ftrmness  and 
hers.     A  watch- 
y  enforced  over 

io  Q.  Spafford,  1815. 
:k. 

rvice,  and  occaBionally 
ution,  and  was  almost 
ite,  until  within  a  few 
nor,  and  for  a  time  the 
chosen  in  1813.  His 
not,  and  died  the  death 


\777.] 


JOHN    TAYLOR    AND    LADY    JOHNSON. 


289 


the  community  at  large,  while  un  eye  of  closer  scrutiny  was 
kept  upon  the  character  and  conduct  of  great  numbers  of  indi- 
viduals composing  that  communitv.  Mr.  Taylor  was  in  every 
respect  equal  to  the  station,  and  was  singularly  fortunate  both 
in  detecting  and  defeating  the  evil  machinations  of  the  adhe- 
rents of  the  Crown. 

Among  his  early  discoveries  was  the  important  circumstance 
that  Lady  Johnson  was  in  active  and  frequent  correspondence 
with  her  husband,  and  that  the  facilities  derived  from  confi- 
dential agents  and  her  powerful  connexions,  enabled  her  to 
keep  the  enemy  on  either  side— in  New- York  and  Canada — 
correctly  advised,  not  only  of  the  movements  and  designs  of 
each  other,  but  likewise  of  the  situation  of  American  affairs. 
Under  these  circumstances  Mr.  Taylor  proposed  a  resolution 
to  the  Council,  directing  her  removal  forthwith  from  that  part 
of  the  country.  The  proposition  was  received  with  disfavor, 
and  encountered  much  opposition  in  the  Council.  Some  of 
the  members  seemed  to  lack  the  firmness  necessary  to  adopt 
such  a  resolution,  anticipating  the  resentment  and  probable 
vengeance  of  the  Baronet,  on  hearing  that  his  lady  had  been 
treated  with  any  thing  bordering  upon  harshness  ;  while  others^ 
probably,  thought  the  precaution  either  would  be  useless,  or 
that  it  was  scarce  worth  while  thus  to  wage  war  upon  a 
woman.  Convinced,  however,  of  the  danger  of  her  longer 
presence  in  that  section  of  the  country,  Mr.  Taylop  urged  her 
removal  so  strenuously  as  at  length  to  prevail ;  taking  upon 
himself  the  execution  of  the  order. 

Sir  John,  greatly  exasperated  at  the  measure,  availed  himself 
of  a  flag  to  admonish  the  mover  of  the  resolution,  that  should; 
the  chances  of  war  throw  that  gentleman  into  his  possession^ 
he  should  be  instantly  delivered  over  to  the  fury  of  the  savages. 
The  reply  of  the  Councillor  was  characteristic  of  the  man  : — 
"If  Mr.  Taylor  should  be  so  fortunate  as  to  have  Sir  John 
"Johnson  in  his  power,  he  should  most  assuredly  be  treated  as 
I "  a  gentleman."  Several  attempts  were  subsequently  made  by 
the  enemy,  probably  under  the  direction  of  Sir  John,  to  make 
a  captive  of  that  gentleman.  It  being  his  custom  to  ride  fre- 
quently on  horseback  for  exercise,  and  often  on  the  road  lead- 
ing toward  Schenectady,  in  company,  generally,  with  his  inti- 

Iraate  friend  through  life,  Major  Popham,  who  was  then  in  tho 

<«1 


!i;  •; 


'1 


:        -        .'I'    I    V,  ,;,!'■   ;'j       jS      f 


Mm 


vf.''l,    '';f  |,|B  SS.. 


i%Mf 


m 


kI 

mm 

p 

Vm  w 

^'^^f 

■1 

miu 

1 

if.  ■■ 


290 


LIPR    OP   BRANT. 


[1777. 

military  family  of  Geneinl  Jnmcs  Clinton,  a  smnll  scout  of  In- 
dians,  under  the  direction  of  Captain  Brnnt,  was  on  one  occa- 
sion planted  in  ambush  upon  that  road,  ot  a  point  where  it  was 
supposed  he  would  be  sure  to  pass.  ProvidentioUy,  however 
and  for  reasons  never  exploined,  and  perhaps  not  known  to 
themselves,  on  the  morning  referred  to  the  friends  shortened 
their  ride,  and  wheeled  about  without  passing  the  ambuscndc 
though  opproaching  it  within  striking  distance.  One  of  the 
Indians,  afterward  taken  prisoner,  stated  that  Mr.  Taylor  might 
easily  have  been  shot,  but  that  their  orders  were  to  take  him 
alive. 

Another,  and  a  yet  bolder  scheme  was  subsequently  odoptcd 
to  effect  the  capture  of  the  sagacious  Committee-man,  for  which 
purpose  a  party  of  the  enemy  were  actually  introduced  not 
only  into  the  city  of  Albany,  but  into  the  loft  of  Mr.  Taylor's 
own  stable,  standing  in  the  rear  of  his  house  and  upon  the 
margin  of  the  river.  In  order,  moreover,  to  facilitate  their 
flight  with  the  intended  captive,  a  canoe  had  been  procured 
and  moored  at  the  water's  edge.  Their  design  was  to  enter 
the  house  in  the  night,  and  seize  and  hear  him  silently  away. 
One  of  the  servants  happening  to  step  into  the  yard  after  the 
family  had  retired  to  rest,  the  lurking  foes  thought  the  time  for 
a  rush  had  arrived.  But  in  their  preparations  to  spring  for- 
ward they  ularmed  the  servant  too  soon,  and  he  was  enabled  to 
get  back  into  the  house,  bolt  the  door,  and  give  timely  warn- 
ing.    The  insidious  purpose  was  of  course  frustrated.* 

Nor  were  these  the  only  hostile  attempts  directed,  at  about 
the  same  period,  against  individuals  at  Albany ;  General 
Schuyler  was  again  selected  for  a  victim  even  of  assassination. 
Smarting  under  their  disappointment  in  the  overthrow  of  Bur- 
goyne,  to  which  discomfiture  the  energy  and  efforts  of  Schuyler 
had  so  essentially  contributed,  a  conspiracy  was  formed  either 
to  capture  or  destroy  him.  For  this  purpose  the  Tories  cor- 
rupted a  white  man,  who  had  been  patronised  by  the  General, 
and  who  was  even  then  in  his  employment,  to  do  the  foul  deed, 
and  also  one  of  the  friendly  Indians,  whose  clan  had  for  years  | 

♦  The  facts  in  this  statement  respecting  Lady  Johnson  and  Mr.  Taylor,  have  | 
been  derived  from  an  extended  biographical  sketch  of  the  latter,  written  by  his  liur- 
viving  friend,  the  venerable  Major  William  Popham,  and  also  from  a  letter  ad* 
dressed  to  the  author  by  General  John  T.  Cooper. 


♦  The  hern 
The  Indians  to 
which  they  mij 
wnsumption. 

t  Facts  com 


all  scout  of  In- 


1777.]  FRESH    ALARMS    IN   TRYON   COUNTY.  291 

been  in  the  habit  of  hunting  upon  his  premises  in  Saratoga, 
during  the  fishing  season  at  Fish  Creek,  which  ran  through  his 
farm,  and  in  which  immense  quantities  of  fish  were  then  taken.* 
To  effect  their  object,  tlie  two  assassins  took  their  station  un- 
der a  covert,  in  a  valley  about  half  a  mile  from  the  General's 
premises,  and  by  which  they  had  previously  ascertained  he  was 
shortly  to  pass.  They  soon  descried  his  approach  on  horseback. 
As  he  advanced,  they  took  deliberate  aim  ;  when,  with  a  sudden 
movement,  the  Indian  struck  up  his  associate's  gun  with  the 
exclamation — "  I  cannot  hill  him  :  I  have  eaten  his  bread  too 
often  n 

Early  in  the  Autumn,  the  inhabitants  of  Unadiila  and  the 
contiguous  settlements  in  that  direction,  were  again  nuploring 
the  commander  of  Fort  Schuyler  for  a  detachment  of  iroops  to 
protect  them  from  another  cxiwdition,  which,  the  Oneidas  had 
iiiforiued  them.  Colonels  Johnson  and  Butler  were  getting  on 
foot  at  Oswego.  The  project,  according  to  the  news  obtained 
from  the  Oneidas,  contemplated  a  simultaneous  descent  of  the 
Tories  and  Indians  upon  five  different  points,  comprehending 
all  the  principal  settlements  west  of  Schenectady.  These  un- 
pleasant tidings  were  in  some  degree  confirmed,  by  the  disco- 
very of  a  large  scouting  party  of  the  enemy  on  the  Sacondaga, 
at  the  north  of  Johnstown. 

The  alarm  was  increased,  toward  the  close  of  October,  by 
the  arrival  of  an  express  at  the  Canajoharie  Castle,  announcing 
that  within  a  few  days  Sir  John  Johnson  would  return  to  Os- 
wego, with  six  hundred  regular  troops  and  a  large  body  of  In- 
dians. It  was  stated  that  Sir  John  had  succeeded  in  raising 
twenty-two  Indian  nations  in  arms  against  the  Colonists.  They 
were  about  sending  a  belt  to  the  Oneidas,  and  in  the  eveni  of 
their  refusal  to  take  up  the  hatchet  with  their  brethren  in  be- 
half of  the  King,  they  were  themselves  to  l)e  attacked  as  the 
first  measure  of  the  invasion.  These  facts  were  inmiediately 
communicated  to  General  Schuyler  by  a  letter  dated  October 
25th,  announcing  also  the  flight,  to  the  ranks  of  Sir  John 

♦  The  herring  fishery  was  considerable  at  Fish  Cceek  at.  the  period  referred  to. 
The  Indians  took  them  in  largo  quantities— dried  and  pounded  thorn  into  powder, 
which  they  mixed  with  com-meal,  and  packed  away  in  boxes  made  of  hark,  for  future 
consumption. 

t  Facts  communicated  to  the  author  by  Mrs.  James  Cochran  of  Oswego, 


;!'■■■  ■?* 


ii  %W'-^ 


I 


■k7''ijf;-  -  ■'■■ 

•H  . 


'f 


202 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1777. 


Johnson,  of  Hon-Yost  Schuyler,  and  twelve  or  fourteen  of  his 
neighbors  at  Fall  Hill  and  in  that  vicinity,  as  heretofore  stated. 
The  letter  contained  a  strong  appeal  for  an  additional  force  to 
defend  the  valley — with  an  assurance,  that  in  the  event  of  re- 
ceiving no  farther  means  of  security,  the  greater  part  of  tiie 
inhabitants  had  become  so  discouraged  that  they  would  proba- 
bly lay  down  their  arms  ;*  in  other  words,  throw  themselves 
upon  the  protection  of  the  King. 

But,  after  all  the  alarm,  nothing  very  serious  resulted  from 
these  threatening  indications  during  the  residue  of  the  year  1777. 
Still  the  Tongress  was  unwilling  that  u;'j  year  should  close 
without  making  one  more  effort  to  win  back  the  Six  Nations 
from  the  British  service,  at  least  to  a  state  of  neutrality,  if  no- 
thing more.  With  this  view,  on  the  3d  of  December  the  fol- 
lowing  address  to  the  Indians  of  those  Nations  was  reported  by 
the  Committee  on  Indian  affairs,  and  adopted.  It  is  inserted  nt 
length  in  this  order,  on  account  of  its  eloquence,  and  its  sur- 
passing excellence  among  the  documents  connected  with  the 
Indian  diplomacy  of  the  republic  : — 

Address  op  the  Congress  to  the  Six  Nations. 

"  Brothers,  Sachems,  and  Warriors:  The  great  conn- 
oil  of  the  United  States  call  now  for  your  attention.  Open 
your  ears  that  you  may  hear,  and  your  hearts  that  you  may 
understand. 

*'  When  the  people  on  the  other  side  of  the  great  water,  with- 
out any  cause,  sought  our  destruction,  and  sent  over  their  ships 
and  their  warriors  to  fight  against  us,  and  to  take  away  our 
possessions,  you  might  reasonably  have  expected  us  to  ask  for 
your  assistance.  If  we  are  enslaved,  you  cannot  be  free.  For 
our  strength  is  greater  than  yours.  If  they  would  not  spare 
their  own  brothers  of  the  same  flesh  and  blood,  would  they 
spare  you  ?  If  they  burn  our  houses  ojid  ravage  our  lands, 
could  yours  be  secure  ? 

"  But,  Brothers,  we  acted  on  very  different  principles. 
Far  from  desiring  you  to  hazard  your  lives  in  our  quarrel,  we 
advised  you  to  remain  still  in  ease  and  at  peace.  We  even  en- 
treated you  to  remain  neuter :  and  under  the  shade  of  your 


MS.  letter  to  General  Schuyler— Secretary's  office,  Albany. 


1777.] 


ADDRCSS    TO    THE    SIX    NATIONS. 


203 


trees  and  by  tho  side  of  your  streams,  to  smoke  your  pipe  iti 
safety  and  contentment.  Thou^yli  pressed  l)y  oui  enemies,  and 
\vrhen  tlieir  sliips  obstructed  our  supplies  of  arms  and  powder 
and  clothing,  we  were  not  unmindful  of  your  wants.  Of  what 
u'as  rjeccasary  f  u  our  own  use,  wc  cheerfully  spared  you  a 
part.    More  we  si  ould  have  done,  had  it  been  in  our  power. 

"  BROTHRua,  C\YuoA«,  Skxkcas,  Tu.scaroua.s,  ANn  Mo- 
hawks :  Open  yoir  ears  and  hear  our  complaints.  Why  have 
you  listened  to  the  voice  of  our  enemies?  Why  have  you-suf- 
tcrcd  Sir  John  Johnson  and  Rutler  to  mislead  you  ?  Why 
have  you  assisted  General  St.  liO^er  and  his  warriors  from  the 
other  side  of  the  great  water,  by  giving  them  a  free  passage 
tliroiigh  your  country  to  annoy  us;  which  both  you  and  we 
solemnly  promised  should  not  be  defiled  with  blood  ?  WJiy 
have  you  suffered  so  many  of  your  nations  to  join  them  in 
their  cruel  purpose  ?  Is  this  a  suitable  return  fo  our  love  and 
kindness,  or  did  you  suspect  that  we  were  too  weak  or  lie 
cowardly  to  defend  our  country,  and  join  our  enemies  that  you 
iiiiirlit  come  in  for  a  share  of  the  plunder?  What  has  been 
grained  by  this  unprovoked  treachery  ?  what  but  shame  and  dis- 
grace !  Your  foolish  warriors  and  their  new  allies  liave  been 
defwitcd  and  driven  back  in  every  quarter  ;  and  many  of  them 
justly  paid  the  price  of  their  rashness  with  their  lives.  Sorry 
are  we  to  find  that  our  ancient  chain  of  union,  heretofore  so 
strong  and  bright,  should  be  broken  by  such  poor  and  weak 
instruments  as  Sir  John  Johnson  and  Butler,  who  dare  not 
show  their  faces  among  their  countrymen ;  and  by  St.  Leger,  a 
stranger  whom  you  never  knew  !  What  has  become  of  the 
spirit,  the  wisdom,  and  the  justice  of  your  nations?  Is  it  pos- 
sible that  you  should  barter  away  your  ancient  glory,  and 
break  through  tho  most  solemn  treaties,  for  a  few  blankets  or  a 
little  rum  or  powder  ?  That  trifles  such  as  these  should  prove 
any  temptation  to  you  to  cut  down  the  strong  tree  of  friendship, 
by  our  common  ancestors  planted  in  the  deep  bowels  of  the 
earth  at  Onondaga,  your  central  council-fire  ?  That  tree  which 
has  been  watered  and  nourished  by  their  children  until  the 
branches  had  almost  reached  the  skies  1  As  well  might  we  have 
expected  that  the  mole  should  overturn  the  vast  mountains  of 
the  Alleghany,  or  that  the  birds  of  the  air  should  drink  up  the 
waters  of  Ontario ! 


lU 


m 


m 

;1,  M  ■ 


m 


i    ih 


'4- . 


294 


LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


[1777. 


"Jttr  OTHERS,  Cayuoas,  Senegas,  Onondagas,  and  Mo- 
hawks :  Look  into  your  hearts,  and  be  attentive.  Much  arc. 
you  to  blame,  and  greatly  iiave  you  wronged  us.  Be  wise  in  time. 
Be  .sorry  and  mend  your  faults.  The  great  council,  though  the 
blood  of  our  friends,  who  fell  by  your  tomahawks  at  the  German 
Flutts,  cries  aloud  against  you,  will  yet  be  patient.  We  do  not 
desire  to  destroy  you.  Long  have  we  been  at  peace ;  and  ii 
is  still  our  wish  to  bury  the  hatchet,  and  wipe  away  the  bloor 
which  some  of  you  have  so  unjustly  shed.  Till  time  shouli 
be  no  more,  we  wish  o  smoke  with  you  the  calumet  of  frieii  1- 
ship  around  your  central  fire  at  Onondaga.  But,  Brothers, 
mark  well  what  \va  now  toll  you.  Let  it  sink  deep  as  the  bot- 
tom of  the  sea,  and  never  be  forgotten  by  you  or  your  children. 
If  ever  again  you  take  up  the  hatchet  to  strike  us — if  you  join 
our  enemies  in  battle  or  council — if  you  give  ^hem  intelligence, 
or  encourage  or  permit  them  to  pass  through  your  country  to 
molest  or  hurt  any  of  our  people — we  shall  look  on  you  as  our 
enemies,  and  treat  you  as  the  worst  of  enemies,  who,  under  a 
cloak  of  friendship,  30""e.  your  bad  designs,  and  like  the  con- 
cealed addur,  or//  wait  for  an  opportunity  to  wound  us  when 
we  are  most  unprepared 

"  Brothers  :  Believe  us  who  never  deceive.  If,  after  all 
our  good  counsel  and  all  our  care  to  prevent  it,  we  must  take 
up  the  hatchet,  the  blood  to  be  shed  will  lie  heavy  on  your 
heads.  The  hand  of  the  thirteen  United  States  is  not  short. 
It  will  reach  to  the  farthest  extent  of  the  country  of  the  Six 
Nations  ;  and  while  we  have  right  on  our  side,  the  good  Spirit, 
whom  we  serve,  will  enable  us  to  punish  you,  and  put  it  out 
of  your  power  to  do  us  farther  mischief. 

"  Brothers,  Oneidas  and  Tuscaroras  :  Hearken  to 
what  we  have  to  Say  to  you  in  particular.  It  rejoices  our 
hearts  that  we  have  no  reason  to  reproach  you  in  common 
with  the  rest  of  the  Six  Nations.  We  have  experienced  your 
love,  strong  as  the  oak,  and  your  fidelity,  unchangeable  as 
truth.  You  have  kept  fast  hold  of  the  ancient  covenant  chain, 
and  preserved  it  free  from  rust  and  decay,  and  bright  as  silver. 
Like  brave  men,  for  glory  you  despised  danger ;  you  stood 
forth  in  the  cause  of  your  friends,  and  ventured  your  lives  in 
our  battles.  While  the  sun  and  moon  continue  to  give  light 
to  the  world,  wo  shall  love  and  respect  you.     As  our  trusty 


1777.] 


ADDRESS   TO   THE   SIX   NATIONS. 


295 


3AS,  AND  Mo- 
ve. Much  are 
3e  wise  in  time. 
Lcil,  though  the 
5  at  the  German 
it.     We  do  not 

peace;  and  ii 
away  the  bloor 
Mil  time  shouli 
iumet  of  frienl- 

But,  Brothers, 
deep  as  the  hot- 
r  your  children, 
us — if  you  join 
em  intelligence, 
your  country  to 
)k  on  you  as  our 
es,  who,  under  a 
nd  like  the  con- 
wound  us  when 

ve.  If,  after  all 
,t,  we  must  take 
heavy  on  your 
tes  is  not  short, 
intry  of  the  Six 
,  the  good  Spirit, 
1,  and  put  it  out 

is:   Hearken  to 
It  rejoices  our 
you  in  common 
jxperienced  your 
unchangeable  as 
;  covenant  chain, 
bright  as  silver, 
nger;  you  stood 
red  your  lives  in 
me  to  give  light 
As  our  trusty 


friends,  we  shall  protect  you,  and  shall  at  all  times  consider  your 
welfare  as  our  own. 

"Brothers  op  the  Six  Nations:  Open  your  ears  and 
listen  attentively.  It  is  long  ago  that  we  explained  to  you  our 
quarrel  with  the  people  on  the  other  side  of  the  great  water. 
Remember  that  our  cause  is  just;  you  and  your  forefathers 
have  long  seen  us  allied  to  those  people  in  friendship.  By  our 
iaboi  rind  industry  they  flourished  like  the  trees  of  the  forest, 
and  became  exceedingly  rich  and  proud.  At  length  nothing 
would  satisfy  them,  unless,  like  slaves,  we  would  give  them  the 
power  over  our  whole  substance.  Because  we  would  not  yield 
to  such  shameful  bondage,  they  took  up  the  hatchet.  You  have 
seen  them  covering  our  coasts  with  their  ships,  and  a  part  of 
our  country  with  their  warriors ;  but  you  have  not  seen  us  dis- 
mayed ;  on  the  contrary,  you  know  that  we  have  stood  firm 
like  rocks,  and  fought  like  men  who  deserved  to  be  free.  You 
know  that  we  have  defeated  St.  Leger,  and  conquered  Burgoyne 
and  all  their  waiiiors.  Our  chief  men  and  our  warriors  are 
now  fighting  against  the  rest  of  our  enemies,  and  we  trust  that 
the  Great  Spirit  will  soon  put  them  in  our  power,  or  enable  us 
to  drive  them  all  far  beyond  the  great  waters. 

'•Brothers  :  ■3elieve  us  that  they  leel  their  own  weakness, 
and  that  they  are  unable  to  subdue  the  thirteen  United  States. 
Else  why  have  they  not  left  our  Indian  brethren  in  peace,  as 
they  first  promised  and  we  w'"?hed  to  have  done '?  Why  have 
they  endeavored,  by  cunning  speeches,  by  falsehood  and  mis- 
representations, by  strong  drink  and  presents,  to  embitter  the 
minds  and  darken  the  understandings  of  all  our  Indian  friends 
on  this  great  continent,  from  the  North  to  the  South,  and  to  en- 
gage them  to  take  up  the  hatchet  against  us  without  any  pro- 
vocation ?  The  Cherokees,  like  some  of  you,  were  prevailed 
upon  to  strike  our  people.  We  carried  the  war  into  their  coun- 
try, and  Ibught  them.  They  saw  their  error,  they  repented, 
and  we  forgave  them.  The  United  States  are  kind  and  merci- 
ful, and  wish  for  peace  with  all  the  world.  We  have,  therefore, 
renewed  our  ancient  covenant  chain  with  their  nation. 

"  Brother.?  :  The  Shawanese  and  Delawares  give  us  daily 
proofs  of  their  ^^ood  disposition  and  their  attachment  to  us,  and 
are  ready  to  assist  us  .gainst  all  our  enemies.  The  Chicka- 
saws  are  among  the  number  of  our  faithful  friends.    And  the 


» * 


l^ld 


t         a, 


296 


LTFE    OP    BRANT 


[1777. 


Choctaws,  though  remote  from  us,  have  refused  to  listen  to  the 
persuasions  of  our  enemies,  rejected  all  their  offers  of  corrup- 
tion, and  continue  peaceable.  The  Creeks  are  also  our  steady 
friends.  Oboylaco,  their  great  chief,  and  the  rest  of  their 
sachems  and  warriors,  as  the  strongest  mark  of  their  sincere 
friendship,  have  presented  the  great  council  with  an  eagle's 
tail  and  rattle  trap.  They  have  desired  that  these  tokens  might 
be  shown  to  the  Six  Nations  and  their  allies,  to  convince  them 
that  the  Creeks  are  at  peace  with  the  United  States.  We  have 
therefore  directed  our  commissioners  to  deliver  them  into  your 
hands.  Let  them  be  seen  by  all  the  nations  in  your  alliance, 
and  preserved  in  your  central  council  house  at  Onondngn. 

"Brothers,  Sachems  and  Warriors  op  the  Six  Na- 
tions :  Hearken  to  our  counsel.  Let  us  who  are  born  on  the 
same  great  continent,  love  one  another.  Our  interest  is  the 
same,  and  we  ought  to  be  one  people,  always  ready  to  assist 
and  serve  each  other.  What  are  the  people  who  belong  to  the 
other  side  of  the  great  waters  to  either  of  us  ?  They  never  come 
here  for  our  sakes,  but  to  gratify  their  own  pride  and  avarice. 
Their  business  now  is  to  kill  and  destroy  our  inhabitants,  to 
lay  waste  our  houses  and  farms.  The  day,  we  trust,  will  soon 
arrive,  when  we  shall  be  rid  of  them  forever.  Now  is  the  time 
to  hasten  and  secure  this  happy  event.  Let  us  then,  from  this 
moment,  join  hand  and  heart  in  the  defence  of  our  common 
country.  Let  us  rise  as  one  man,  and  drive  away  our  cruel 
oppressors.  Henceforward  let  none  be  able  to  separate  us.  If 
any  of  our  people  injure  you,  acquaint  us  of  it  and  you  may 
depend  upon  full  satisfaction.  If  any  of  yours  hurt  us,  be  you 
ready  to  repair  the  wrong  or  piriish  the  aggressor.  Above  all, 
shut  your  ears  against  liars  and  deceivers,  who,  like  false  mete- 
ors, strive  to  lead  you  astray,  and  to  set  us  at  variance.  Believe 
no  evil  of  us  till  you  have  taken  pains  to  discover  the  truth. 
Our  council-lire  always  burns  clear  and  bright  in  Pennsylvanin, 
Our  commissioners  and  agents  are  near  your  country.  Wc 
shall  not  be  blinded  by  false  reports  or  false  appearances. 

"Brothers:  What  may  be  farther  necessary  at  this  time 
for  our  common  good  you  will  learn  from  our  commissioners, 
who  sit  round  our  council-fire  at  Albany.  Hear  what  they 
say,  and  treasure  it  up  in  your  hearts.     Farewell." 

This  appeal  produced  no  effect.    It  was  one  of  the  misfor- 


•:Vlft 


1777.] 


CLOSE    OP   THE    YEAR. 


297 


tunes  incident  to  the  poverty  of  the  country  at  that  crisis,  that 
Congress  was  unable  to  concihate  the  friendship  of  the  Indians, 
by  such  a  liberal  dispensation  of  presents  as  they  had  been  in 
the  habit  of  receiving  from  the  superintendents  of  the  crown, 
and  as  they  were  yet  enabled  to  receive  from  the  British  go- 
vernment at  or  by  the  way  of  Montreal.  Thayendanegea,  ear- 
ly in  the  preceding  year,  had  taunted  General  Herkimer,  at 
Unadilla,  with  the  poverty  of  the  Continental  government, 
which,  he  said,  was  not  able  to  give  the  Indians  a  blanket. 
The  fact  was  but  too  true ;  and  the  officers  of  the  crown  were 
not  slow  in  availing  themselves  of  it,  not  only  by  appeals  to 
their  cupidity,  but  by  a  more  lavish  bestovvment  of  presents 
than  ever.  Thue  Guy  Johnson,  in  one  of  his  speeches  to  the 
Six  Nations  at  the  West,  put  the  significant  questions  to  them : 
"Are  they,"  (the  rebels,  as  he  probably  called  them)  "able  to 
"give  you  any  thing  more  than  a  piece  of  bread  and  a  glass  of 
"rum?  Are  you  willing  to  go  with  them,  and  suffer  them  to 
"make  horses  and  oxen  of  you,  to  put  you  to  the  wheelbar- 
"rows,  and  to  bring  us  all  into  slavery?"  While,  therefore, 
the  Americans  were  unable  to  furnish  the  Indians  with  those 
necessaries  of  life,  for  a  supply  of  which  they  had  become  ac- 
customed to  rely  upon  the  white  man,  they  found  an  abundance 
of  stores  at  Montreal,  wide  open  at  their  approach.  And  under 
these  circumstances,  with  the  single  exceptions  of  the  Oneidas, 
and  the  feeble  band  of  the  Tuscaroras,  all  the  efforts  of  Con- 
gress to  conciliate  their  friendship,  or  even  to  persuade  them  to 
neutrality,  proved  unavailing. 

Thus  ended  the  military  operations  of  the  year  1777.  At  the 
close  of  the  Pcnnsylvonia  campaign,  the  British  army  went  into 
winter  quarters  in  Philadelphia,  and  the  American  at  Valley 
Forge.  On  the  I5th  day  of  November,  what  are  now  called  the 
old  "  Articles  of  Confederation  and  Perpetual  Union,"  between 
the  thirteen  Colonies,  were  adopted  by  Congress;  and  on  the  22d 
orthe  same  month,  it  was  resolved  that  all  proposals  for  a  trea- 
ty between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  inconsistent 
with  the  independence  of  the  former,  should  be  rejected.  It  was 
likewise  farther  resolved,  that  no  conference  should  be  held 
with  any  commissioners  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  unless,  as 
a  measure  preliminary,  the  fleets  and  armies  of  that  powor 
were  withdrawn. 


,; 'jj^^!^  |:yi:ii  'j.'!;! 
■:'^"ill:iihiiiii|| 


Mm 
■lft'lf,1l 


■•.mu 


A'Uii 


WV'h 


4t  4' 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


Treaty  of  alliance  with  Prance — Policy  of  France — Incidents  of  the  Winter  -Pro. 
jected  expedition  against  St  Johns — Lafayette  appointed  to  the  command  "  the 
North — Failure  of  the  enterprise  for  lack  of  means — Disappointment  and  o'..  .grin 
of  Lafayette — Unpleasant  indications  respecting  the  Western  Indians — Indian 
council  at  Johnstown — Attended  by  Lafayette — Its  proceedings — And  result- 
Reward  offered  for  Major  Carleton — Letter  of  Lafayette — He  retires  from  the 
Northern  Department — Return  of  the  loyalists  for  their  families — Unopposed— 
Their  aggressions — Prisoners  carried  into  Canada — ^Their  fate — Re-appearance 
of  Brant  at  Oghkwaga  and  Unadilla — Anecdote  of  Brant — Comparative  cruelty  of 
the  Tories  and  Indians — Murder  of  a  family — Exposed  situation  of  the  people- 
Captain  McKean — Sends  a  challenge  to  Brant — Burning  of  Springfield — First 
battle  in  Schoharie. 

Tiiij  opening  of  the  year  1778  was  marked  by  an  event 
that  diffused  universal  joy  among  the  people.  It  had  been 
rightly  judged  by  American  statesmen,  that,  smarting  under  the 
loss  which  France  had  experienced  by  the  war  ending  in  1763, 
of  her  broad  North  American  possessions,  the  government  of 
tliDt  country  would  be  nothinsf  loth  to  aid  in  the  infliction  of  a 
like  dismemberment  of  territory  upon  Great  Britain.  With  a 
view,  therefore,  of  cultivating  friendly  relations  with  Prance, 
and  deriving  assistance  from  her  if  possible,  Commissioners 
had  been  despatched  to  the  Court  of  Versailles,  in  1776,  with 
the  plan  of  a  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  to  be  submitted  to 
that  government.  Still,  more  than  a  year  had  elapsed,  during 
which  the  Commissioners  *  had  been  exerting  themselves  to  the 
utmost,  to  obtain  a  recognition  of  the  Independence  of  the 
United  States  without  success.  It  was  evident  that  France 
looked  upon  the  revolt  of  the  American  Colonies  with  secret 
satisfaction ;  but  she  had  been  so  much  weakened  by  the 
former  contest,  that  time  was  needed  for  repose  and  recovery  of 
her  strength.  Hence,  from  the  arrival  of  the  Commissioners  in 
the  French  capital,  in  December  1776,  to  the  close  of  1777, 
they  had  been  living  upon  "  hope  deferred."  It  is  true  that 
the  Americans  received  great  assistance  from  the  French,  in 
supplies  of  arms  and  ammunition  ;  and  although  not  openly  al 
lowed,  yet  means  were  found  by  the  American  privateers,  se- 

*  The  Commiflsioners  were,  Benjamin  Franklin,  Silas  Deane,  and  Arthur  Lee. 
Mr.  Jeflerson  had  been  originally  designated  as  one  of  the  Commisaioners ;  but, 
declining  the  appointment,  Mr.  Lee  was  selected  in  his  stead. 


.  ?  i"  I'iT 


1778.] 


ALLIANCE   WITH    FRANCE. 


299 


cretly  to  dispose  of  their  prizes  in  French  ports.  Still,  the 
government  was  lavish  in  its  professions  of  friendship  for 
England,  even  though  confidentially  giving  the  Americans 
strong  assurances* of  sympathy  and  ultimate  assistance.  The 
untoward  result  of  Burgoyne's  campaign,  intelligence  of  which 
was  received  in  Paris  early  in  December,  was  the  opportune 
means  of  ending  this  vascillaiing  policy  on  the  part  of  the 
Court  of  Versailles.  The  feelings  of  the  French  people  toward 
England  could  no  longer  be  disguised  ;  since  the  news  occa- 
sioned us  much  general  joy  as  thr  fi-h  the  victory  had  been 
achieved  by  their  own  arms.*  The  consequence  was,  that,  on 
the  6th  of  February,  the  French  government  entered  into  treaties 
of  amity,  commerce,  and  alliance,  with  the  United  States,  on 
principles  of  the  most  perfect  reciprocity  and  equality.  The 
French  cabinet  clearly  foresaw  that  this  measure  would  soon 
produce  a  war  between  themselves  and  England,  and  acted  in 
the  expectation  of  such  a  consequence.  Indeed,  M.  Girard, 
one  of  the  French  Secretaries  of  State,  in  his  conferences  with 
the  American  Commissioners,  had  the  frankness  to  avow  that 
they  were  not  acting  wholly  for  the  sake  of  the  United  States, 
but  because  they  thought  the  moment  a  favorable  one  for  hum- 
bling their  haughty  rival,  by  aiding  in  the  dismer^berment  of 
her  empire.  Hence  the  King  had  not  only  determined  to  acknow- 
ledge the  Independence  of  the  United  States,  but  to  support  it 
—without  the  expectation  of  compensation.! 

The  news  of  the  treaty  with  Franco  was  not  received  in  the 
United  States  until  late  in  the  Spring.^    Meantime  other  cir- 

*  Letter  of  the  Commi&sioners.  t  Marshall. 

J  The  event  was  commemorated  in  the  American  camp,  on  the  7th  of  May,  in  a 
style  corresponding  with  its  importance — a  general  order  for  the  celebration  having 
been  issued  by  the  Commander-in-chief.  It  began  as  follows : — "  It  having  pleased 
the  Almighty  Ruler  of  the  Universe  to  defend  the  cause  of  the  United  American 
States,  and  finally  to  raise  us  up  a  powerful  friend  among  the  princes  of  the  earth,  to 
establish  our  liberty  and  independency  upon  a  lasting  foundation ;  it  becomes  us  to 
set  apart  a  day  for  gratefully  acknowledging  the  divine  goodness,  and  celebrating  the 
important  event,  which  we  owe  to  his  divine  interposition."  The  pageant  was 
strictly  military,  and  is  described  by  the  letters  of  that  day  as  exceedingly  brilliant 
The  joy  manifested  was  unfeigned  and  unspeakable.  The  Commander-in-chief 
dined  in  public  with  all  the  officers  of  his  army.  "When  his  Excellency  took  his 
leave,  there  was  a  universal  clap,  with  lotid  huzzas,  which  continued  until  he  had 
proceeded  a  quarter  of  a  mile,  during  which  time  there  were  a  thousand  hats  tossed 
in  the  air.  His  Excellency  turned  round  with  his  retinue,  and  huzzaed  several 
times."— LeMer  tfan  oj^er. 


■"■A  :K  'k'' '  f- ■■■'■ 


'^m'Wm 


mim 


»'• 


'    V  f  ■-  1, 

1'  ■•  '  li"  ''('  !'■■'   '"i 

"'   ■''sSif'i'i't-' I  ■!',i''ii 


,t:|*:'  ■■■■  W^ 
IT 


I"  y . «,'.'  ■ 
Ill       '  .21     L, 


300 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1778. 


r  i 


mH 


^i  in 


i>'i 


cuiristances  occurred  during  the  Winter,  in  the  Northern  part 
of  New- York,  deserving  of  note  in  the  present  narrative.  First 
among  these,  was  the  notable  project  of  General  Gates  for  a 
second  descent,  in  mid-winter,  upon  Canada.  In  November  fol- 
lowing  the  defeat  of  Burgoyne,  on  the  reorganization  of  the 
Board  of  War,  Gates,  in  the  first  flush  of  his  popularity,  was 
placed  at  its  head  as  president.  He  had  not  been  long  at 
Yorktown,*  where  Congress  was  then  i:?  session,  before  lie 
conceived  the  project  of  directing  an  irruption  into  Canada 
across  the  ice  upon  Lake  Chaniplain,  for  the  purpose  of  de- 
stroying the  stores  and  shipping  of  the  enemy  at  St.  Johns  • 
and,  possibly,  of  striking  a  sudden  blow  upon  Montreal.  It 
was  subsequently  but  too  well  ascertained  that  the  condition  of 
the  Northern  army,  with  which  Gates  certainly  ought  to  have 
been  acquainted,  was  by  no  means  such  as  to  warrant  the  un- 
dertaking of  any  offensive  enterprise.  Still  the  victorious  com- 
mander of  the  North  had  the  address  to  obtain  a  vote  of 
Congress  directing  the  expedition.t  the  conduct  of  which  was 
entrusted  to  the  Marquis  de  liafayette.  This  gallant  younp 
nobleman  had  been  burning  with  a  desire  to  distinguish  him- 
self in  a  separate  command,  and  this  project  opened  to  him  the 
prospect  of  realizing  the  object  dearest  to  his  heart. 

But,  neither  in  the  inception  nor  in  the  maturing  of  the  en- 
terprise, had  the  Commander-in-chief  been  consulted  ;  and  the 
first  knowledge  he  possessed  of  the  project  was  derived  from  a 
letter  from  General  Gates,  inclosing  another  to  the  Marquis, 
informing  him  of  his  appointment  to  the  command. t  The  dis- 
respect to  the  Commander-in-chief,  to  whom  the  youthful 
soldier  was  bound  by  the  strongest  ties  of  friendship  and  respect, 
was  so  manifest,  that  the  Marquis  at  first  hesitated  in  accepting 


*  York,  in  Pennsylvania.  f  Journals  of  Congress,  vol.  iv.  p.  48. 

J  "  I  am  much  obliged  by  your  polite  request  of  my  opinion  and  advice  on  the 
expedition  to  Canada  and  other  occasions.  In  the  present  instance,  as  I  neither 
know  the  extent  of  the  objects  in  view,  nor  the  means  to  be  employed  to  effect  them, 
k  is  not  in  my  power  to  pass  any  judgment  upon  the  subject.  I  can  only  sincerely 
wish  that  success  may  attend  it,  both  as  it  may  advance  the  public  good,  and  on 
account  of  the  personal  honor  of  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  for  whom  I  have  a  very 
particular  esteem  and  regard."— [Le((«r  of  Washington  to  GateSf  Jan.  27,  I77S.] 
"  I  shall  say  no  more  of  the  Canada  expedition,  than  that  it  is  at  aii  end.  I  ne\er 
was  made  acquainted  with  a  single  circumstance  relating  to  it."— Letter  of  Wash* 
ingtm  to  General  Armstrong,  of  Pennsylvania. 


ened  to  him  the 
Bart. 

uring  of  the  en- 
isulted ;  and  the 
,s  derived  from  a 
to  the  Marquis, 
land.t  The  dis- 
m  the  youthful 
ship  and  respect, 
ited  in  accepting 

1,  vol.  iv.  p.  48. 

ion  and  advice  on  the 

inBtance,  as  I  neither 

ployed  to  effect  them, 

I  can  only  sincerely 

c  public  good,  and  on 

whom  I  have  a  very 

Gates,  Jan.  27,  1778.] 
IS  at  ail  end.    I  never 

it."— Letter  of  Wa)l> 


1778.] 


'■>«ii-ii: 


PROPOSED   CAMPAIGN   AGAINST   CANADA. 


301 


the  command.  Nor  was  his  reluctance  lessened  by  the  suspi- 
cious circumstance  that  General  Conway,  the  base  instrument 
of  the  Gates  faction  in  the  conspiracy  against  Washington,  had 
been  assigned  as  his  second  in  command.  Soaring  above  all 
selfish  considerations,  however,  Washington  advised  the  Mar- 
quis to  accept  the  trust  confided  to  him  by  Congress.  Lafayette, 
therefore,  repaired  from  the  camp  at  Valley  Forge  to  Yorktown, 
to  be  more  particularly  advised  as  to  the  object  and  the  details 
of  the  enterprise.  The  plan  of  organizing  alight  but  efficient 
force,  to  make  a  sudden  dash  upon  St.  Johns,  and  destroy  the 
flotilla  which  gave  the  enemy  the  command  of  Lake  Champlain, 
and  to  inflict  such  farther  injury  as  might  be  effected  in  a  rapid 
campaign,  was  fully  unfolded  to  him.  Ample  supplies  of  men 
and  means  were  promised  by  Gates  ;  and,  after  securing  the 
services  of  the  Baron  de  Kalb  to  the  expedition — an  officer 
older  in  rank  than  Conway,  who  would  necessarily  be  his  se- 
cond in  command — the  Marquis  accepted  the  appointment. 

Full  of  high  hopes,  a  brilliant  enterprise  before  him,  and 
panting  for  an  opportunity  to  signalize  himself  in  a  separate 
command,  the  Marquis  pushed  forward  to  Albany,  amid  all  the 
rigors  of  winter,  to  enter  at  once  upon  the  service,  and  appa- 
rently with  as  much  confidence  as  though  he  had  achieved  the 
exploit.  Sad,  however,  was  his  disappointment  at  the  posture 
of  affairs  on  his  arrival  at  Albany.  Conway,  who  had  arrived 
there  three  days  before  him,  at  once  assured  him  that  the  expe- 
dition was  quite  impossi  ile.  Such,  likewise,  was  the  opinion 
of  Generals  Schuyler,  Lincoln,  and  Arnold,  the  latter  two  of 
whom  were  detained  at  Albany  by  the  unhealed  wounds  re- 
ceived upon  the  fields  of  Saratoga.  Indeed,  he  was  not  long  in 
ascertaining,  from  the  quarter-master,  commissary,  and  cloth- 
ier-generals, that  there  was  a  lamentable  deficiency  of  almost 
every  necessary  of  which  he  had  been  led  to  expect  an  abun- 
dant supply.  The  number  of  troops  was  altogether  inadequate. 
Three  thousand  effective  men  were  believed  to  be  the  smallest 
force  that  would  suffice,  and  that  number  was  promised.  But 
scarcely  twelve  hundred  could  be  mustered  fit  for  duty,  and  the 
greater  part  of  these  were  too  naked  even  for  a  Summer  cam- 
paign.*   Their  pay  wo '  greatly  in  arrear ;  and  officers  and 

'  *  Letter  of  Lafayette  to  Generil  Washington,  dated  Alban/,  Feb.  Id.  1778. 


i*?i,i| 


Hi 


urtm 


Hill 


302 


LIFE    OF   ERANT. 


[1778. 


fi 


men  were  alike  indisposed  to  the  service.*  Originally  it  had 
been  intended  to  confide  the  proposed  expedition  to  General 
Stark,  whose  prowess  at  the  battle  of  Bennington  had  rendered 
him  exceedingly  popular  with  the  people ;  and  it  was  supposed 
that  he  could  at  once  bring  into  the  field  a  sufficient  number  of 
his  mountaineers  to  strike  the  blow  with  success.f  Stark  was 
invited  to  Albany,  and  James  Duane  was  sent  thither  from  Con- 
gress to  confer  with  him  upon  the  subject.  But  the  induce- 
ment offered  by  Congress  being  in  the  Ibrm  of  a  bounty,  con- 
tingent only  upon  success,  was  thought  not  sufficient ;  and 
when  a  representation  of  the  circumstances  was  made  by  Mr. 
Duane  to  that  body,  the  scheme  was  changed  and  enlarged,  at 
the  suggestion  of  General  Gates,  according  to  the  plan  which 
the  Marquis  was  to  execute. 

Having  attentively  examined  the  situation  of  afiairs,  and  the 
means  within  his  control,  and  consulted  with  the  several  able 
captains  at  Albany,  the  young  soldier  saw  with  inexpressible 
chagrin  that  the  obstacles  were  insuperable.  In  the  language 
of  another,  amounting  to  a  bitter  satire,  whether  thus  intended 
or  not — "  the  Generals  only  were  got  in  readiness  ;"t  and  the 
gallant  Marquis,  was  compelled  to  relinquish  the  enterprise, 
without  even  the  poor  privilege  of  making  an  attempt.  He  cer- 
tainly had  great  reason,  not  only  for  vexation,  but  disgust- 
advised,  as  he  had  been,  to  announce  to  his  court  the  degree  of 
confidence  reposed  in  him  by  Congress,  in  thus  confiding  to 
him  a  separate  command  of  such  importance — not,  of  course, 

♦  On  the  19th  of  February  James  Duane  wrote  to  Governor  Clinton  respecting 
the  impracticability  of  the  enterprise,  since  the  Marquis  could  find  neither  tlie  troops 
nor  the  preparations.  In  the  course  of  his  letter,  Mr.  Duane  said  of  the  Marquis  :— 
"  His  zeal  for  this  country,  of  which  he  has  given  marks  even  to  enthusiasm,  and  his 
ardent  desipe  of  glory,  lead  him  to  wish  the  expedition  practicable;  but  ho  is  t(io 
considerate  to  pursue  it  rashly,  or  without  probable  grounds  of  a  Ruccessful  igAU>, 
I  must  mention  to  your  Excellency  a  circumstance  which  shows  the  liberality  of  hs 
disposition.  He  determined,  on  his  entering  into  Canada,  to  supply  his  ^;my 
through  his  own  private  bills  on  France  to  the  amount  of  five  or  six  thcusand 
guineas,  and  to  present  that  sum  to  Congress  a^  a  proof  of  his  love  to  America  and 
the  rights  of  human  nature." 

t  "  I  was  to  find  General  Stark  with  a  largo  body,  and  indeed  General  Gates  told 
me  *  Gmeral,  Stark  will  hme  burnt  the  fleet  before  your  arrival.^  Well :  the  first  let- 
ter I  receive  in  Albany  is  from  General  Stark,  who  wishes  to  know  '  what  number  of 
men.  from  where,  for  what  time,  and  for  what  rendezvous,  I  desire  him  to  riisb.'  " 
— Letter  from  Lufayette  to  Washington. 

I  MuahaH. 


1778.1 


THK    PROJECT   AHANDONED. 


303 


9ESIRB  HIM  TO  RAISE.' 


suspecting,  for  n  moment,  that  General  Gates  could  have  been 
so  ignorant  of  the  actual  situation  of  the  department  from  which 
he  had  been  so  recently  transferred.* 

The  Marquis  wrote  to  his  greatest  and  best  friend,  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief, upon  the  subject  of  what  he  called  his  "  dis- 
tressing and  ridiculous  situation,"  in  the  bitterness  of  his  spirit. 
"I  am  sent,"  said  he,  "with  a  great  noise,  at  the  head  of  an 
« army,  to  do  great  things.  The  whole  continent,  France,  and, 
"  wlmt  is  the  worst,  the  British  army,  will  be  in  expectation. 
"  How  for  they  will  be  deceived,  how  far  we  shall  be  ridiculed, 
"yon  may  judge  by  the  candid  account  you  have  got  of  the 
"state  of  our  affairs."  It  is  quite  evident,  from  the  tenor  of  the 
letter  we  are  quoting,  that  the  Marquis  suspected  that  he  had 
been  purposely  detached  from  the  company  of  Washington 
with  some  sinister  design  : — "  There  are  things,  I  dare  say,  in 
"  which  I  am  deceived.  A  certain  Colonel  is  not  here  for  no- 
« thing."  *  *  *  "I  am  sure  a  cloud  is  drawn  before  my  eyes. 
"However,  there  arc  points  I  cannot  be  deceived  in."  *  *  » 
I'  They  have  sent  me  more  than  twenty  I'Vench  officers.  I  do 
"  not  know  what  to  do  with  them.  I  am  at  a  loss  to  know 
"  liow  to  act,  and  indeed  I  do  not  know  for  what  I  am  here  my- 
"  self."  And  again,  toward  the  close  of  the  letter,  he  says : — "  I 
"fancy  tlic  actual  scheme  is,  to  have  me  out  of  this  part  of  the 
"continent,  and  General  Conway  as  chief  under  the  immedi- 
"  ate  direction  of  General  Gates.  How  they  will  bring  it  about 
"  I  do  not  know,  but  be  certain  something  of  that  kind  will  ap- 
"  pear.  You  are  nearer  than  myself,  and  every  honest  man  in 
"Congress  is  your  friend  ;  tlierefore  you  may  foresee  and  pre- 
'vent  the  evil  a  hundred  times  better  than  I  can."t 

The  true  position  of  affairs  at  Albany  having  been  made 
known  to  Congress,  it  was  resolved  to  instruct  the  Marquis  to 
suspend  the  expedition,  and  at  the  same  time  to  assure  him 
"  that  Congress  entertained  a  high  sense  of  his  prudence,  acti- 
"  vity,  and  zeal ;  and  that  they  were  fully  persuaded  nothing 
"  would  have  been  wanting  on  his  own  part,  or  on  the  part  of 

*  The  history  of  this  abortive  project  has  been  di-awn  chiefly  from  a  long  MS. 
letter  from  James  Duane  to  Governor  Clinton,  in  the  author's  possession.  On  his 
way  to  Albany, '  ie  Marquis  visited  Mr.  Duane,  and  was  accompanied  by  him  thither. 

t  Letter  from  Lafayette  to  Washington,  dated  Albany,  Feb.  23,  1778.— Vide 
Sparks,  Cor.  of  Washington,  vol.  v.— Appendix. 


h^ 


^   Hi 


304  LIFE   OP   BRANT.  [1778. 

"  the  officers  who  accompanied  him,  to  give  the  expedition  the 
"  utmost  possible  effect."  • 

But,  to  return  to  the  Indian  affairs  of  the  Mohawk  Valley. 
Early  in  the  year,  various  unpleasant  symptoms  were  percepti- 
ble,  indicating  the  design  of  a  renewed  and  more  extensive  In- 
dian war  than  had  been  anticipated  at  any  previous  moment. 
Information  was  received  from  the  remote  West,  of  a  general 
disposition  among  the  nations  in  tlie  region  of  the  great  lakes, 
and  the  upper  Mississippi,  to  join  the  Mohawks,  Cayugas 
Onondagas,  and  Senecas,  against  the  United  States.  The 
master-spirit  of  those  threatened  movements  was  Joseph  Brant, 
whose  winter-quarters  were  at  the  central  and  convenient  point 
of  Niagara.  Nor  were  Sir  John  Johnson  and  his  associates, 
Claus  and  Butler,  inactive ;  while  the  British  commander  at 
Detroit,  Colonel  Hamilton,  was  at  the  same  time  exercising  a 
powerful  influence  over  the  surrounding  nations  of  the  forest, 
On  the  opening  of  the  year,  therefore,  great  fears  were  enter- 
tained for  the  security  of  the  frontiers  from  the  Mohawk  to  the 
Ohio.  Still,  with  the  Six  Nations,  Congress  resolved  to  make 
yet  another  effort  of  conciliation — to  secure  their  neutrality,  if 
nothing  farther.  Accordingly,  on  the  2d  of  February,  resolu- 
tions were  passed,  directing  a  council  to  be  held  with  these 
nations  at  Johnstown,  in  the  County  of  Tryon.  General 
Schuyler  and  Volkert  P.  Douw  were  appointed  commissioners 
for  that  purpose,  and  Governor  Clinton  was  requested  to  de- 
signate a  special  commissioner  to  be  present  on  the  occasion.  In 
pursuance  of  this  solicitation,  James  Duane  was  appointed  for 
that  duty.  The  resolutions  of  Congress  instructed  the  com- 
missioners "  to  speak  to  the  Indians  in  language  becoming  the 
"  representatives  of  free,  sovereign,  and  independent  States,  and 
"  in  such  a  tone  as  would  convince  them  that  they  felt  thcin- 
"  selves  to  be  so."t  It  was  .left  to  the  discretion  of  the  com- 
missioners to  determme  whether  it  would  be  prudent  to  insist 
upon  their  taking  up  arms  in  behalf  of  the  States,  or  whether  to 
content  themselves  with  efforts  to  secure  their  neutrality. 

The  directions  were,  that  the  council  should  be  holden  be- 
tween the  16th  and  20th  of  February ;  but  so  slow  or  reluc- 
tant were  the  Indians  in  assembling,  that  the  proceedings  were 

•  Secret  Journal,  March  2d,  cited  by  Sparks. 
t  Journals  of  Cong.  vol.  iv.  page  63. 


1778.] 


INDIAN  COUNCIL   AT   JOHNSTOWN. 


305 


t  . 


\ 


not  commenced  until  the  9th  of  March.  Whether  General 
Schuyler  attended,  is  not  known.  The  Marquis  de  Lafayette, 
who  was  then  temporarily  in  command  of  the  Northern  De- 
partment, accompanied  Mr.  Duane  to  Johnstown,  and  was  pre- 
sent at  the  council.  More  than  seven  hundred  Indians  were 
collected  at  the  treaty,  consisting  of  Oneidas,  Tuscaroras, 
Onondagas,  a  few  Mohawks,  and  three  or  four  Cayugas ;  but 
not  a  single  Seneca,  which  was  by  far  the  most  powerful  na- 
tion. On  the  contrary,  they  had  the  boldness  to  send  a  mes  ■ 
sage,  affecting  great  surprise,  "  that  while  our  tomahawks  were 
"sticking  in  their  heads,  their  wounds  bleeding,  and  their  eyes 
"streaming  with  tears  for  the  loss  of  their  friends  at  German 
"  Flatts,*  the  commissioners  should  think  of  inviting  them  to  a 
« treaty !" 

The  proceedings  were  opened  by  an  address  from  Congress, 
framed  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  the  resolutions  already 
cited,  asserting  the  power  of  the  United  States,  and  their  magna- 
nimous conduct  toward  the  Six  Nations — and  charging  them 
distinctly  with  the  ingratitude,  cruelty,  and  treachery,  with 
which  their  pacific  advances  had  been  requited,  and  for  which 
reparation  was  demanded.  From  this  charge  of  treachery, 
the  Oneidas  and  Tuscaroras  were  not  only  honorably  excepted, 
but,  on  the  contrary,  were  applauded  for  their  firmness  and  in- 
tegrity, and  assured  of  friendship  and  protection. 

An  Onondaga  chief  spoke  in  behalf  of  the  guilty  tribes.  He 
exculpated  himself  and  his  brother  sachems,  casting  the  blame 
on  the  young  and  head-strong  warriors,  who,  he  said,  would  not 
listen  to  prudent  councils — illustrating  their  own  internal  diffi- 
culties by  those  occasionally  existing  among  the  people  of  the- 
States,  which  it  was  at  times  found  impossible  to  repress.  He- 
also  spoke  of  the  difficulty  they  were  obliged  to  encounter,  in 
withstanding  the  influence  of  Butler  and  others  in  the  service 
of  the  Crown,  acquired  by  bribery  and  other  kindred  artifices. 

An  Oneida  chief  answered  for  his  own  nation  and  the  Tus- 
caroras, with  a  spirit  and  dignity  which  would  not  have  dis- 
o;raced  a  Roman  senator.  He  pathetically  lamented  the  dege- 
neracy of  the  unfriendly  tribes ;  predicted  their  final  destruc- 
tion ;  and  declared  the  fixed  and  unalterable  resolution  of  the 

*  Oriskany,  meaning.  The  quotation  is  from  a  manuscript  letter  of  James 
Duane.  m 


'.>!■:*'  •<  ... 

f      *  'pj    ■  i, 


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V". ' 

■S.    ,        .  1  ■:  I.    lljl. 


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v"Jfih.:i.^,, 


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'.(m 


mi 


306 


LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


[1778. 


\4 

i 


Jail 


mm 


tribes  which  he  represented,  at  every  hazard,  to  hold  fast  the 
covenant  chain  with  the  United  Suites,  and  be  buried  with 
them  in  the  same  grave,  or  with  them  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of 
victory  and  peace.  He  fully  evinced  the  sincerity  of  these  pro- 
fessions, by  desiring  that  the  United  States  would  erect  a  for- 
tress in  their  country,  and  station  a  small  garrison  within  it 
for  their  defence.  A  promise  to  this  effect  having  l/con  given 
the  Oneida  concluded  with  a  solemn  assurance,  that  the  two 
nations  for  whom  he  sp^kc  would  at  all  times  be  ready  to  co- 
operate with  the  United  States  against  all  their  enemies. 

In  a  private  interview  afterward,  the  Oneidos  w.irned  the 
Commissioners  against  trusting  to  the  Onondagas,  whom  they 
considered  as  enemies  to  the  United  States,  notwithstanding 
their  seeming  contrition  for  the  past.  The  Oneidos  declared 
that  they  had  not  the  least  doubt  that  the  Onondagas,  Cayu- 
gas,  and  Senecas  would  renew  their  hostilities  early  in  the 
Spring ;  that  Colonel  Butler  would  again  be  in  possession  of 
Oswego,  which  he  would  more  strongly  fortify  ;  and  for  these 
events  they  entreated  the  Commissioners  to  be  prepared. 

In  their  reply  to  the  Indians,  the  Commissioners  again  ap- 
plauded the  Oneidas  and  Tuscaroras  for  their  fidelity  and 
courage.  The  other  nations,  they  said,  were  not  sufficiently 
represented  to  warrant  the  holding  of  a  treaty  with  them.  But 
they,  nevertheless,  directed  that  another  council  for  those  tribes 
should  be  held  in  Onondaga,  at  some  subsequent  day,  at  which 
the  demand  of  the  United  States  of  satisfaction  for  past  wrongs 
should  be  publicly  made,  and  an  explicit  answer  exacted. 
They  were  admonished  that  the  cause  of  the  United  States  was 
just ;  that  the  hand  of  the  United  States  could  reach  the  re- 
motest corner  of  the  country  of  the  Senecas ;  and  that  they 
trusted  that  the  Good  Spirit  whom  they  served,  would  enable 
them  to  punish  all  their  enemies,  and  put  it  out  of  their  power 
to  do  them  farther  injury.* 

The  inhabitants  of  Tryon  County,  many  of  whom  were 
spectators  at  the  council,  were  highly  gratified  with  the  pro- 
ceedings ;  and  it  was  supposed  that  the  moral  effect  would  be 
good,  not  only  in  regard  to  the  Oneidas,  but  also  upon  the 


*  Unpublished  letter  of  James  Duane  to  Governor  Clinton,  giving  a  report  of  his 
mission,  in  the  author's  possession. 


\ 


of  whom  were 


,  giving  a  report  of  his 


1778.] 


CHERRY    VALLEY    AND    SCHOHARIE. 


307 


Oiiondagas — those  tribes  being  closely  connected  by  intermar- 
riages ;  but  the  Cotnmissionors  Icil  tho  council  under  the  full 
persuasion  that  from  the  Senccas,  Cnyugas,  and  the  greater 
part  of  the  Mohawks,  nothing  but  revenge  for  their  lost  friends 
and  tarnished  glory  at  Oriskuny  and  Fort  Schuyler  was  to  be 
anticipated  ;  more  especially  since  the  enemy  was  so  plentifully 
supplied  with  the  means  of  corruption,  while  it  was  not  in  the 
power  of  the  United  States  so  miich  as  to  furnish  their  best 
("riends  with  the  necessaries  of  life,  even  in  the  course  of  trade.* 
Still,  in  order,  as  far  as  possible,  to  regain  some  of  their  lost  as- 
cendancy over  the  Indians,  by  means  of  iraflic,  the  Commission- 
ers of  that  department  were  shortly  afterward  authorized  by 
Congress  to  open  a  trading  establishment  at  Fort  Schuyler. 
But  the  inadequacy  of  the  provision  must  be  evident  from  the 
fact,  that  the  slender  exchequer  of  the  government  allowed  an 
appropriation  of  no  greater  sum  for  that  important  object,  than 
tin  thousand  dcllars.t 

While  at  Johnstown  during  this  visit,  the  Marquis  do  La- 
layette  was  waited  upon  by  Colonel  Campbell  and  others, 
for  the  purpose  of  calling  his  attention  to  the  exposed  situation 
of  Cherry  Valley.  The  consequence  was  an  order  for  the 
erection  of  a  fort  at  that  place.  An  engineer  wtis  detailed  upon 
that  duty,  and  detachments  of  troops  ordered  both  to  that  place 
and  Schoharie.  Three  slight  fortifications  had  been  built 
in  the  valley  of  the  Schohariekill  during  the  preceding  year, 
called  the  Upper,  Middle,  and  Lower  Forts.  These  works 
were  merely  circumvallations  of  earth  and  wood,  thrown  up 
around  some  strong  dwelling-houses  constructed  of  stone, 
within  which  the  women  and  children  were  placed  in  moments 
of  peculiar  danger.  The  church  was  the  citadel  of  the  Lower 
Fort,  and  all  were  manned  bysmall  companies  of  soldiers,  having 
each  a  single  brass  field-piece.  The  Marquis  likewise  directed 
the  erection  of  a  fort  in  the  Oneida  country,  pursuant  to  the 
request  of  the  Indians  of  that  nation. 

It  was  but  too  evident,  from  the  reports  borne  upon  every 
western  breeze,  that  all  these  measures  of  precaution  in  that  di- 
rection were  necessary.  To  the  Johnsons  and  their  adherents 
the  recovery  of  the  Valley  of  the  Mohawk  was  an  object  of  the 

*  Unpublished  letter  of  James  Duanc  to  Governor  Clinton,  heretofore  cited, 
t  Journals  of  Congress,  vol.  iv.  p.  256. 


..      'I,    I  h  ' 

III*  ;  >|-  '  tfii 


'M 


m 


m 


W 


h  f 


Iff 


5    "51 


ItW 


k€ 


308 


LIFE    OP    BRANT. 


[1778. 


first  importance ;  and  they  watched  every  opportunity  of 
moving  in  that  quarter,  which  promised  even  u  possible  chance 
of  success.  Even  while  the  Marquis  was  present  with  the 
Indian  Commissioners  at  Johnstown,  no  less  a  personage  than 
a  British  Colonel,  a  nephew  of  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  and  bearing 
the  same  honorable  name,  was  well  understood  to  be  lurking  in 
that  vicinity  as  a  spy.  Every  effort  was  made  for  his  arrest ; 
and,  as  an  inducement  to  the  militia  and  Indians  to  be  on  the 
alert,  the  Marquis  oftered  a  reward  of  fifty  guineas  from  his  own 
purse,  as  will  appear  by  the  annexed  letter  to  Col.  Gansevoort  •— 

The  Marquis  de  Lafayette  to  Col.  Gansevoort. 

"  Johnstown,  the  9th  March,  1778. 
"Sir, 
"  As  the  taking  of  Colonel  Carleton  is  of  the  greatest  import- 
ance, I  wish  you  would  use  every  exertion  in  yonr  power  to 
have  him  apprehended.  I  have  desired  Colonel  Livingston, 
who  knows  him,  to  let  you  have  any  intelligence  he  can  give, 
and  join  to  them  those  I  have  got  by  one  other  spy,  about  the 
dress  and  figure  of  Carleton.  You  may  send  as  many  parties 
as  you  please,  and  every  where  you'll  think  proper,  and  do 
feirery  convenient  thing  for  discovering  him.  I  dare  say  he 
knows  we  are  after  him,  and  has  nothing  in  view  but  to  escape, 
which  I  beg  you  to  prevent  by  all  means.  You  may  promise, 
in  my  name,  fifty  guineas  hard  money,  besides  every  money 
they  can  fina  about  Carleton,  to  any  parly  of  soldiers  or  Indians 
who  will  bring  Mm  alive.  As  every  one  knows  now  what  we 
send  for,  there  is  no  inconvenience  to  scatter  in  the  country 
which  reward  is  promised,  in  order  to  stimulate  the  Indians. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sir, 

"  Your  most  obedient  servant, 
"  The  Mqs.  de  Lafayette." 
"  Col.  Gansevoort,  ComH.  Fort  Schtiyler.^^* 

The  condition  contained  in  this  letter,  that,  to  entitle  the  cap- 
tor to  the  promised  reward,  Carleton  must  be  brought  in  alive 
comports  with  the  well-known  humanity,  through  life,  of  the 
illustrious  friend  of  human  liberty  who  wrote  it.  But  the 
search  was  fruitless.  Carleton  was  an  active  and  efilcient 
pari.'san  officer,  and  was  never  taken.     The  Marquis  retained 

*  This  I«Uer  has  been  copied  from  the  original,  among  tlie  Qansevoort  papers. 


[1778. 

pportunity  of 
Dssible  chance 
sent  with  the 
ersonage  than 
1,  and  bearing 
3  be  lurking  in 
for  his  arrest ; 
s  to  be  on  the 
I  from  his  own 
Gransevoort  • — 

NSEVOORT. 

larch,  1778. 

greatest  import- 
yon  r  power  to 
lel   Livingston, 
ice  he  can  give, 
spy,  about  the 
as  many  parties 
proper,  and  do 
I  dare  say  he 
w  but  to  escape, 
1  may  promise, 
2S  every  money 
diers  or  Indians 
s  now  what  we 
in  the  country 
I  the  Indians. 
Sir, 
servant, 

AFAYETTE." 

entitle  the  cap- 
"ouffht  in  alive 
igh  life,  of  the 
tc  it.  But  the 
and  efficient 
larquis  retained 

j}ansevoort  papers. 


1778.] 


A   TORY    INVASION. 


309 


the  command  at  the  North  only  nncil  the  middle  of  April,  when 
he  was  ordered  to  head-quarters,  and  Gates  again  assumed  the 
command  of  the  department. 

In  the  month  of  June,  the  loyalists  who  had  fled  to  Canada 
with  Sir  John  Johnson,  to  th"?  number  of  one  hundred  and  up- 
ward, performed  an  exploit  ei  ually  bold  and  remarkable,  which 
nauirally  suggests  the  inquiry,  where  were  the  Whigs  of  Tryon 
County  at  that  time  ;  and  in  whoc  were  they  engaged  ?  The 
incidont  to  which  reference  's  had,  was  the  return  of  those  self- 
same loyalists  for  tlieir  families,  whom  they  were  permitted  to 
collect  together,  and  with  whom  they  were  suffered  to  depart 
into  the  country,  and  the  active  service  of  the  enemy.  Nor 
was  this  all.  Not  only  was  no  opposition  made  to  their  pro- 
ceedings, but  on  their  way  they  actually  committed  acts  of 
flagrant  hostility,  desiroye  1  property,  and  took  several  prisoners. 
Having  completed  their  arrangements,  they  moved  northward 
from  B^ort  Hunter,  through  Fonda's  Bush — making  four  prison- 
ers on  their  way  thither,*  and  at  Fonda's  Bush  five  others.t 
From  this  place  they  proceeded  across  the  great  marsh  to  Sir 
William  Johnson's  fish-house,  en  the  Sacondaga,  capturing  a 
man  named  Martin,  and  another  named  Harris,  on  the  way, 
and  at  the  fish-house  taking  a  brave  fellow  named  Solomon 
Woodworth  and  four  others.t  They  burnt  the  house  and  out- 
buildings of  Godfrey  Shew  at  this  place,  ai^  departed  with 
their  prisoners,  leaving  the  women  and  children  houseless. 
Embarking  on  the  Sacondaga  in  light  cjuioes,  previously 
moored  at  thalf  place  for  the  purpose,  they  descended  twenty- 
five  miles  to  the  Hudson,  and  thence,  by  the  way  of  Lakes 
George  and  Champlain,  proceeded  to  St.  Johns  in  safety.  The 
(lay  after  his  capture,  Woodworth  succeeded  in  making  his 
escape.  At  St.  Johns,  John  Shew  and  four  others  were  given 
up  to  the  Indians,  by  whom  they  were  taken  to  their  village  in 
Canada.  They  were  neither  considered  nor  treated  exactly  as 
prisoners  of  war ;  and  Shew,  with  three  of  his  companions,  soon 
afterward  escaped  and  returned  home.§     From  St.  Johns,  the 

*  Mr.  Cough  and  liis  son,  and  Mr.  Marinus  and  his  son. 
t  John  Putnam,  Jr.,  Mr.  Salisbury,  Mr.  Rice,  Mr.  Joseph  Scott,  and  Mr. 
Bowman. 
\  Godfrey  Slicw,  and  his  three  sons,  John,  Stephen,  and  Jacob. 
§  In  the  Autumn  of  1780  young  Shew  was  again  captured  by  a  scouting  party  o. 


;  -r'  1  .■,";■!  I       ''1:1".   ■/(    ■!     Lit 


I 


•    '''■■iku  1*111 


310 


LIFE    OF    BRANT. 


[1778. 


loyal  party  proceeded  down  the  St.  Lawrence  to  Quebec,  where 
the  residue  of  the  prisoners  were  kept  in  close  confinement 
about  four  months.  Some  of  the  number  died,  and  the  remain- 
der were  sent  to  HaUfax,  and  thence  exchanged  by  the  way  of 
Boston.  This  movement  of  the  Tories  back  in  a  body  tp  their 
deserted  homes,  and  its  success,  form  one  of  the  most  extraordi- 
nary incidents,  though  in  itself  comparatively  unimportant, 
which  transpired  during  the  wars  of  the  Mohawk  country.* 

With  the  opening  of  the  season  for  active  operations— though 
he  was  himself  never  inactive — Thayendanegea  had  again  re- 
turned to  his  former  haunts  on  the  Susquehanna — Oghkwaga 
and  Unadilla.  He  soon  proved  himself  an  active  and  dreaded 
partisan.  No  matter  for  the  difficulties  or  the  distance,  whcre- 
ever  a  blow  could  be  struck  to  any  advantage,  Joseph  Brant 
was  sure  to  be  there.  Frequent,  moreover,  were  the  instances  in 
which  individuals,  and  even  whole  families  in  the  outskirts  of 
the  settlements,  disappeared,  without  any  knowledge  on  the  part 
of  those  who  were  lefl,  that  an  enemy  had  been  near  them. 
"  The  smoking  ruins  of  their  dwellings,  the  charred  bones  of 
the  dead,"  and  the  slaughtered  carcasses  of  the  domestic  ani- 
mals, were  the  only  testimonials  of  the  cause  of  the  catastrophe, 
until  the  return  of  a  captive,  or  the  disclosures  of  some  prisoner 
taken  from  the  foe,  furnished  more  definite  information.t  But 
there  is  no  good  evidence  that  Brant  was  himself  a  participator 
in  secret  murders,  or  attacks  upon  isohited  individuals  or  fami- 
lies ;  and  there  is  much  reason  to  believe  that  the  bad  feelings 
of  many  of  the  loyalists  induced  them  to  perpetrate  greater 
enormities  themselves,  and  prompt  the  parties  of  Indians  whom 
they  often  led,  to  commit  greater  barbarities  than  the  savages 
would  have  done  had  they  been  left  to  themselves. 

In  support  of  the  foregoing  opinion  of  Captain  Brant,  the 
following  incident,  occurring  in  the  Summer  of  the  present 
year,  may  be  adduced.  A  lad  in  Schoharie  County,  named 
William  M'Kown,  while  engaged  in  raking  hay  alone  in  a 

Indians  and  Tories,  in  the  woods  in  the  neighborhood  of  Ballston,  and  at  the  initi- 
gation  of  one  of  the  latter,  named  John  Parker,  was  immediately  murdered.  Parker 
was  himself  soon  afterward  taken  as  a  spy  by  Captain  Bemett  of  the  militia- 
carried  to  Albany,  tried,  convicted,  and  executed. 

•  The  facts  respecting  thi*  expedition  have  been  collected  and  furnished  to  thi 
author  by  John  J.  Shew,  of  Northampton,  N.  Y. 

t  Campbell's  Annals. 


d  and  furnished  to  th* 


1778.] 


MASSACRE    IN   SCHOHARIE. 


311 


meadow,  happening  to  turn  round,  perceived  an  Indian  very- 
near  him.  Startled  at  his  perilous  situation,  he  raised  his  rake 
for  defence,  but  his  fears  were  instantly  dissipated  by  the 
savage,  who  said — "  Do  not  be  afraid,  young  man ;  I  shall  not 
«  hurt  you."  He  then  inquired  of  the  youth  for  the  residence 
of  a  loyalist  named  Poster.  The  lad  gave  him  the  proper  di-. 
rection,  and  inquired  of  the  Indian  whether  he  knew  Mr. 
Foster  ?  "  I  am  partially  acquainted  with  him,"  was  the  reply, 
"  having  once  seen  him  at  the  Half-way  Creek."*  The  Indian 
then  inquired  the  lad's  name,  and  having  been  informed,  he 
added — "  You  are  a  son  of  Captain  M'Kown  who  lives  in  the 
"  north-east  part  of  the  town,  I  suppose  :  I  know  your  father 
"  very  well :  he  lives  neighbor  to  Captain  M'Kean :  I  know 
"  M'Kean  very  well  and  a  very  tine  fellow  he  is,  too."  Em 
boldened  by  the  familiar  discourse  of  the  Indian,  the  lad  ven- 
tured to  ask  his  name  in  turn.  Hesitating  for  a  moment,  his 
rather  unwelcome  visiter  replied  : — "  My  name  is  Brant !" 
«  What !  Captain  Brant  ?"  eagerly  demanded  the  youth.  "  No : 
"  I  am  a  cousin  of  his,"  was  the  rejoinder  ;  but  accompanied  by 
a  smile  and  a  look  that  plainly  disclosed  the  transparent  de- 
ception. It  was  none  other  than  the  terrible  Thayendanegea 
himself.t 

On  the  other  hand,  the  following  tragic  circumstance,  given 
on  the  same  indisputable  authority,  sustains  the  assertion  that 
the  Tories  were  oftentimes  more  cruel  than  their  savage  asso- 
ciates. While  a  party  of  hostiles  were  prowling  about  the 
borders  of  Schoharie,  the  Indians  killed  and  scalped  a  mother, 
and  a  large  family  of  children.  "  They  had  just  completed  the 
"  work  of  death,  when  some  loyalists  of  the  party  came  up,  and 
"  discovered  an  infant  breathing  sweetly  in  its  cradle.  An  In- 
"  dian  warrior,  noted  for  his  barbarity,  approached  the  cradle 
"  with  his  uplifted  hatchet.  The  babe  looked  up  in  his  face, 
"  and  smiled ;  the  feelings  of  nature  triumphed  over  the  ferocity 
"  of  the  savage ;  the  hatchet  fell  with  his  arm,  and  he  was 
"  about  stooping  down  to  take  the  innocent  in  his  arms,  when 
"  one  of  the  loyalists,  cursing  him  for  his  humanity,  thrust  it 
''through  with  his  bayonet,  and,  thus  transfixed,  held  it  up 

♦  Bowman's  Creek,  half-way  between  Cheny  Valley  and  the  Mohawk  River, 
t  Annals  of  Tiyon  County. 


;   IfgT;!';:::. 


I  'UMm^ 


.  ^t  W  i! 


312 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


11778. 


U- 


"  struggling  in  the  agonies  of  death,  as  he  exclaimed — '  this, 
" '  too,  is  a  rebel  /' " 

To  guard  against  these  pamful  transactions,  nothing  short  of 
the  most  exemplary  watchfulness  would  suffice.  Not  only 
their  habitations,  but  those  who  labored  in  the  fields,  were 
guarded,  being  themselves  armed  at  their  ploughs,  like  the  la- 
borers of  the  prophet  in  rebuilding  the  walls  of  Jerusalem.  Nor 
was  this  vigilance  confined  to  any  particular  location.  The 
inhabitants  around  the  whole  border,  from  Saratoga,  north  of 
Johnstown,  and  west  to  the  German  Flatts,  thence  south 
stretching  down  to  Unadilla,  and  thence  eastwardly  crossing 
the  Susquehanna,  along  the  Charlotte  river  to  Harpersfielfl, 
and  thence  back  to  Albany — were  necessarily  an  armed  yeo- 
manry, watching  for  themselves,  and  standing  sentinels  for 
each  other  in  turn  ;  harassed  daily  by  conflicting  rumors ; 
now  admonished  of  the  approach  of  the  foe  in  the  night  by 
the  glaring  flames  of  a  neighbor's  house ;  or  compelled  sud- 
denly to  escape  from  his  approach,  at  a  time  and  in  a  direction 
the  least  expected.  Such  was  the  tenure  of  human  existence 
around  the  confines  of  this  whole  district  of  country,  from  the 
Spring  of  1777  to  the  end  of  the  contest  in  1782. 

The  first  movement  of  Brant  himself,  this  season,  (1778,)  was 
upon  the  settlement  of  Springfield,  a  small  town  at  the  head  of 
Otsego  Lake,  lying  directly  west  of  Cherry  Valley,  about  ten 
miles.  Those  of  the  men  who  did  not  fly,  were  taken  prison- 
ers. The  chieftain  then  burnt  the  entire  settlement,  with  the 
exception  of  a  single  house,  into  which  he  collected  all  the 
women  and  children,  and  left  them  uninjured. 

It  was  reported  in  the  month  of  June,  that  Brant,  whoso 
forces  were  increasing  at  Unadilla,  was  fortifying  that  post; 
and  Captain  M'Kean  was  despatched  with  a  small  patrol  in 
that  direction,  by  the  people  of  Cherry  Valley,  to  make  obser- 
vations. Arriving  at  a  house  about  twen:_.  ilve  miles  from  that 
place,  M'Kean  was  informed  that  Brant  had  been  there 
with  fifty  men,  that  day,  and  would  probably  return  in  the  even- 
ing. M'Kean  was  at  first  disposed  to  take  possession  of  the 
house,  and  attepipt  its  defence — his  force  consisting  of  but  fiye 
men,  exclusive  of  himself  But,  ultimately  forming  a  more 
prudent  resolution,  he  withdrew  "his  forces"  before  nightfall, 
and  returned  home  without  having  reconnoitred  the  chieftain's 


m 


1778.] 


BATTLK    AT    COBLKSKILL. 


313 


position  at  Unadilla.  In  the  conrse  of  his  journey,  he  wrote  a 
letter  to  Brant,  upbraiding  him  for  the  predatory  system  of  war- 
fare in  which  he  was  engaged,  and  cliallenging  him  eitlier  to 
single  combat,  or  to  meet  him  with  an  equal  number  of  men 
and  have  a  pitched  battle — ='  adding,  that  if  he  would  come  to 
"Cherry  Valley,  they  would  change  him  from  a  Brant  to  a 
"goose."  This  chivalrous  missive  was  flistened  to  a  stick, 
and  placed  in  an  Indian  path.  No  modern  post-office  could 
have  transmitted  the  letter  with  greater  speed  or  safety,  ^""le 
"contents"  were  "noted"  by  Brant  in  a  letter  addressed  to 
Mr.  Parcifer  Carr,  a  loyalist  living  some  fifteen  or  twenty  miles 
north,  upon  the  Unadilla  settlomcnt,  to  whom  the  chief  wrote 
for  provisions.  He  also  solicited  Mr.  Carr  to  allow  two  or 
three  of  his  men  to  join  him,  and  likewise  to  send  him  a  few 
guns,  with  some  ammunition — adding,  "  I  mean  now  to  fight 
the  cruel  rebels  as  well  as  I  can."  In  a  postscript,  he  intimated 
that  the  people  of  Cherry  Valley,  though  vtiy  bold  in  words, 
wiild  find  themselves  mistaken  in  calling  him  a  "goose." 
Whether  the  challenge  of  Captiiin  M'Kean,  and  the  pun  upon 
the  chieftain's  name,  had  any  influence  upon  his  subsequent 
conduct  in  that  section  of  the  country,  is  not  known. 

On  the  2d  of  July  a  smart  engagement  took  place,  on  the 
upper  branch  of  the  Cobleskill,  between  a  party  of  regular 
troops  and  Schoharie  militia  under  Captain  Christian  Brown, 
and  a  large  body  of  Indians.  There  wore  twenty-two  militia- 
men and  thirty  regulars,  the  latter  under  charge  of  a  lieutenant 
whose  name  has  not  been  preserved.  The  Indians,  by  their 
own  account,  were  four  lunidred  and  fifty  strong.  They  were 
victorious — the  Americans  retreating  with  a  loss  of  fourteen 
killed,  eight  wounded,  and  two  missing.  The  Indians  burnt 
several  houses,  killed  and  destroyed  all  the  horses  and  cattle 
which  they  could  not  drive  away,  and  took  considerable  plun- 
der besides.  They  remained  in  the  woods  adjoining  the  battle- 
ground one  day  and  two  nights,  dressing  the  wounded,  and 
Racking  up  their  booty,  with  which  they  retired  unmolested.* 

Thenceforward,  until  the  closo  of  the  war,  the  settlements  of 

♦  Tliu  only  account  of  this  battle  which  the  author  has  been  able  to  discover,  is 
contained  in  John  M.  Brown's  painjjhlet  history  of  Schoharie.  He  states  it  to  hava 
taken  place  on  tlio  day  preceding  the  massacre  of  Wyoming,  but  dates  it  in  1776| 
instead  of  1778,  which  was  doubtless  the  true  date. 


m 


irf:«iij' 


m.  ,!■' 


'vJm 


UN'  i- 


m 


5  f 


314 


LIFE   OF    BRANT. 


1778. 


Schoharie  were  perpetually  harassed  by  the  strolling  bands  of 
the  enemy,  until  at  length  they  were  entirely  laid  waste  by  a  for- 
midable invasion.  The  principal  of  these  settlements  was  the 
vale  of  the  Schoharie-kill — doubly  inviting  from  the  beauty  of 
its  scenery  and  the  fertility  of  its  soil — which  was  oven  then 
thickly  inhabited.  But,  although  frequently  doomed  to  suffer 
from  tiie  savage  tomahawk,  justice  nevertheless  demands 
the  admission,  that  the  first  blood  was  drawn  in  that  valley, 
and  the  first  act  of  barbarity  committed,  by  tiic  white  man 
upon  the  body  of  an  Indian  sachem. 

The  circumstances  leading  to  the  outrage  were  these  :  At  an 
early  stage  of  the  contest,  the  officers  of  the  Crown  made  a 
very  strenuous  eifort  to  control  the  popular  feeling,  and  pre- 
serve the  loyalty  of  the  people  of  Schoharie.  For  this  purpose, 
not  only  the  regular  niihtia  of  tiie  settlements,  but  all  the  male 
population  capable  of  bearing  arms,  were  required  to  meet  the 
King's  Commissioners  at  the  house  of  Captain  George  Mann, 
a  loyalist  of  great  wealth  and  influence,  to  take  the  oath  of  alle- 
giance. They  assembled  in  arms,  and  were  kept  on  parade, 
day  after  day,  as  they  slowly  gathered  at  the  place  of  rendez- 
vous in  obedience  to  the  requisition.  Those  who  were  loyal- 
ists at  heart  readily  took  the  oath  ;  but  great  reluctance  was 
manifested  on  the  part  of  those  whose  predilections  ran  with 
the  Whigs.  These,  however,  were  threatened  with  the  pains 
and  penalties  of  arrest,  confiscation,  and  death,  in  case  of  re- 
fusal ;  so  that  for  the  most  part  they  complied  with  the  demand 
of  the  Commissioners,  and  took  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  Crown. 
Immediately  on  taking  the  oath,  the  hat  of  the  subject  was  de- 
corated with  a  piece  of  scarlet  cloth  ;  while  some  of  those  most 
strongly  desirous  of  manifesting  their  loyalty,  wore  scarlet  caps, 
Prominent  among  the  latter  class,  were  Lodwig  Snyder,  of  the 
Duanesburg  settlement,*  and  a  Mohawk  sachem  named  Peter 
Nickus,  who  gave  offence  to  the  Whigs  by  brandishing  his 
tomahawk  and  occasionally  sounding  the  war-whoop. 

But  there  were  a  few  bold  spirits  upon  whom  neither  the 
threats  of  his  Majesty's  officers,  nor  the  menaces  of  the  Indians 
in  their  company,  had  any  effect.  They  refused  })ercmptorily 
to  take  the  oath.    Chief  among  these  were  Nicholas  Sternberg 

*  Snyder  afterward  abjured  the  lloyal  cause,  and  discharged  hia  duty  faithfully  aa 
a  Whig. 


'^'^'m...'^ 


ged  his  duty  raitlifull;  as 


1778.] 


A   SCENE    IN   SCHOHARIE. 


316 


and  William  Deitz,  who  left  the  parade  on  the  evening  of  the 
first  or  second  day,  and  returned  to  their  homes — bitterly  de- 
nounced as  rebels  and  traitors  by  the  Royalists,  and  threatened 
with  a  visit  of  Tories  and  Indians  during  the  night.  To  avoid 
an  arrest,  Sternberg  took  to  the  woods  at  evening,  leaving  his 
family  in  great  anxiety,  although  the  slaves,  of  whom  he  pos- 
sessed a  large  number,  volunteered  to  defend  their  mistress  and 
the  children.  But  there  was  no  pursuit,  and  the  recusants  both 
returned  to  the  parade  on  the  following  day— determined,  of 
course,  to  render  all  proper  obedience  to  the  laws  yet  in  force, 
but  equally  determined  not  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance ; 
although  Mrs.  Sternberg  besought  her  husband,  with  tears,  not 
to  jeopard  his  own  safety,  and  the  lives  of  his  family,  by  longer 
refusal.  Nay,  she  went  fartb  r;  and  apnealing  to  the  Bible,  the 
good  woman  showed  him  the  passage  in  which  all  men  are  en- 
joined ''  to  fear  God  and  honor  the  King."  But  it  was  with 
Sternberg  as  with  the  Puritans.  He  believed  that  "  opposition 
to  tyrants  was  obedience  to  God,"  as  implicitly  as  did  the  re- 
gicides who  engraved  that  immortal  sentiment  upon  the  New 
Haven  rock  ;  and  he  was  inflexible  in  his  purpose. 

Fortunately,  however,  in  the  course  of  the  day  affairs  took 
qaitc  a  different  turn.  Jt  was  at  about  the  middle  of  the  after- 
noon that  Captain  Mann  mustered  those  who  had  taken  the 
oath  and  received  the  red  badge.  They  numbered  one  hun- 
dred and  upward,  and  were  paraded  before  the  Captain's  own 
house  to  perform  their  martial  exercise,  when  their  attention 
was  arrested  by  the  sound  of  steeds  trampling  in  the  dis- 
tance. A  moment  longer,  and  a  cloud  of  horsemen-  came  gal- 
loping along  the  highway  from  the  direction  of  Albany,  with 
drawn  swords  flashing  brightly  in  the  sun.  These  unexpected 
visiters  proved  to  be  Captain  Woodbake,  and  two  hundred 
cavalry,  the  object  of  whose  approach  was  to  disperse  the  Royal 
gathering  and  proclaim  the  government  of  the  republic. 
Their  arrival  was  exceedingly  inopportune  for  Captain  Mann, 
who  was  cut  short  in  the  midst  of  a  loyal  oration,  in  which  he 
was  commending  his  citizen-soldiers  for  their  loyalty,  and 
threatening  those  who  refused  the  badge  of  their  sovereign, 
with  vengeance,  swift  and  inevitable.  As  :he  cavalry  ap- 
proached. Captain  Mann  took  to  his  heels  and  fled ;  while  his 
loyal  followers,  many  of  whom  had  assumed  the  bc^ore-men- 


"ft" 


';•  !■;•'■ 


}"1v  ■  ■' 


n 

I' 


^  ": 


316 


LIFE   OP   PRANT. 


[1778 


tioned  insignia,  and  signed  the  royal  muster-roll  on  compul- 
sion,  either  followed  his  example  or  threw  away  their  red  caps 
and  tore  off  the  scarlet  patches  from  tlieir  hats,  with  the  utmost 
possible  expedition.  Orders  were  immediately  issued  by  Cap- 
tain  Woodbake  that  Ma*^r?  should  be  taken  and  brought  to 
him— alive,  if  por  Nr,  but  if  not — not.  Numbers  started  in 
pursuit,  w?iile  thoi  uo  ■  nifvined  upon  the  ground  wore  col- 
lected  into  iine,  and  i.  'rociaifin^'on  was  read  to  them  by  Captain 
Woodbake,  declaring  the  Royi..  authority  at  an  end — pronounc- 
ing the  acts  of  the  King's  Commissioners  null  and  void— and 
absolving  the  people  from  the  oath  of  allegiance  just  taken, 
upon  the  ground  that,  by  the  laws  neither  of  God  nor  nmn,  are 
oaths  binding  which  have  been  taken  upon  compulsion.  Com- 
mending  those  who  had  refused  to  take  the  oath  for  their 
pjitriotism,  he  informed  them  that  a  Committee  of  Safety  must 
be  appointed,  who  would  temporarily  be  invested  with  the  civil 
and  military  authority  of  the  district,  and  until,  by  elections  and 
otherwise,  the  government  could  be  organized  in  a  more  regular 
manner.  Nicholas  Sternberg  and  William  Deitz  were  there- 
upon nominated  by  Woodbake  to  serve  as  said  Committee,  and 
invested  orally  with  all  necessary  power  for  the  government  of 
the  district ;  and  the  people  were  enjoined  to  obedience. 

The  affairs  of  the  government  having  thus  been  settled,  all 
hands  were  ordered  in  pursuit  of  Captain  Mann,  and  sentinels 
were  posted  at  different  points  of  observation.  Among  these 
was  Mr.  Sternberg's  eldest  son  Lambert,  who  was  stationed  by 
the  side  of  a  wheat-stack,  sheltered  by  a  roof  of  thatch  upon 
four  posts.*  The  orders  were  strict,  that  if  Mann  would  not 
surrender,  he  must  be  shot.  Toward  evening,  on  the  approach 
of  a  thunder-gust,  young  Sternberg,  who  was  a  lad  of  only 
sixteen  years,  climbed  to  the  top  of  the  wheat-stack  for  shelter, 
where,  to  his  great  surprise,  he  .  mmblea  upon  the  loyal  cap- 
tain. The  youth  informed  him  at  once  that  he  must  surrender 
or  be  shot.  The  Captain  implored  for  mercy — declaring  that 
he  dared  not  to  surrender  himself  to  Woodbake,  because  his 
life  would  be  taken.  The  youth  repeated  that  his  orders  were 
explicit,  and  he  must  surrender  or  be  shot.    But  Mann  had 


•  These  Btructures  in  new  countries,  where  barns  are  not  largo  enough  to  shelter 
the  produce,  arc  called  barracks. 


1778.] 


A   SCENE    IN    SCHOHARIE. 


317 


:  largo  enough  to  shelter 


lived  a  neighbor  to  his  father — hud  ever  been  kind  to  him — and 
his  heart  failed  at  the  thought  of  taking  his  hfe.  He  then  pro- 
posed to  the  Captain  to  fire  his  musket  by  way  of  alarm,  that 
others  might  come  and  take  him.  But  this  was  objected  to  by 
Mann  with  equal  earnestness.  It  now  thundered  and  lighten- 
ed fearfully,  while  the  rain  descended,  in  torrents.  Watching 
his  opportunity,  therefore,  and  availing  hiiiself  of  the  conflict 
of  the  elements,  and  that,  also,  which  was  working  in  the  bo- 
som of  his  young  neighbor  so  suddenly  placed  in  hostile  array 
against  him,  Mann  contrived  to  spring  from  his  hiding-place, 
and  by  sliding  down  upon  one  of  the  barrack-posts,  eflfected  his 
escape  into  a  corn-field  and  thence  into  the  woods.  The 
stripling  soldier  fired,  as  in  duty  bound,  but  doubtless  rejoiced 
IJmt  tlie  shot  was  without  eflect. 

On  the  next  day,  information  having  been  received  that  a 
body  of  Indians  were  lurking  in  the  neighborhood  of  Middle- 
burg,  a  few  miles  further  up  the  valley,  Captain  Woodbakepro- 
ceeded  thither  with  his  squadron  of  horse.  The  only  Indian 
seen  was  the  before-mentioned  sachem,  Peter  Nickus,  who  was 
discovered  in  a  thicket  of  hazel  bushes,  and  immediately  brought 
to  the  ground  by  a  shot  that  broke  his  thigh.  Several  pistols 
were  simultaneously  snapped  at  him,  but  without  effect ;  the 
troops  then  dismounted,  and  running  upon  the  wounded  Indian, 
inhumanly  hacked  him  to  pieces  with  their  swords.  Peter 
Nickus  was  therefore  the  first  victim  of  the  Revolution  in  the 
Valley  of  the  Schoharie-kill,  nor  docs  it  appear  that  he  had 
himself  been  guilty  of  any  act  of  positive  hostility. 

All  search  for  Captain  Mann  was  for  the  time  fruitless.  He 
succeeded  in  escaping  to  tlie  mountains,  where  he  remained 
fifteen  days ;  but  at  length  was  induced  to  surrender  through 
the  intervention  of  friends,  on  condition  that  he  should  receive 
no  personal  injury.  He  was  thereupon  taken  to  Albany,  and 
kept  in  confinement  to  the  end  of  the  war.* 

*  The  property  of  Captain  Mann  was  not  confiscated,  and  he  was  suffered  to 
return  and  repossess  himself  of  his  estate,  where  he  lived  and  died  a  faithful  citizen 
of  the  republic.  All  the  families  named  in  this  narrative  were  of  great  respectability, 
and  tlieir  descendants  are  still  in  that  section  of  country.  The  author  has  derived 
the  facts  of  the  four  last  preceding  pages  from  a  written  narrative  by  the  son  of 
Nicholas  Sternberg.  It  was  thrown  out  of  its  proper  chronological  order,  because 
not  received  until  after  this  chapter  was  in  the  hands  of  the  printer. 


'n   :\f  1 


.  li       -l, 


'.h-m 


m'M 


■M 


*:y, 


i^^ 


ii 


i:i:i':' 


i'M: 


im 


'%' 


'^^sf 


'ft  -.'A.W        "V 


CHAPTER  XV. 


The  itory  of  Wyoming — QIancent  its  history — Bloody  battle  between  thoShnwa- 
nese  und  Dclawarcs — Count  Zinzondorf— Conllicting  Indian  claims  and  titliH-- 
Rival  land  companinfl  of  Connecticut  and  Pennsylvuiiiu — iMurdcr  of  Tadcupiind 
—The  first  Connecticut  Colony  (le8troyed  by  the  Indians — Controveri«y  re»p«>cting 
their  titles — Rival  Colonics  planted  iii  Wyoming — The  civil  wars  of  Wyotning— 
Bold  adventure  of  Captain  Ojrdnn — Fiorce  passions  of  the  prrmle — TheConnerli- 
cut  settlers  prevail — Growth  of  the  settlements — Annexed  toConnecticut — Break- 
ing out  of  the  Revolution— The  inhdhitanla,  stimulated  hy  previoi.fl  hatred,  tnko  sidps 
— Arrest  of  suspected  persons  in  January — Sent  to  Hartford — Evd  consrquoncps 
—The  enemy  appear  upon  the  outskirts  of  the  settlements  in  the  Sprinjj— Iiwa- 
sion  hy  Colonel  John  Butler  and  the  Indians— Colonel  Zebulon  Butler  prepares 
to  oppose  them — Two  of  the  forts  taken — Colonel  'A.  Butler  marches  to  cneounter 
the  enemy — Battle  of  Wyoming — The  Americans  defeated — The  flight  and  mas- 
sacre— Fort  Wyoming  besieged — Timidity  of  the  £arrison— Zebulon  Ihitlor's 
authority  not  sustained — He  escapes  from  the  fort — Colonel  Denniston  forced  to 
capitulate— Destruction  of  the  Valley — Barbarities  of  the  Tories— Brant  not  inthr 
expedition — Catharine  Montour — Flight  of  the  fugitives— Expedition  of  ColontI 
Hartley  up  the  Susquehaima — Colonel  Zebulon  Butler  repossesses  himself  of  Wyo- 
ming, and  rebuilds  the  fort — Indian  skirmishes— Close  of  the  History  of  Wyoming, 

The  melancholy  story  of  Wyoming  stands  next  in  chrono- 
logical order.  It  does  not,  indeed,  appertain  directly  to  the 
history  of  the  Mohawk  Valley  ;  but  it  is  nevertheless  connected 
intimately  with  that  history,  while  it  has  ever  been  regarded  as 
one  of  the  most  prominent  events  in  the  border  history  of  the 
Revolutionary  contest.  Its  importance,  moreover,  as  a  section 
of  the  Indian  portion  of  that  contest,  is  such  as  to  warrant  the 
episode,  if  such  it  must  be  called.  Many  were  the  battles  du- 
ring that  struggle,  of  far  greater  importance  than  the  affair  of 
Wyoming,  both  in  regard  to  their  magnitude  and  their  results ; 
und  many  were  the  scenes  characterised  by  equal  if  not  greater 
atrocity.  But  from  a  variety  of  circumstances,  as  well  ante- 
cedent as  subsequent  to  the  battle,  it  has  happened  that  no  event 
connected  with  the  aboriginal  wars  of  our  country  stands  out 
in  bolder  relief  than  that.  Sixty  years  have  elapsed  since  the 
tragedy  of  Wyoming  was  enacted  ;  the  actors  themselves  are 
no  more ;  and  yet  the  very  mention  ot  the  event  sends  a  cliill 
current  to  every  youthful  heart,  while  the  theatre  of  the  action 
itself  has  been  rendered  classic  as  well  as  consecrated,  by  the 
undying  numbers  of  one  of  the  most  gifled  bards  of  the  age. 
So  long  OS  English  poetry  exists,  will  the  imaginary  tale  of 
Gertrude  of  Wvomino  be  read,  admired,  and  wept ;  und 


1778.] 


HISTORY   OF   WYOMING. 


319 


thousands,  in  every  gencrutiou  to  ci>mc,  will  receive  the  beaii- 
tifiil  fiction  for  truth,  while  the  details  of  fact  by  the  faithful 
historian,  rejecting  the  exaggerations  of  Ramsay  and  Gordon, 
and  their  associate  writers  of  the  rov^^iutionary  era,  together 
with  compilers  more  modern,  who  liave  taken  no  pains  to  inquire 
fir  the  truth,  may  be  regarded  as  too  common-place  and  unim- 
jDrtant  for  attention. 

Wyoming  is  the  name  of  a  beautiful  section  of  the  vale  of 
the  Susquehanna,  situated  in  the  north  eastern  part  of  the  State 
of  Petuisylvania.  It  is  twenty-five  miles  in  length,  by  about 
:hree  in  breadth,  lying  deep  between  two  parallel  ranges  of 
luouutains,  crested  with  oak  and  pine.  The  scenery  around  is 
wild  and  picturesque,  while  the  valley  itself  might  be  chosen 
for  another  paradise.* 

The  possession  of  this  valley  has  not  been  an  object  of  the 
white  mail's  ambition  or  cupidity  alone.  It  has  been  the  subject 
of  controversy,  and  the  fierce  battle-ground  of  various  Indian 
tribes,  within  the  white  man's  time,  but  before  his  possession  ; 
and  from  the  remains  of  fortifications  discovered  there,  so  an- 
cient that  the  largest  oaks  and  pines  have  struck  root  upon  the 
ramparts  and  in  the  entrenchments,  it  must  once  have  been  the 
seat  of  power,  and  perhaps  of  a  splendid  court,  thronged  by 
chivalry,  and  taste,  and  beauty — of  a  race  of  men  far  dififerent 
Ironithe  Indians,  known  to  us  .since  the  discovery  of  Columbus. 
It  was  here  that  tlie  benevolent  Count  Zinzendorf  pitched  his 
I  tent, on  commencing  his  Christian  labors  among  the  Shawanese, 
and  where  he  was  saved  from  assassination  by  the  providential 
intervention  of  a  poisonous  reptile.  Originally  it  lay  within 
ihc  territory  of  the  Lenni  Ijenape,  or  Delaware  Indians  ;  but 
it  was  claimed  by  the  Six  Nations  by  right  of  conquest.  In- 
1742  a  grand  council  of  the  chiefs  and  warriors  of  the  Six 
Nations  and  Delawares  was  held  in  Philadelphia,  in  conse- 
quence of  difllculties  touching  the  title  to  certain  lands  lying 
I  within  the  forks  of  the  Delaware,  which  the  proprietaries  of 

'  Wyoming  is  a  corraption  of  the  name  given  to  the  place  by  the  Delaware  In- 
kans,  who  called  it  Maughtoauwame.  The  word  is  a  conipound;  Maughwati 
Imeaning  large  or  extensive,  and  wame  plains  or  meadows ;  so  that  the  name  may 
Ibe  translated  "  The  Large  Plains."  In  the  language  of  the  Six  Nations,  Wyoming 
Iwu  called  Sgahontotoano,  or  "  The  Large  Flails."  'Gahon'o  meaning,  in  their  lan- 
Igutge,  a  large  piece  of  ground  without  trees. — Chapmaii's  History  of  Wyoming. 


yyy' 


III  .^'i 


I 


'■:'  ?'JS:     r>"1'i  ;!■:;«, 


IP'S 


iW 


'■" mil 


;:,T,'a: 


^H^ 

■4-'  I 
^f). 


•J20 


LIFE   OP    DRANT. 


[1778. 


P:».     if* 


■,:i.-i 


Peniisylvnnia  alleged  tliat  William  Penn  had  purchased  of 
the  Delawares,  but  which  the  Delu wares  yet  retained  in  pos- 
session, while  at  the  same  time  the  Six  Nations  claimed  the 
ownership.  The  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  having  explained 
the  state  of  the  case  to  the  council,  reminded  the  chiefs  of  the 
Six  Nations  that,  inasmuch  as  they  had  always  required  the 
government  of  Pennsylvania  to  remove  such  whites  as  intruded 
upon  their  lands,  so  now  the  government  expected  the  Six 
Nations  to  remove  the  Indians  from  the  lands  which  it  hnd 
purchased.*  Old  Cannassateego  was  the  nmster  spirit  of  tlie 
Iroquoisdelegationon  thisoccasion  ;  and,  after  due  consideration, 
he  pronounced  the  decision  of  his  associate  chiefs.  lie  rebuked 
the  Delawares  in  the  sharpest  terms  for  their  dishonesty  and 
duplicity,  in  first  selling  land  which  did  not  belong  to  them, 
and  even  then  retaining  possession  of  it  themselves.  He 
taunted  them  for  their  degraded  condition,  as  having  been  con- 
quered and  made  women  of  by  his  people,  and  after  an  indig- 
nant philippic,  ordered  them  to  leave  the  disputed  territory,  and 
remove  to  Wyoming  or  Shamokin. 

The  commands  of  the  Six  Nations  were  neither  to  be  qiies- 
tion  nor  disregarded,  by  the  surrounding  Indian  nations,  at  that 
stage  of  their  history,  and  the  clan  of  the  Delawares  occupying 
the  land  in  dispute,  forthwith  removed  to  Wyoming,  then  in 
the  partial  occupancy  of  a  clan  of  the  Shawanese.  But  tiie 
latter  were  friendly  to  the  Six  Nations  at  that  time,  and  wcrn 
suffered  to  retain  possession  of  the  west  side  of  the  river,  while 
the  Delawares  planted  themselves  down  upon  the  east,  and 
built  their  town  of  Maughwauwame — the  original  of  Wyoming. 

But  the  close  proximity  of  the  two  clans  or  parts  of  nations, 
was  no  addition  to  their  happiness.  Mutual  jealousies  were 
entertained  ;  and  no  long  period  of  time  elapsed  before  their 
animosities  were  sharpened  into  actual  hostilities  upon  the 
smallest  provocation.  At  length  there  was  cause  for  more  sub- 
stantial war.  On  the  breaking  out  of  hostilities  between  the 
French  and  American  Colonies,  in  what  is  now  called  the  old 
French  war,  the  Shawanese  espoused  the  side  of  the  French, 
while  the  Six  Nations  and  Delawares  adhered  to  the  English. 
Still  the  two  Indian  communities  in  Wyoming  did  not  actujtlly 
take  up  arms  in  that  contest,  until  the  occurrence  of  an  inci- 

*  Chopnnan'sHiBtory  of  Wyoming. 


1778.] 


niSTORY    OP    WYOMING. 


321 


dent  wliich,  it  is  believed,  mfty  bo  set  down  for  the  smallest  cause 
of  war  as  yet  recorded  in  history.  It  happened  one  day,  while 
the  Delaware  warriors  were  upon  the  chase  among  the  moun- 
tains, that  Iheir  women  ond  children  were  gathering  fruit  along 
the  margin  of  the  fiver  below  their  town.  While  thus  engaged, 
a  party  of  the  Shawanese  women  and  children  paddled  their 
canoes  across  the  river  and  joined  them.  In  the  course  ol  the 
morning  a  Shawanese  child  caught  a  large  grasshopper— the 
species,  probal  .y,  having  parti-colored  wings— and  a  quarrel 
arose  among  the  children  for  the  possession  of  the  insect.  In 
this  quarrel  the  mothers  soon  begun  to  participate,  and  an 
Amazonian  battle  was  the  consequence.  The  Delaware  squaws 
contended  that  the  Shawanese  had  no  right  to  trespass  upon 
their  side  of  the  river ;  and  afler  several  had  been  killed  upon 
both  sides,  the  latter,  who  were  the  weaker  party,  were  driven 
10  the  canoes,  and  their  own  homes. 

Upon  the  return  of  the  warriors  of  the  respective  tribes,  both 
prepared  to  avenge  the  wrongs  of  their  wives  and  children. 
The  Shawanese  were  the  invaders  ;  but  they  were  met  at  the 
river's  brink  by  the  Delawares,  nothing;  averse  to  the  combat, 
who  obstinately  opposed  their  landing  from  their  canoes. 
Great  numbers  were  killed,  chiefly  of  the  Shawanese,  before 
ihey  gained  the  shore.  Succeeding  in  this  however,  a  battle, 
furious  and  bloody,  was  fought  about  a  mile  below  the  Dela- 
ware town,  in  which  several  hundreds  were  killed  on  both 
sides.  The  Shawanese,  whose  forces  had  been  greatly  weak- 
ened at  the  landing,  were  at  length  overpowered,  and  obliged 
to  escape  as  best  they  could,  with  the  loss  of  half  their  number.. 
The  consequence  of  this  defeat  was  the  immediate  evacuation. 
of  the  valley,  which  they  left,  to  /lin  the  greater  body  of  their 
nation  on  the  Ohio.*  To  the  Delawares,  who  had  been  op- 
pressed and  denationalized  by  the  Iroquois  or  Six  Nations,  llie 
victory  was  of  great  importance — re-establishing,  as  it  did,  their 
character  as  brave  warriors,  although  it  was  not  until  many 
years  afterward  that  the  sentence  of  being  considered  women 
was  revoked  by  their  former  conquerors. 

Still,  at  the  time  when  Count  Zinzendorf  commenced  the 
mission  of  the  United  Brethren  in  that  valley,  the  jurisdiction 


V      {3, 


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Mi; 


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■,T    4 'Jin 


♦  Chapman's  History  of  Wyoming. 

23 


■4     •» 


^1  I?  'IW'Sf 


322 


LIFE    OF   BRANT. 


[1778. 


was  conceded  to  belong  to  the  Six  Nations  ;  and  a  formal  per- 
Hiission  was  given  to  the  count  by  the  latter,  to  preach  the  Gos- 
pel among  them.  He  was  met  by  a  numerous  embassy  of  their 
chiefs,  from  whom  he  received  a  speech  of  welcome,  which  at 
once  laid  the  foundation  of  a  good  understanding  between 
them.*  But,  notwithstanding  this  admitted  superiority  of  the 
Iroquois  in  the  time  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  the  rival  and  con- 
flicting Indian  claims  of  title  were  the  cause  of  rival  negotia- 
tions between  the  white  land-speculators  and  both  nations  of 
Indians,  which  in  the  end  were  the  cause  of  many  and  very 
sore  evils,  as  will  presently  appear. 

The  first  movement  toward  the  planting  of  a  white  colony 
in  the  Wyoming  Valley  was  made  by  Connecticut  in  1753.  It 
was  justly  held  that  this  section  of  country  belonged  originally 
to  the  grant  of  James  I.,  in  1620,  to  the  old  Plymouth  Company, 
The  Earl  of  Warwick  and  his  associates  having  purchased  the 
right  of  the  Plymouth  Company  to  the  territory  of  Connecticut 
and  the  lands  beyond  New  Jersey,  west,  "  from  sea  to  sea," 
within  certain  limits,  Connecticut  claimed  under  that  grant. 
But  no  sooner  was  a  company  formed  to  plant  a  colony  in 
Wyoming — called  the  Sufquehanna  Company — than  Penn- 

♦  Heckewelder.  The  incident  of  the  serpent,  referred  to  in  a  preceding  page, 
'was  as  follows: — Jealous  of  the  Count's  intentions  in  roming  among  them, 
some  of  the  Indians  had  re.solved  upon  his  death.  "  Zinzendorf  was  ilone  in  ills 
tent,  seated  upon  a  bundle  of  weeds  composing  his  bed,  and  engager  in  writing, 
when  the  assassins  approached  to  execute  their  bloody  commission.  It  was  night, 
and  the  cool  air  of  September  had  rendered  a  fire  necessary  to  his  comfort.  A  bianliet 
curtain  wis  the  only  guard  to  (he  entrance  of  his  tent.  The  heat  of  his  iire  had 
draw  n  foilh  a  large  rattlesnake  from  the  contiguous  brake ;  and  the  reptile,  to  enjoy 
the  genial  warmth,  had  crawled  slowly  into  the  tent,  and  passed  over  one  of  the  holy 
man's  legs  unperceived.  Without,  all  was  still  and  quiet,  except  the  distant  sound 
of  the  river  at  the  rapids  a  mile  below.  At  this  moment  the  Indians  softly  approached 
the  door  of  his  tent,  and  gently  removing  the  curtain,  contemplated  the  venerable 
man,  too  deeply  engaged  in  the  subject  of  his  thoughts  to  observe  citlier  their  ap. 
proach  or  the  serpent  which  lay  extended  before  him.  At  a  sight  like  thi.s,  even  the 
heart  of  the  savages  shrank  from  the  idea  of  committing  the  barbarous  act,  and  they 
hastily  returned  to  their  lodge,  ond  informed  their  companions  thot  \ht  Great  Spirit 
protected  the  stranger,  for  they  had  found  him  with  no  door  but  a  blanket,  and  had 
seen  a  large  rattlesnake  crawl  over  his  legs  without  attempting  to  injure  him." 
This  circumstance  wrought  as  great  a  change  as  did  the  incident  of  the  viper,  after 
the  shipwreck,  in  the  fortunes  of  Paul.  The  Count  s^an  acquired  the  confidence  of 
the  Indians;  and  the  occurrence  probably  contribute'  essentially  toward  inducing 
many  of  them  aubtoquently  to  embrace  the  Christian  religion. — Chapman's  Hit. 
Wyoming. 


■m^'il 


^*j' 


1778.] 


HISTORY   OF   WYOMING. 


323 


sylvania  preferred  a  claim  to  the  same  territory,  under  a  grant 
Irom  Charles  II.  to  Williani  Penn,  in  1681,  covering  the  whole 
claim  of  Connecticut :  and  a  rival  association,  called  the  Dela- 
ware  Company,  was  organised  in  like  manner  to  settle  it. 
The  strife  of  each,  at  fijst,  was  to  circumvent  the  other  in  pur- 
chasing the  Indian  title.  At  this  time  it  was  conceded  that  the 
aboriginal  proprietaries  were  the  Six  Nations ;  and,  though  beset 
on  all  sides,  old  King  Hendrick  refused  for  a  time  to  dispose  of 
the  territory  to  either  party.  Ultimately,  however,  the  Six 
Nations  sold  to  the  Susquehanna  Company  ;  and  in  1755  the 
Connecticut  Colony  was  commenced.  Bat  by  reason  of  the 
French  and  Indian  wars,  their  settlers  were  compelled  to  re- 
turn to  Connecticut,  and  the  rW  t/ichs  became  so  numerous,  that 
it  was  not  until  1762  that  they  .  ;re  enabled  to  obtain  a  foot- 
hold. 

The  Pennsylvanians  immediately  prepared  to  oppose  the 
settlers  from  Connecticut.  A  case  was  made  up  and  trans- 
mitted to  England,  on  which  Mi.  Pratt,  the  Attorney  General, 
(afterward  Lord  Camden,)  gave  axi  opinion  in  favor  of  the  suc- 
cessors of  Penn.  Connecticut  likewise  sent  over  a  case,  and 
on  her  part  obtained  a  like  favorable  opinion  from  eminent 
counsel.  In  this  position  of  the  controversy,  a  catastrophe  be- 
fel  the  infant  settlement,  which  put  an  end  to  the  enterprise  for 
several  years.  Thus  far  the  relations  between  the  Colonists 
and  the  Indians  had  been  of  the  most  pacific  character.  The 
old  Delaware  chief  Tadeuskund,  who  had  embraced  the  Chris- 
tian religion,  was,  with  his  people,  their  friend.  But  he  had 
given  offence  to  some  of  the  Six  Nations  in  1758,  a  party  of 
whom  came  among  the  Delawares,  under  the  guise  of  friend- 
ship, in  April,  1763,  and  murdered  the  venerable  chief  by  set- 
ting fire  to  his  dwelling,  in  which  he  was  consumed.*  The 
murder  was  charged  by  the  Indians  upon  the  adventurers  from 
Connecticut.     But  the  emigrants,  unconscious  that  a  storm  was 

♦  Tadeuskund  was  a  Delaware  chief  of  note.  Previous  to  the  year  1750,  he  was 
known  among  the  EngUsh  by  the  name  of  Honest  John.  He  was  baptized  by  the 
Moravians,  but  was  wavering  and  inconstant.  He  was  too  fond  of  the  war-path  to 
become  a  consistent  follower  of  the  pacific  Moravians.  When  he  saw  opportunities 
of  signaUzing  himself  as  a  warrior,  therefore,  he  left  his  faith,  to  re-embrace  it  as 
might  suit  his  policy.  He  inclined  to  the  French  in  the  war  j  but  assisted  in  con- 
cluding a  peace  among  several  Indian  nations  in  1758,  which  gave  umbrage  to  the 
Sii  Nations. 


324 


LIFE   Ot^    BRANT. 


[1778. 


irising  against  them,  remained  in  fancied  security.  They  had 
given  no  oifence ;  and  in  order  to  allay  any  suspicions  that 
might  otherwise  be  awakened  among  the  Indians,  they  had 
even  neglected  to  provide  themselves  with  weapons  for  self- 
protection.  The  consequence  was  the  sudden  destruction  of 
their  settlement  by  a  party  of  Delaware  Indians,  on  the  15th 
of  October.  The  descent  was  made  upon  the  lown  while  the 
men  were  at  work  in  the  fields.  About  twenty  persons  were 
killed,  and  several  were  taken  prisoners.  Those  who  could 
men,  women,  and  children,  fled  to  the  woods  and  the  moun- 
tains, from  whence  they  were  compelled  to  behold  the  sad 
spectacle  of  their  dwellings  in  flames,  and  the  Indians  makincf 
off  with  the  remains  of  their  little  property.  Their  flight 
through  a  trackless  forest  to  the  Delaware,  unprovided  with 
food,  and  unprotected  by  suitable  clothing  againsr  ihe  searching 
weather  of  Autumn,  was  painful  to  a  degree.  But  even  then 
their  journey  was  not  ended,  as  they  had  yet  to  proceed  back 
to  Connecticut,  destitute,  and  on  foot. 

In  1768  the  Delaware  Company  took  advantage  of  a  treaty 
holden  at  Fort  Stanwix,  and  purchased  of  the  same  Six  Nations, 
who  had  sold  to  the  Connecticut  Company,  the  same  territory 
of  Wyoming.  The  Pennsylvanians  entered  upon  immediate 
possession  ;  and  when,  on  the  opening  of  the  ensuing  Spring, 
the  Connecticut  Colonists  returned  with  recruits,  they  found 
others  in  the  occupancy  of  the  lands,  with  a  block-house  erected, 
and  armed  for  defence,  under  the  direction  of  Amos  Ogdeii 
and  Charles  Stewart,  to  whom  a  lease  of  a  section  of  land  in 
the  heart  of  the  valley  had  been  granted  by  John  Penn,  for 
the  express  purpose  of  ousting  the  Connecticut  claimants. 
Here  was  a  new  and  unexpected  state  of  things.  Some  of  tlie 
loading  men  of  the  Connecticut  Colony  were  decoyed  into  the 
block-house,  arrested,  and  sent  oflf  to  a  distant  prison.  But  le- 
emits  coming  on  from  Connecticut,  they  in  turn  built  works  of 
defence,  and  proceeded  with  their  colonial  labors. 

In  the  Summer  of  1769,  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  made 
preparations  to  dispossess  the  intruders,  as  they  considered  the 
Connecticut  people,  by  force ;  and  a  detachment  of  armed  men, 
to  the  number  of  two  hundred,  was  sent  into  the  territory. 
iThe  Colonists  prepared  for  a  siege ;  but  one  of  their  leaders 
having  been  taken  prisoner,  and  sent  to  gaol  in  Philadelphia, 


i 


tm.i\ 


1778.] 


HISTORY   OF   WYOMING. 


325 


after  a  show  of  resistance,  and  having  no  weapons  of  defence 
but  small  arms,  they  capitulated,  and  agreed  to  leave  the  ter- 
ritory, with  the  exception  of  seventeen  families,  who  were  to 
remain  and  secure  the  crops.  But  no  sooner  had  the  Colonists 
departed,  than  the  Pennsylvanians,  led  by  Ogden,  plundered 
the  whole  colony,  destroying  their  fields  of  grain,  killing  their 
cattle,  and  laying  the  whole  settlement  in  vuin  ;  so  that  the 
sevc.iteeu  families  were  compelled  to  lly  from  starvation. 

In  the  month  of  Feburary,  1770,  the  Coimecticut  Colonists 
rallied,  and  marched  upon  Wyoming,  under  a  man  named  La 
zarus  Stewart.  They  took  Ogden's  house  and  his  piece  bf  ar- 
tillery, during  his  absence.  But  on  his  return  he  collected  his 
friends,  and  hostilities  ensued  between  the  two  parties,  which 
were  prosecuted  with  varying  success  for  several  weeks. 
During  this  time,  an  engagement  occurred,  in  which  several 
were  killed  and  wounded  on  both  sides.  Ogden's  house,  which 
had  been  fortified,  was  besieged,  and  finally  taken — after  several 
days'  cannonading,  and  the  destruction  of  one  of  his  block- 
houses, containing  his  supplies,  by  fire.  In  the  terms  of  capi- 
tulation the  Connecticut  party  allowed  Ogden  to  leave  six  men 
in  charge  of  his  remaining  property.  But  the  conduct  of  Og- 
den the  preceding  year  had  not  been  forgotten,  and  the  lex  ta- 
lionis  was  rigidly  and  speedily  executed. 

Ill  Septeml)er  following,  a  force  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  men 
was  sent  against  the  Connecticut  settlers,  under  the  command 
of  Captain  Ogden,  as  he  was  now  called.  He  took  the  settle- 
ment entirely  by  surprise,  while  the  laborers  were  in  the  field-s 
at  work,  and  the  women  and  children  in  the  fort.  Many  of 
the  mcii,  nevertheless,  reached  the  fort,  and  prepared  to  defend 
it;  but  it  was  carried  by  fissault  in  the  night — the  women  and 
children  were  barbarously  trampled  under  foot — and  the  whole 
settlement  plundered  and  destroyed  the  following  day,  with 
more  than  Indian  rapacity.  The  Colonists  were  made  prisoners, 
and  sent  off  to  distant  gaols.  Thus  was  the  settlement  again 
broken  up.  But  the  triumph  of  Ogden  was  brief.  In  Decem- 
ber the  fort  was  again  surprised  and  carried  by  Captain  Stew- 
art, at  the  head  of  some  Lancastrians  united  with  the  late  Co- 
lonists. A  few  of  the  men  fled  naked  to  the  woods ;  but  the 
greater  portion,  together  with  the  women  and  children,  residing 
for  security  in  houses  built  within  the  ramparts,  were  takei). 


i'   I 


J,;- 'H 


fiiH-U:.:v;l 


:;  m 


V'-i'yh'< 


326 


LIFE   OP    BRANT. 


[1778. 


1 


1 1  (sf 


1    (f  ^    i 


prisoners.     These,  having  been  deprived  of  their  property,  were 
driven  from  the  valley. 

The  parties  to  these  controversies,  which  could  not  but  en- 
gender all  the  bitterest  passions  in  the  nature  of  mau — render- 
ing what  might  have  been  a  second  F4den,  a  theatrt  of  strife 
disco^-i,  and  "  hell-born  hate," — fought,  of  course,  as  tiiey  pre- 
tended, under  the  jurisdiclion  of  the  respective  States  to  vliich 
they  assumed  to  belong.  The  civil  authorities  of  Pennsylva- 
nia frequently  interposed;  and  after  the  burning  of  Ogdeu's 
block-house,  attempts  were  made  to  arrest  several  of  the  Con- 
necticut party  for  arson.  Stewart  was  apprehended,  but  was 
soon  afterward  rescued. 

After  the  capture  of  the  fort  in  December,  the  Suprenit 
Court  of  Pennsylvania  once  more  issued  a  writ  for  his  arrest, 
and  the  sheriff  was  sent  with  the  posse  at  his  heels  ;  but  the 
garrison  would  not  admit  him.  The  fort  was  fired  upon  l)y 
the  posse,  under  the  direction  of  the  sheriff,  and  in  returning 
the  fire,  one  of  the  Ogdens  (Nathan)  was  killed.  The  slierifF 
thereupon  drew  off  his  forces  for  the  night.  But  it  was  no 
sooner  dark,  than  Stewart  and  forty  of  his  men  withdrew  Ironi 
the  fortress,  leaving  a  garrison  of  only  twelve  persons,  who  ca 
pitulated  on  the  :bllowing  morning,  '^  /ji,>e  hundred  pounds 
reward  was  offend  by  the  Governor  i  ennsylvania  for  the 
arrest  of  Stewart.  The  fort  was  left  in  charge  of  Amos  Ogden, 
who  induced  most  of  his  former  associates  to  return  with  him. 

In  July  following,  this  important  post  was  again  doomed  to 
change  hands.  The  Colony  was  invaded  by  Captain  Zebulon 
Butler,  with  upward  of  seventy  men.  These  being  joined  by 
Stewart  and  Iiis  party,  they  immediately  took  possession  of  the 
lands,  while  (!)gden  with  his  people,  to  the  number  of  eighty- 
two,  retired  intotlie  new  fort  of  Wyoming,  vhich  they  hud  just 
built,  and  prepared  for  resistance.  The  contest  was  now  as- 
suming r,  eater  importance  than  ever.  Butler  and  Stewart  at 
once  invested  the  fortress,  and  recruits  arriving  from  Connecti- 
cui,  they  were  enabled  o  throw  up  redotibts,  and  open  en- 
tv^inchnients  for  a  regular  siege.  This  new  fort  was  planted 
dirfcctiy  upon  the  bunk  of  the  river.  Perceiving  himself  thus 
couipletely  shut  in,  Ogden  formed  the  bold  enterprise  of  leaving 
his  garrison  in  the  night,  and  floating  down  the  river,  past  the 
works  uid  the  .sentinels  of  the  enemy,  in  order  to  repair  to  Phila- 


1*-'. 


1778.] 


HISTORY   OP   WYOMING. 


327 


delphia  for  succors.  For  the  purpose  of  better  securing  his  es- 
cape, by  means  of  a  cord  he  caused  a  bundle  to  be  floated  along 
in  'he  river  following  him,  which,  being  the  most  perceptible 
object,  would  naturally  attract  the  attention  and  receive  the 
fire  of  the  enemy,  if  discovered.  The  mse  de  guerre  was 
completely  successful.  The  deceptive  object  did  attract  the 
attention  of  the  besiegers  and  received  their  fire ;  although 
Ogden  himself  was  in  immediate  peril,  since  his  hat  and  clothes 
were  riddled  with  bullets.  He  nevertheless  escaped  to  Phila- 
delphia, and  is  entitled  to  the  credit  of  performing  one  of  the 
boldest  and  most  difficult  individual  exploits  on  record. 

In  consequence  of  these  tidings,  the  government  ordered  a 
iorce  of  one  hundred  men  to  be  sent  to  the  relief  of  Fort  Wyo- 
ming, commanded  by  Colonel  Asher  Clayton.  These  were  to 
be  separated  into  two  divisions,  and  marched  to  the  fort  from 
lilferent  directions.  Captain  Dick,  with  one  division,  proceed- 
ed toward  the  fort  with  pack-horses  of  provisions  for  one  hun- 
dred men.  When  in  its  neighborhood,  however,  he  was  am 
bnscaded  by  the  troops  of  B«irler  and  Stewart,  and  thrown  into 
'•onfusion  by  the  fire.  Twenty-two  of  the  party  succeeded  in 
setting  into  the  fort,  and  the  remainder,  with  four  pack-horses 
of  provisions,  fell  into  the  hands  £*  Butler.  The  siege  conti 
miL'd,  and  was  prosecuted  with  great  vigor  until  the  14th  oi 
August,  when,  his  supplies  being  exhausted.  Colonel  Clayton, 
tlie  assailant,  capitulated — stipulating  that  his  troops,  together 
with  Ogden  and  his  party,  should  withdraw  from  Wyoming. 
Ogden  was  wounded  during  the  siege,  and  a  second  shot  killed 
another  officer,  named  William  Ridyard,  upon  whom  the 
former  was  leaning,  being  faint  from  loss  of  blood. 

The  president  of  the  Pennsylvania  proprietaries  complained 
of  the  conduct  of  the  Connecticut  people  in  these  hostilities, 
and  Governor  Trumbull  disclaimed  any  connexion  with  the 
affairs  of  Wyoming  on  the  part  of  the  State  over  which  he 
presided.  But  as  the  Connecticut  people  continued  to  pour 
reinforcements  into  the  settlement,  the  Pennsylvanians  with- 
drew their  forces,  and  for  •  '''Mson  made  no  farther  attempts 
upon  the  terriiory. 

The  settlers  now  claimed  le  paotection  of  Connecticut,  the 
governmpnt  of  whicfi  aM^mpted  -  mediation  between  the  peo- 
ple of  Wyoming  anvJ.  ihe  govemra»jnt  of  Pennsylvania — but 


! 


'l:!Vi";\'  -;,- ,!;!!! 


11 


'  J 1 


■i' 


\  .'■  vgliij. 


M-   :  ■.! 


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i! :1|  ■Jmi 4"' ■'!-•■ 


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M 


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, 


ri-^i 


328 


LIFE  OF   BRANT. 


11  m. 


without  success.  Meantime  the  people  of  the  Colony  proceed- 
ed to  organize  a  government,  and  to  exercise  almost  all  the 
attributes  of  sovereignty.  The  general  laws  of  Connecticut 
were  declared  to  be  in  force ;  but  for  their  local  legislation 
they  organized  a  pure  democracy — the  people  of  all  their  towns 
and  settlements  meeting  in  a  body,  as  in  Athens  of  old,  and 
making  their  lows  for  themselves.  The  legislature  of  Connec- 
ticut extended  its  broad  segis  over  them,  framed  a  new  county 
called  Westmoreland,  and  attached  it  to  the  county  of  Litch- 
field in  the  parent  State.  Zebulon  Butler  and  Nathan  Dennis- 
ton  were  appointed  justices  of  the  peace,  and  the  people  sent 
one  representative  to  the  Legislature  of  Connecticut.  The 
governments  of  Connecticut  and  Pennsylvania  kept  up  a  war 
of  proclamation's  and  edicts  upon  the  subject,  while  the  seUle- 
ment  advanced  in  population  and  extent  with  unexampled 
rapidity. 

Thus  matters  proceeded  until  the  year  1775,  when,  just  after 
hostilities  iiud  been  commenced  between  ii\e  Colonies  and  the 
British  troops  at  Lexington,  the  old  f<^ucls  between  the  settlers 
of  the  rival  companies  suddenly  broke  .^orth  again.  A  new 
settlement  of  the  one  \i  a^  attacked  by  the  militia  of  the  other, 
one  mari  was  killed,  sevcr.il  wore  wounded,  and  others  made 
prisoners,  and  c.'.rned  off  to  a  distaTJt  jail.  Other  outrages 
were  corninittod  elsewhere,  and  ot  course  ull  the  angry  pas- 
sions— all  the  bitter  feelings  of  hatred  and  revenge  between  the 
rival  parties  cla'!iiing  the  soil  and  the  jurisdiction — broke  oiu 
afresh.  Theiottlementsof  each  had  become  extended  dnrine 
the  five  yanrs  of  peace,  which  of  course  had  multiplied  the 
parties  ' o  he  covur.i ;  so  that,  as  the  men  of  Wyoming  flew  to 
arms,  a  u)»re  ii»rmia  vble  civil  war  thiin  ever  was  in  prospect,  at 
the  moment  whe;;  ev  .y  arm  should  have  been  nerved  jin  the 
common  cause  of  tiic  whole  country.* 

Congress  being  now  in  session,  interposed  its  authority  by 
way  of  mediatoiial  resolutions.  But  to  no  purpose.  The  in- 
terf^sition  was  rcpeateo ,  and  again  disregarded.     In  the  mean- 

♦  At  this  time  the  scttloments  consiatcil  of  eight  townships,  viz:  Lackawana, 
Eietcr,  Kingston,  Wilkosbarr*,  Plymouth,  ^  fanticokc,  Huntington,  and  Salcm; 
each  containing  five  miles  square.  The  six  townsiiipa  wero  pretty  full  of  inhabit- 
ants; the  two  upper  ones  itad  eomparativoly  few,  tliin'y  scatten-d.  -  ^imow's /?«• 
mtmbrancer,  for  1773. 


,r;!':l 


1778.] 


HISTORY   OF   WYOxVIiHO. 


329 


Colonies  and  the 


time  the  Pennsylvanians  brought  seven  hnndred  men  into  the 
field,  who  were  marched  against  Wyoming  under  the  direction 
of  Colonel  Plunkett.^  But  in  ascending  the  west  bank  of  the 
Susquehanna,  on  coming  to  a  narrow  defile,  naturally  defended 
by  a  rocky  buttress,  their  march  was  suddenly  arrested  by  a 
volley  of  musketry.  An  instant  afterward  the  invaders  dis- 
cerned that  the  rocky  parapets  were  covered  with  men  bristling 
in  arms — prepared  for  a  Tyrolese  defence  of  tumblnig  rocks 
down  upon  the  foe,  should  their  fire-arms  prove  insuflicient  to 
repel  him.  Taken  thus  suddenly  and  eflfectivcly  by  surprise, 
Plunkett  retreated  with  his  forces  behind  a  point  of  rocks,  for 
consultation.  He  next  atten)pted  to  cross  the  river,  and  resume 
his  march  on  the^  other  side.  But  here,  too,  the  people  of 
Wyoming  liad  been  too  quick  for  him.  The  invaders  were 
so  hotly  received  by  a  detachment  in  ambuscade  on  the  other 
side,  that  they  were  constrained  to  retreat,  nor  did  they  attempt 
to  rally  again. 

Thus  terminated  the  last  military  demonstration  of  the  Pro 
vincial  government  of  Pennsylvansa  against  the  valley  of  Wy- 
oming. Never,  however,  had  a  civil  war  rajred  with  more 
cordial  hatred  between  the  parties — not  even  during  the  bloody 
conflicts  between  the  Guelphs  and  the  Ghibellines — than  was 
felt  between  the  adherents  of  the  respective  land  companies,  in 
the  collisions  just  passed  under  review.  Most  unfortunate  was 
it,  therefore,  that  tlie  quarrel  broke;  out  afresh  at  the  precise 
moment  when  the  services  of  all  were  alike  wanted  for  the  com- 
mon defence — especially  on  a  border  exposed  to  the  daily  irrup- 
tions of  the  Indians. 

Nor  was  this  the  only  evil.  Th.TO  being  a  wide  d:flerence 
of  opinion  between  the  jieople  in  nimost  every  section  of  the 
country,  on  the  great  question  at  issue  between  the  parent 
country  and  the  Colonics,  it  was  natural  to  anticipHte  that  such 
of  these  contending  parties  as  adhered  to  *he  Royalist  cause, 
would  cherish  a  twofold  enmity  toward  th(«se  republicans  who 
had  been  previously  in  arms  against  them.  These  feelings  of 
hostility  were  of  course  mutual ;  and  as  many  of  the  adherents 
of  the  Delaware  Company,  and  perhaps  some  from  both  fac- 
tions, early  escaped  to  the  enemy,  and  enrolled  themselves  un- 
der the  banners  of  Sir  John  Johnson  and  Colonel  John  Butler, 
there  can  be  no  difficulty  in  accounting  for  the  peculiar  ferocity 


|irr 


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'A    ■'  .'U..i 


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:1, 


330 


LIFE    OP    BRANT. 


[1778. 


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lit 


'»  I 


which  marked  the  conduct  of  such  of  the  refugees  as  returned 
in  arms  against  their  former  belHgerent  neighbors.* 

The  population  of  the  Wyoming  settlements,  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  war,  numbered  five  thousand  souls.  Three 
companies  of  regular  troops  were  enlisted  among  them  for  the 
service  of  the  United  States.  Their  militia,  regularly  enrolled, 
amounted  to  eleven  hundred  men  capable  of  bearing  arms,  and 
of  this  force  three  hundred  entered  the  army  ;t  so  prolific  was 
their  soil,  and  so  industrious  were  the  people,  tliat  they  were 
enabled  to  furnish  largo  supplies  of  provisions  for  the  army. 
Three  thousand  bushels  of  grain  were  sent  thence  to  the  army 
in  the  Spring  of  the  present  year.  The  same  plan  of  watchful 
ness  against  the  scouts  and  scalping  parties  of  the  enemy  was 
adopted  as  in  other  frontier  settlements,  and  the  utmost  vigi- 
lance  was  observed  ;  while  regular  garrison  duty  was,  in  suc- 
cessive turns,  performed  by  the  citizen  soldiers  in  the  several 
fortifications  which  defended  their  valley. 

Some  faint  demonstrations  were  made  by  straggling  parties 
of  Tories  and  Indians,  who  prowled  about  the  settlements 
during  the  Summer  of  the  preceding  year,  while  St.  Leger  was 
besieging  Fort  Schuyler ;  but  after  a  few  skirmishes  with  tlie 
inhabitants  they  dispersed,  and  the  latter  remained  undis 
turbed  during  the  rest  of  the  year.  Still,  an  impression  that 
some  of  the  Tories,  who  had  been  in  arms  against  them,  cr 
who  had  been  instrumental  in  bringing  the  Indians  upon  them, 
were  yet  lurking  in  the  vicinity,  and  bent  upon  mischief,  left 
the  people  not  altogether  at  ease  ;  and  in  the  month  of  January, 
1778,  twenty-seven  suspected  inhabitants  were  arrested.  Nine 
of  these  were  discharged  on  examination,  for  want  of  sufficient 
evidence  to  warrant  their  detention  ;  while  the  remaininsr  eijrh- 

'  OP 

teen  were  sent  to  Hartford,  in  Connecticut,  and  imprisoned. 
The  nine  who  were  first  discharged,  immediately  fled  to  the 
enemy,  and  were  followed  thither  by  such  of  their  suspected 
associates  as  were  subsequently  set  at  liberty  in  Connecticut. 

•  This  sketch  of  the  preliminary  history  of  Wyoming,  rapid  as  it  is,  has  never 
thelees  occasioned  a  longer  digression  than  was  intended  ;  but  it  has  seemed  neces 
•ary  to  the  deduction  of  something  like  a  just  hypothesis,  by  which  to  judge  of  the 
peculiar  features  of  the  battle  of  Wyoming  and  the  massacre  that  followed. 

t  See  Chapman's  History  of  Wyoming— also  Memorial  to  the  Connecticut  Le- 
ffttlaiate, 


1778.] 


HISTORY    01     WYOMING. 


331 


It  was  but  natural  that  these  proceedings  still  more  embittered 
the  feelings  of  these  Loyalists  against  the  "Whigs,  and  the 
effect  was  soon  perceptible  in  the  behavior  of  the  Tories  and 
Indians  occasionally  patroling  their  borders. 

For  a  time,  however,  the  apprehensions  thus  excited  were 
allayed  by  several  pacific  messages  from  the  Indian  nations 
deeper  in  the  interior,  who  sent  parties  of  runners  with  assu- 
rances of  a  desire  for  peace.  But  these  assurances  were 
deceptive.  Instead  of  being  messengers  of  peace,  it  w^s 
ascertained  in  March,  from  one  of  them  while  in  a  state  of 
intoxication,  that  their  business  Avas  to  amuse  the  people  and 
alliiy  their  fears  while  preparations  were  making  to  attack 
them.  This  Indian,  with  his  associate  warriors,  was  imme- 
diately arrested  and  placed  in  confinement,  while  the  women  of 
ilie  party  were  sent  back  with  a  flag.  The  alarm  was  likewise 
jrivcu  to  the  scattered  and  remote  settlers,  some  of  them  living 
thirty  miles  up  the  river,  who  thereupon  immediately  sought 
for  greater  security  in  the  more  populous  towns.  During  the 
mouths  of  April  and  May,  the  settlements  began  to  be  more 
considerably  annoyed  by  larger  parties  of  Tories  and  Indians, 
who  hung  upon  their  borders,  and  made  frequent  incursions 
among  them  for  purposes  of  plunder — robbing  the  people,  as 
opportunity  afllbrdedj  of  live  stock,  grain,  and  other  articles  o1 
provisions.  Waxing  yet  more  audacious  in  June,  several  mur- 
ders were  committed.  Six  of  these  victims  were  a  mother  and 
her  five  children,  who  were  doubtless  killed  under  a  misappre- 
hension as  to  her  character,  since  the  woman  was  the  wife  of 
one  of  the  Tories  who  had  been  arrested  in  January,  The 
houses  and  plantations  of  the  slain  were  of  course  plundered  of 
ftvcry  thing  of  value  whirih  the  marauders  could  carry  away.* 

Toward  the  close  of  June,  the  British  officers  in  command 
at  Niagara  determined  to  strike  a  blow  upon  these  settlements ; 
for  which  purpose  about  three  hundred  white  men,  consisting 
"n  part  of  regular  troops,  but  principally  of  refugee  Loyalists, 
undfjr  the  command  of  Colonel  John  Butler,  together  with 
about  five  hundred  Indians,  marched  in  that  direction.  Arriv- 
ing at  Tioga  Point,  Butler  and  the  Indian  leaders  t  procured 

•  Almon'a  Remembrancer,  1778— Second  Part. 

f  It  is  difficult  to  ascertain  with  certainty  from  what  tribes  or  nations  these  In< 
dians  were  drawn.    It  will  be  seen  by  a  note  a  few  pages  onward,  tliat  there  is  w^. 


.rr-|« 


332 


LIFE    OP   BRANT. 


[1778. 


K   4 


,:'  f 


n: 


floats  and  rafts,  upon  wliich  they  embarked  their  forces,  and, 
descending  the  Susquehanna,  landed  at  a  place  called  the 
Throe  Islanda,  whence. they  marched  about  twenty  miles,  and 
crossing  a  wilderness,  entered  the  valley  of  Wyoming  through 
a  gap  of  the  mountain  near  its  northern  extremity.*  They 
took  possession  of  two  small  forts,  without  opposition,  on  the  2d 
of  July — the  first  of  which  was  called  the  Exeter  fort.  It  was 
said  the  garrison  consisted  chiefly  of  Tories,  who  treacherously 
surrendered  it  to  the  enemy.  The  other  was  the  fort  of  Lack- 
awana,  whore  the  enemy  ciicountored  some  resistance.  Hut  it 
was  soon  carried,  a  maijistrate  named  Jenkins  being  killed,  to- 
gether with  his  family,  and  several  others,  mostly  women  nnd 
children,  made  prisoners.  One  of  these  forts  was  burnt.f  In 
the  other,  the  proper  name  of  which  was  Fort  Wintermoot, 
Colonel  .John  Butler  established  hiti  head-quarters. 

The  inhabitants,  on  receiving  intelligence  of  the  approach  ol 
the  invaders,  assembled  within  a  fortification  four  miles  below, 
called  Fort  Forty,  from  the  circumstance  of  its  having  been 
occupied  by  forty  men,  at  some  period  of  the  antecedent 
troubles  of  the  Colony.  Colonel  Zebulon  Butler,  whose  name 
has  occurred  several  times  in  the  preceding  summary  of  the 
history  of  Wyoming,  was  in  conmiand  of  about  sixty  regular 
troops,  and  he  now  made  every  exertion  to  muster  the  militia 
of  the  settlements.  But  in  his  official  despatch  he  complained, 
that  as  the  women  and  children  had  fled  to  the  several  forts,  of 
which  there  were  seven  within  the  distance  if  ten  miles  along 
the  valley,  the  men,  too  many  of  them,  would  remain  behind 
to  take  care  of  the/n.  Still,  he  succeeded  in  collecting  about 
three  hundred  of  the  militia,  and  commenced  his  march  to 
meet  the  enemy  on  the  1st  of  .Tuly,  in  connexion  with  the 
regular  troops  before  mentioned,  commanded  by  Captain  Hew- 
ett.  On  their  first  advance,  they  fell  in  with  a  scout  of  In 
dians,  of  whom  they  killed  two.  These  savages  had  just  mur- 
dered nine  men  engaged  at  work  in  a  corn-field.t  Not  being 
supplied  with  provisions,  Colonel  Zebulon  Butler  §  was  obliged 

eoti  to  suppose  they  were  from  Detroit,  end  were  led  by  an  officer  of  the  British  ler- 
vice.    Certainly  they  had  no  chiefs  of  any  considerable  note  among  them. 

•  Marshall's  Life  of  Washington.  t  The  Re.nembrancer. 

1  Colonel  Z.  Butler's  letter. 

(  It  is  necessary  to  repeat  the  Christian  names  of  both  the  Butlers,  to  avoid  contu 
•ioQ— that  being  the  surname  of  both  the  opposing  commanders. 


1778.] 


INVASION   OP   WYOMING. 


333 


Sutlers,  to  avoid  contu 


to  fall  back  upon  Fort  Forty,  while  his  militia  procured  sup- 
plies. They  mustered  again  on  the  3d,  and  a  council  of  war 
was  convened.  Messengers  having  been  despatched  to  the 
iiead  ju'.  -ters  of  General  Washington  for  assistance,  immediate- 
ly ufter  the  enemy's  movements  were  known  a(.  Wyoming, 
Colonel  Z.  nutlt-r  was  desirous  of  wailing  lor  reinforcements. 
But  his  officers  and  men  were  iiiipatient  for  a  trial  of  strength.* 
The  messengers  hud  already  been  gone  so  long,  that  it  was 
supposed  tliey  had  been  cut  off,  and  consDfpM'ntly  that  fSeneral 
Washington  was  ignorant  of  their  situation.  In  that  case  !io 
reinforcements  could  reach  them  in  saisun  to  yavc  their  valley 
from  being  ravaged  ;  and  as  the  enemy's  forces  were  daily  in- 
creasing, it  was  held  to  be  the  part  of  wisdom  to  attack  him  at 
mice. 

While  the  question  was  under  debate,  live  officers  arrived 
from  the  Continental  uriny,  who,  on  hearing  the  tidings  of  the 
meditated  invasion,  liad  thrown  up  their  commission  and 
li'jstened  home  to  protect  their  families.  They  luid  heard  no- 
thing of  the  messengers,  and  intimated  that  there  was  no  pros 
pect  of  speedy  assistance.!  The  discussions  wore  aniniated  ; 
but  the  apprehension,  that  in  the  event  of  longer  delay  the  e.ie- 
niy  would  become  too  powerful  for  them,  and  thus  be  enabled 
to  swt'  n  through  their  valley  and  destroy  their  harvest,  was 
so  strong,  and  the  militia  were  so  sanguine  of  being  able  to 
meet  and  vamiuish  the  enemy,  that  Colonel  Butler  yielded,  and 
set  forward  at  the  liead  of  nearly  four  hundred  men.  Colonel 
Denniston,  his  former  associate  in  the  commission  of  the  peace, 
being  his  second  in  command. 

It  was  intended  to  make  u  quick  movement,  and  take  the 
enemy  by  surprise.  Having  approached  within  two  miles  of 
Fort  Wintermootjt  a  small  reconnoitring  party  was  sent  forward 

*  Marshall.  f  Chapman. 

I  The  fort  was  thus  called  after  the  pi'oprietor  of  the  land  whuruoii  it  wiia 
built,  and  the  adjacent  territory — a  distinguished  Tory  named  Wiiiltrmuot,  llo 
was  active  in  hringing  destruction  upon  the  valley,  and,  alter  doing  all  the  mischief 
he  could  to  the  settlement,  removed  to  Canada,  During  the  war  with  England  in 
1812-15 — while  the  Britisli  were  investing  Port  Eric,  a  son  of  old  Mr,  Wintermoot, 
a  lieutenant  in  the  enemy's  service,  was  killed  by  a  volunteer  from  the  neighborhood 
of  Wyoming.  Young  Wintermoot  was  reconnoitring  one  of  the  American  pickets, 
when  he  was  shot  down  by  the  said  volunteer,  who  was  engaged  in  the  same  ser- 
vice against  a  picket  of  the  enemy.  The  volunteer  returned  into  the  fort,  bringing 
in  the  arms  and  commission  of  the  ofBcer  he  had  slain  as  a  trophy. 


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834 


LIFE   OF   BRANT 


[177S. 


for  observation.    They  ascertained  that  the  enemy  were  ca- 
rousing in  their  huts  in  perfect  security ;  but  on  their  return 
they  were  so  unfortunate  as  to  fall  in  with  an  Indian  scout, 
who  immediately  fired  and  gave  the  alarm.*    The  Provincials 
pushed  rapidly  forward ;  but  the  British  and  Indians  were  pre- 
pared to  receive  them — "  their  line  being  formed  a  small  dis- 
"  tance  in  firont  of  their  camp,  in  a  plain  thinly  covered  with 
"  pine,  shrub-oaks,  and  undergrowth,  and  extending  from  the 
"  river  to  a  marsh,  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain."!    On  coming  in 
view  of  the  enemy,  the  Americans,  who  had  previously  marched 
in  a  single  column,  instantly  displayed  into  a  line  of  equal  ex- 
tent, and  attacked  from  right  to  left  at  the  same  timet    The 
right  of  the  Americans  was  commanded  by  Colonel  Zebulon 
Butler,  opposed  to  Colonel  John  Butler  commanding  the  ene- 
my's left.    Colonel  Dennison  commanded  the  left  of  the  Ameri- 
cans, and  was  opposed  by  Indians  forming  the  enemy's  right.  § 
The  battle  commenced  at  about  forty  rods  distance,  without 
much  execution  at  the  onset,  as  the  brush- wood  interposed  ob- 
stacles to  the  sight.    The  militia  stood  the  fire  well  for  a  short 
lime,  and  as  they  pressed  forward,  there  was  some  giving  way 
on  the  enemy's  right.    Unluckily,  just  at  this  moment  the  ap- 
palling war-whoop  of  the  Indians  rang  in  the  rear  of  the  Ame- 
rican left — the  Indian  leader  having  conducted  a  large  party 
of  his  warriors  through  the  marsh,  and  succeeded  in  turning 
Dennison's  flank.    A  heavy  and  destructive  fire  was  simulta- 
neously poured  into  the  American  ranks ;  and  amidst  the  con 
fusion,  Colonel  Dennison  directed  his  men  to  "/aZ/  ftacAr,"  to 
avoid  being  surrounded,  and  to  gain  time  to  bring  his  men  into 
order  again.    This  direction  was  mistaken  for  an  order  to 
"  retreat,"  whereupon  the  whole  line  broke,  and  every  effort  of 
their  officers  to  restore  order  was  unavailing.    At  this  stage  of 
the  battle,  and  while  thus  engaged,  the  American  officers  mostly 
fell.    The  flight  was  general.     The  Indians,  throwing  away 
their  rifles,  rushed  forward  with  their  tomahawks,  making 
dreadful  havock — answering  theories  for  mercy  with  the  hatchet 
—and  adding  to  the  universal  consternation  those  terrific 
yells  which  invest  savage  warfare  with  tenfold  horror.    So 
alert  was  the  foe  in  this  bloody  pursuit,  that  less  than  sixty  of 


•  Chapmui.         t  Manhall.         |  Col.  Z.  Butler's  letter.         §  Chapman. 


1778. 


BATTLE   OP  WYOMING. 


336 


the  Americans  escaped  either  the  rifle  or  the  tomaha'wk.  Of 
the  militia  officers,  there  fell  one  lieutenant-colonel,  one  major, 
and  ten  captains,  six  lieutenants,  and  two  ensigns.  Colonel 
Durkee,  and  Captains  Hewett  and  Ransom  were  likewise  killed. 
Some  of  the  fugitives  escaped  by  swimming  the  river,  and 
others  by  flying  to  the  mountains.  As  the  news  of  the' defeat 
spread  down  the  valley,  the  greater  part  of  the  women  and 
children,  and  those  who  had  remained  behind  to  protect  them, 
likewise  ran  to  the  woods  and  the  mountains ;  while  those  who 
could  not  escape  thus,  sought  refuge  in  Fort  Wyoming.  The 
Indians,  apparently  wearied  with  pursuit  and  slaughter,  desisted, 
and  betook  themselves  to  secure  the  spoils  of  the  vanquished. 

On  the  morning  of  the  4th,  the  day  after  the  battle,  Colonel 
John  Butler,  with  the  combined  British  and  Indian  forces, 
appeared  before  Fort  Wyoming,  and  demanded  its  surrender. 
The  inhabitants,  both  within  and  without  the  fort,  did  not,  on 
that  emergency,  sustain  a  character  for  courage  becoming  men 
of  spirit  in  adversity.    They  were  so  intimidated  as  to  give  up 
without  fighting;  great  numbers  ran  off";  and  those  who  re- 
mained, all  but  betrayed  Colonel  Zebulon  Butler,  their  com- 
mander.*   The  British  Colonel  Butler  sent  several  flags,  requir- 
ing an  unconditional  surrender  of  his  opposing  namesake  and 
the  few  Continental  troops  yet  remaining,  but  offering  to  spare 
the  inhabitants  their  property  and  effects.    But  with  the  Ame- 
rican Colonel  the  victor  would  not  treat  on  any  terms ;  and 
the  people  thereupon  compelled  Colonel  Dennison  to  comply 
with  conditions  which  his  commander  had  refused.f    The 
consequence  was,  that  Colonel  Zebulon  Butler  contrived  to 
escape  from  the  fort  with  the  remains  of  Captain  Hewett's  com- 
pany of  regulars,^  and  Colonel  Dennison  entered  into  articles 
of  capitulation.    By  these  it  was  stipulated  that  the  settlers 
should  be  disarmed  and  their  garrison  demolished  ;  that  all  the 
prisoners  and  public  stores  should  be  given  up ;  that  the  property 
of  "  the  people  called  Tories  "  should  be  made  good,  and  they 
be  permitted  to  remain  peaceably  upon  their  farms.    In  behalf 
of  the  settlers  it  was  stipulated  that  thei.-  lives  and  property 
should  be  preserved,  and  that  they  should  be  left  in  the  unmo 
lasted  occupancy  of  their  farms.§ 


fci    *T 


r-v 


>  ■' 


Iter.        §  Chapman. 


•  Ckdond  Z.  Butler's  letter.       f  li««a.       |  Idem.      §  Chapman't  History. 


^' 


336 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


11778. 


Unhappily,  however,  the  British  commnnder  either  could 
not  or  would  not  enforce  the  terms  of  the  capitulation,  which 
were  to  a  great  extent  disregarded  as  well  by  the  Tories  as 
Indians.  Instead  of  finding  protection,  the  valley  was  again 
laid  waste — the  houses  and  improvements  were  destroyed  by 
fire,  and  the  country  plundered.  Families  were  broken  up  and 
dispersed,  men  and  their  wives  separated,  mothers  torn  from 
their  children,  and  some  of  them  carried  into  captivity,  while 
far  the  greater  number  fled  to  the  mountains,  end  wandered 
through  the  wilderness  to  the  older  settlements.  Some  died  of 
their  wounds,  others  from  want  and  fatigue,  while  others  still 
were  lost  in  the  wilderness,  or  were  heard  of  no  more.  Several 
perished  in  a  great  swamp  in  the  neighborhood,  which  from 
that  circumstance  acquired  the  name  of  '  Tab  Shades  of 
Death,"  and  retains  it  to  this  day.* 

These  were  painful  scenes.  But  it  does  not  appear  that  any 
thing  like  a  massacre  followed  the  capitulation  t  Nor,  in  the 
events  of  the  preceding  day,  is  there  good  evidence  of  the  per- 
petration of  any  specific  acts  of  cruelty,  other  than  such  as  are 
usual  in  the  general  rout  of  a  battle-field — save  only  the  un- 
exampled atrocities  of  the  Tories,  thirsting,  probably,  for  revenge 
in  regard  to  other  questions  than  that  of  allegiance  to  the  King.l 

There  seems,  from  the  first,  to  have  been  an  uncommonly- 
large  proportion  of  loyalists  in  the  Wyoming  settlements,  whose 
notions  of  legal  restraint,  from  the  previous  collisions  of  the 
inhabitants,  were  of  course  latitudinarian  ;  nor  were  their  ante- 
cedent asperities  softened  by  the  attempts  of  the  Whigs  to  keep 
them  within  proper  control,  after  hostilities  had  commenced. 
The  greater  number  of  these,  as  we  have  already  seen,  together 
with  those  who  were  arrested,  had  joined  themselves  to  the 
enemy.    But  these  were  not  all  the  defections.    After  the  ar- 


♦  Chapman's  History, 

t  It  will  be  seen,  a  few  pagea  forward,  by  a  letter  from  Walter  Butler,  writing  on 
behalf  of  his  father,  Col.  John  Butler,  tliat  a  solemn  denial  is  made  of  any  massacre 
whatever^  save  the  killing  of  men  in  arms  in  the  open  field.  This  letter,  in  vindica^ 
tion  of  the  refugee  Butlers,  would  have  been  introduced  here,  but  for  its  connexion 
with  the  affair  of  Cherry  Valley. 

X  Indeed,  for  cold-blooded  cruelty,  which  may  be  called  murder  outright,  there  wa> 
nothing  at  Wyoming,  with  the  single  exception  of  the  fratricide  soon  to  be  related,  at 
«1I  comparable  to  the  massacre  of  the  Mexicans  at  San  Jacinto  by  the  $Qi-disant 
Texan  heroes  under  Houston. 


••^ 


1778.] 


BARBARITIES  AT   WYOMING. 


337 


r  either  could 
ulation,  which 
the  Tories  as 
illey  was  again 
re  destroyed  by 
e  broken  up  and 
;hers  torn  from 
captivity,  while 
,  and  wandered 
;.    Some  died  of 
vhile  others  still 

0  more.    Several 
[)od,  which  from 

The  Shades  of 

t  appear  that  any 
)P,t  Nor,  in  the 
idenct  of  the  per- 
'  than  such  as  are 
lave  only  the  un- 
bably,  for  revenge 
[ince  to  the  King.: 
an  uncommonly 
;ettlements,  whose 

1  collisions  of  the 
)r  were  their  ante- 
he  Whigs  to  keep 

had  commenced, 
iady  seen,  together 
Ithemselves  to  the 

s.    After  the  ar- 


/•alterBatler,  writing  on 

[s  made  of  any  massacre 

This  letter,  in  vindica- 

te,  but  for  its  connexion 

lurder  outright,  there  woi 
tide  soon  to  be  related,  at 

Jacinto  by  the  $oi-dism^ 


rival  of  the  enemy  upon  the  confines  of  the  settlement,  and  be 
fore  the  battle,  a  considerable  number  of  the  inhabitants  joined 
his  ranks,  and  exhibited  instances  of  the  most  savage  barbarity 
against  their  former  neighbors  and  friends.*    Nor  has  it  ever 
been  denied,  in  regard  to  the  battle  of  Wyoming,  that  none 
were  more  ferocious  and  cruel — more  destitute  of  the  unstrained 
quality  of  mercy,  than  those  same  loyalists  or  Tories.    An  ex- 
ample of  the  spirit  by  which  they  were  actuated  is  found  in 
the  following  occurrence,  which,  on  account  of  its  Cain-like 
barbarity,  is  worthy  of  repetition.    Not  far  from  the  battle- 
ground was  an  island  in  the  Susquehanna,  called  Monockonock, 
to  which  several  of  the  fugitive  militia-men  fled  for  security — 
throwing  away  their  arms,  and  swimming  the  river.     Here 
they  concealed  themselves  as  they  could  among  the  brush-wood. 
Their  place  of  retreat  being  discovered,  several  Tories  followed 
them ;  and,  though  obliged  to  swim,  yet  so  intent  were  they 
upon  the  work  of  death,  that  they  succeeded  in  taking  their 
guns  with  them.    Arriving  upon  the  island,  they  deliberately 
wiped  their  gun-locks,  recharged  their  pieces,  and  c  ^mmenced 
searching  for  the  fugitives.    Two  of  these  were  concealed  in 
sight  of  each  other,  but  one  of  them  escaped.    But  it  was  never- 
theless his  lot  to  behold  a  scene  painful  enough  to  make  the 
most  Y  --'^ened  offender  weep,  and  "  blush  to  own  himself  a  , 
man.'*    One  of  the  pursuers  came  upon  his  companion  in  par- 
tial concealment,  who  proved  to  be  his  own  brother.    His  salu- 
tation was — "  So,  it  is  you,  is  it  ?"    The  unarmed  and  defence- 
less man,  thus  observed,  came  forward,  and  fell  upon  his  knees 
before  his  brother,  begging  for  mercy — promising  to  live  with 
him,  and  serve  him  for  ever,  if  he  would  but  spare  his  life. 
"All  tb's  is  mighty  fine,"  replied  the  unrelenting  traitor,  "  but 

you  are  a  d d  rebel!" — saying  which,  he  deliberately 

erelled  his  rifle,  and  shot  him  dead  upon  the  spot.t  In  a  do- 
mestic war  marked  by  such  atrocity,  even  among  those  claim- 
ing to  be  civilized,  it  becomes  us  to  pause  before  we  brand  the 
untutored  savage,  who  fights  acording  to  the  usages  of  his  own 
people,  with  all  that  is  revolting  and  cruel.t  ' 

*  Chapman. 

t  Chapman's  Hist  of  Wyoming. 

\  Doctor  Thatcher,  in  his  Military  Journal,  rroords  still  greater  barbarities  M 
baving  been  perpetrated  on  this  bloody  occasion.    He  says — "  One  of  ihe  prisoners,  a 

24 


V. 


m 


338 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1776. 


There  is  still  another  important  correction  to  be  made,  in 
reference  to  every  written  history  of  this  battle  extant,  not  even 
excepting  the  last  revised  edition  of  the  Life  of  Washington  by 
Chief  Justice  Marshall.  This  correction  regards  the  name 
and  the  just  fame,  of  Joseph  Brant,  whose  character  has  been 
blackened  with  all  the  infamy,  both  real  and  imaginary,  con- 
nected with  this  bloody  expedition.  Whether  Captain  Brant 
was  at  any  time  in  company  with  this  expedition,  is  doubtful ; 
but  it  is  certain,  in  the  face  of  every  historical  authority,  Bri- 
tish and  American,  that  so  far  from  being  engaged  in  the  bat- 
tle, he  was  many  miles  distant  at  the  time  of  its  occurrence. 
Such  has  been  the  uniform  testimony  of  the  British  officers  en- 
gaged in  that  expedition,  and  such  was  always  the  word  of 
Thayendanegea  himself  It  will,  moreover,  be  seen,  toward  the 
close  of  the  present  work,  that  after  the  publication  of  Camp- 
bell's "  Gertrude  of  Wyoming,"  in  which  poem  the  Mohawk 
chieftain  was  denounced  as  "  the  Monster  Brant,"  his  son  re- 
paired to  England,  and  in  a  correspondence  with  the  poet,  sue 
cessfully  vindicated  his  father's  memory  from  the  calumny,* 

"  Captain  Badlock,  was  committed  to  torture,  by  having  his  body  stuck  full  of  splin- 
"ters  of  pine  knots,  and  u  (ire  of  dry  wood  made  around  him,  when  his  two  com- 
"panions.  Captains  Ransom  and  Durkee,  where  thrown  into  the  same  fire,  and 
'*  held  down  with  pitchforks  till  consumed.  One  Partial  Terry,  the  son  of  a  man 
*"  of  respectable  character,  having  joined  the  Indian  party,  several  limes  sent  his  fa- 
'*  ther  word  that  he  hoped  to  toaah  his  hands  in  his  hearVs  blood.  The  monster  with 
"his  own  hands  murdered  his  father,  mother,  brothers,  and  sisters,  stripped  off  theii 
"  scalps,  and  etU  qff  his  father's  head !!  Thomas  Terry  with  his  own  hands  butchered 
"  his  own  mother,  his  father-in-law,  his  sisters  and  their  infant  children,  and  extermi' 
*'  nated  the  whole  family !.' "  Upon  which  the  worthy  Doctor  remarks — "  It  is  only  in 
"the  infernal  regions  that  we  can  look  for  a  parallel  instance  of  unnatural  wicked- 
ness." It  is  doubtful  whether  so  great  an  atrocity  was  ever  committed  even  there.  Cer- 
tainly no  such  were  perpetrated  at  Wyoming.  Dr.  Thatcher  also  states,  that  when 
Col.  Z.  Butler  sent  a  flag  to  propose  terms  of  capitulation,  the  reply  of  Col .  John  Butler 
was  in  two  words — "The  Hatchet^  He  also  remarks,  in  regard  to  the  moral  and 
social  condition  of  Wyoming,  that  but  for  the  dissensions  produced  by  the  war  of 
the  Revolution,  "  the  inhabitants  of  this  secluded  spot  might  have  lived  in  the  en- 
"jojrment  of  all  the  happiness  which  results  from  harmony  and  the  purest  natural 
"  afiection."  Witness  the  ten  years  of  civil  wars  sketched  in  the  preceding  pages. 
It  was  also  reported  that  a  man  named  Thomas  Hill  with  his  own  hands  killed  his 
own  mother,  his  father-in-law,  his  sisters  and  their  families !  And  such  is  history ! 
These  monstrous  exaggerations  were  the  reports  of  the  battle  first  published  at 
Poughkeepsie  on  the  20th  of  July,  as  derived  frnm  the  lips  of  the  terrified  fugitive! 
who  were  wending  their  way  back  to  Connecticut. 

*  Since  the  present  chapter  was  written,  and  while  the  work  was  under  revision, 
the  author  has  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Samuel  C  Ftes,  of  Upper  Canada,  a  son 


1778.] 


CATHARINE  MONTOUR. 


339 


It  is  related  in  the  unwritten  history  of  this  battle,  that  the 
celebrated  Catharine  Montour  was  present,  with  her  two  sons  ; 
and  that  she  ranged  the  field  of  blood  like  a  chafed  tigress, 
stimulating  the  warriors  of  her  adopted  race  to  the  onslaught, 
even  in  the  hottest  of  the  fight.  But  from  the  antecedent  cha- 
racter of  that  remarkable  woman,  the  story  can  hardly  be  cre- 

of  the  late  Philip  R.  Frey,  Esq.  a  loyalist  of  Tryon  Oounty,  who  was  an  ensign  in 
H.  B.  M's  Eighth  Regiment,  and  who,  with  his  regiment,  was  engaged  in  the  cam- 
paign and  battle  of  Wyoming.  Philip  R.  Frey,  tlie  ensign  spoken  of,  died  at  Pala- 
tine, Montgomery  (formerly  Tryon)  County,  in  1823.  It  was  bis  uniform  testimony 
that  Brant  was  not  at  Wyoming.  Mr.  Frey  writes  to  the  author,  that  there  were 
no  chiefs  of  notoriety  with  the  Indians  on  that  expedition,  and  that  the  Indians  them- 
selves were  led  from  Detroit,  by  Captain  Bird  of  the  Eighth  Regiment.  Bird  had 
been  engaged  in  a  love  aflair  at  Detroit,  but,  being  veiy  ugly,  besides  having  a  hare- 
lip, was  unsuccessful.  The  affair  getting  wind,  his  fellow-officers  made  themselves 
merry  at  his  expense,  and  in  order  to  steep  his  griefs  in  forgetfulness,  he  obtained 
permissio**  to  lead  an  expedition  somewhere  against  the  American  frontier.  Join- 
ing the  Indians  placed  under  him,  and  a  detachment  of  his  regiment,  to  Butler's 
rangers,  they  concerted  the  descent  upon  Wyoming.  Ensign  Frey  stated  that  he 
was  ill-natured  during  the  whole  march,  and  acted  with  fool- hardiness  at  the  battle. 
He  farther  stated,  according  to  the  letter  of  his  son,  that  the  American  Colonel  chal- 
lenged them  to  a  fair  field-fight,  which  challenge  was  accepted.  "  The  next  morn- 
"ing,  at  about  9  o'clock,  the  Americans  poured  out  of  the  fort  about  three  hundred  and 
"  forty  in  number — the  Indians  fell  back  over  a  hill — the  troops  on  both  sides  drew  up 
■'in  battle  array  and  soon  commenced ;  after  a  few  rounds  fired,  the  American  Colo- 
"nel  ordered  his  drum-major  to  beat  a  charge,  the  drum-major  mistook  the  order  and 
"beat  a  retreat,  the  Americans  became  disordered  immediately,  and  ran  helter-skelter ; 
*'  the  moment  the  Indians  saw  them  running,  they  poured  down  upon  them  from  their 
"  hiding  places,  so  thdt  no  moro  than  about  forty  survived  out  of  three  hundred  and 
"  forty."  Rarely,  indeed,  does  it  happen  that  history  is  more  at  fault  in  regard  to  facts 
than  in  the  case  of  Wyoming.  The  remark  may  be  applied  to  nearly  every  writer 
who  has  attempted  to  narrate  the  events  connected  with  the  invasion  of  Colonel 
John  Butler.  Ramsay,  and  Gordon,  and  Marshall — nay,  the  British  historians  them- 
selves— ^have  writtea  gross  exaggerations.  Marshall,  however,  in  his  revised  edition, 
has  made  corrections,  and  explained  how  and  by  whom  he  was  led  into  error.  My 
excellent  friend,  Charies  Miner,  Esq.  long  a  resident  of  Wyoming,  a  gentleman  of 
letters  and  great  accuracy,  furnished  the  biographer  of  Washington  with  a  true  nar- 
rative of  the  transactions,  which  he  made  the  basis  of  the  summary  account  con- 
tained in  his  revised  edition.  Other  writers,  of  greater  or  less  note,  have  gravely  re- 
corded the  same  fictions,  adding,  it  is  to  be  feared,  enormities  not  even  conveyed  to 
them  by  tradition.  The  grossest  of  these  exaggerations  are  contained  in  Thatcher's 
Military  Journal  and  Drake's  Book  of  the  Indians.  The  account  of  the  marching 
out  of  a  large  body  of  Americans  from  one  of  the  forts,  to  hold  a  parley,  by  agree- 
ment, and  then  being  drawn  into  an  ambuscade  and  all  put  to  death,  is  false ;  the 
account  of  seventy  Continental  soldiera  being  butchered,  after  having  surrendered, 
u  also  totally  untrue.  No  regular  troops  surrendered,  and  all  escaped  who  survived 
the  battle  of  the  31.  Equally  untrue  was  the  story  of  the  burning  of  houses,  bar* 
racks,  and  forts,  filled  with  women  and  children. 


340 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1778. 


dited.  She  was  a  native  of  Canada,  a  half-breed,  her  father 
having  been  one  of  the  early  French  governors—probably 
Count  Frontenac,  as  he  must  have  been  in  the  government  of 
that  country  at  about  the  time  of  her  birth.  During  the  wars 
between  the  Six  Nations  and  the  French  and  Hurons,  Catha- 
rine, when  about  ten  years  of  age,  was  made  a  captive,  taken 
into  the  Seneca  country,  adopted  and  reared  as  one  of  their 
own  children.  When  arrived  at  a  suitable  age,  she  was  mar- 
ried to  one  of  the  distinguished  chiefs  of  her  tribe,  who  signal* 
ized  himself  in  the  wars  of  the  Six  Nations  against  the  Cataw- 
bas,  then  a  great  nation  living  south  wbctward  of  Virg'.nia. 
She  had  several  cnildren  by  this  chiettain,  who  fell  in  battle 
about  the  year  1730,  after  which  she  did  not  again  marry. 
She  is  said  to  have  been  a  handsome  woman  when  young, 
genteel,  and  of  polite  address,  notwithstanding  her  Indian  as- 
sociations. It  was  frequently  her  lot  to  accompany  the  chiefs 
of  the  Six  Nations  to  Philadelphia,  and  other  places  in  Penn- 
sylvania, where  treaties  were  holden ;  and  fr^.  i  her  character 
and  manners  she  wtiS  greatly  caressed  by  the  American  ladies— 
particularly  in  Philadelphia,  where  she  was  invited  by  the  la 
dies  of  the  best  circles,  and  entertained  at  their  hou&es.  Her 
residence  was  at  the  head  of  the  Seneca  Lake.* 

Some  of  the  flying  fugitives  from  Wyoming  had  not  pro- 
ceeded many  miles  from  their  desolate  homes,  before  they  met 
a  detachment  of  Continental  troops  on  their  way  to  assist  the 
Colony.  It  was  now  too  late.  But  the  detachment,  nt^verthe 
less,  remained  at  Stroudsburg  three  or  four  weeks,  by  which 
time  Colonel  Zebulon  Butler  had  collected  a  force  consisting 
of  straggling  settlers  and  others,  with  whom,  and  ^ne  regular 
troops  just  mentioned,  he  returned,  and  repossessed  himself  of 
Wyoming — the  enemy  having  retired  shortly  after  the  battle- 
Colonel  John  Butler  to  Niagara,  and  the  Indians  to  their 
homes ;  while  Thayendanegea  moved  as  he  had  occasion,  from 


*  Cathariaeitown — so  named  from  her.  This  account  of  Cathavine  Montour  is 
chiefly  drawn  from  Witham  Marshe'a  Journal  of  a  treaty  with  the  Six  Nations,  held 
at  Lancaster  in  1744— Vide  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  In  1758  Sir  William  Johnson  had 
an  Indian  interpreter  in  his  serrice,  known  as  "  Captain  Montour."  One  of  Catha- 
rine's sons  was  called  "Captain,"  and  was  probably  the  same.  Ttadition,  at 
Seneca  Lake,  holds  that  Catha:i.ie  Montour  was  killed  by  Sulliran's  men  in  1779. 
Bat  it  will  hereafter  be  Men  that  such  wm  not  the  fact 


1778.] 


HISTORT  OF   WYOMING. 


341 


jf  Cathayine  Montour  \a 
rith  the  Six  Nations,  held 
5ir  WiUiara  JiAnson  had 
ontour."  OneofCatha- 
he  same.  Tiadition,  at 
SuUWan'B  men  in  1779. 


his  old  haunts  higher  up  the  Susquehanna,  at  Oghkwaga  and 
Unadilla. 

Immediately  on  the  reception  of  the  disastrous  tidings  from 
Wyoming  at  the  Continental  head-quarters,  Colonel  Hartley's 
regiment  was  ordered  thither,  with  instructions  from  Congress 
to  remain  o;i  that  frontier  until  the  crops  were  secured  and  the 
enemy  should  have  retreated.     He  w  is  joined  by  several  mili- 
tia companies,  and,  among  other  ofRcers,  by  Colonel  Dennison, 
who,  in  the  capitulation  of  Wyoming,  had  stipulated  not  again 
to  serve  against  the  King's  troops.    He  accompanied  Colonel 
Hartley  in  an  expedition  against  some  of  the  Indian  towns  up  the 
S'isquehanna,  in  the  direction  of  Oghkwaga,  several  of  which 
weni  destroyed.  A  few  prisoners  were  also  taken.  It  appearing, 
however,  that  the  enemy  were  gathering  in  too  much  force  for 
him  to  remain  long  within  their  territory,  Colonel  Hartley 
was  constrained  to  retreat.    An  attack  was  made  upon  his 
rear,  but  the  assailants  were  repulsed.     Colonel  Dennison 
doubtless  felt  himself  warranted  in  breaking  the  stipulations  of 
Fort  Wyoming,  by  the  fact  that  those  stipulations  were  not 
strictly  observed  by  the  Tories  and  Indians.    But  the  enemy 
made  no  such  allowance ;  and  this  expedition,  or  rather  the 
conduct  of  Colonel  Dennison,  was  subsequently  used  as  a  pre- 
text for  some  of  the  incidents  connected  with  the  attack  upon 
Cherry  Valley. 

Colonel  Zebulon  Butler  built  another  fort  at  Wyoming, 
which  he  continued  to  occupy  until  the  next  year,  when  the 
command  of  that  region  devolved  upon  General  Sullivan.  In 
the  mean  time  the  outskirts  of  the  settlements  were  frequently 
harassed  by  straggling  parties  of  Tories  and  Indians,  who  occa- 
sionally committed  an  assassination  or  carried  off  a  few  prison- 
ers. The  Americans,  in  turn,  despatched  every  Indian  who  fell 
in  their  way.  In  March  following,  the  fort  was  surrounded  by 
a  force  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  Indians,  and  Tories  disguised 
as  such.  They  attacked  the  fortress,  but  fled  on  the  discharge 
of  a  single  piece  of  artillery — burning  whatever  buildings  had 
either  been  re-erected  or  left  standing  at  the  former  invasion. 
The  garrison  was  too  weak  to  allow  of  a  pursuit.  A  few  weeks 
afterward,  as  a  company  of  Continental  troops  were  approach- 
ing the  fort,  under  the  command  of  Major  Powell,  they  were 
fired  upon  by  a  party  of  Indians  in  ambush,  while  passing 


Bilr 
1*1'"''' 

1:4'' 


1 1 


i| 


342 


LIFE  OF   BRANT. 


[1778. 


along  a  uingle  track  through  a  difficult  swamp.  In  this  attack, 
Captain  Davis,  Lieutenant  Jones,  and  four  privates,  were  killed. 
The  detachment  formed  for  action  with  all  possible  despatch ; 
but  the  Indians  fled  after  two  or  three  discharges.  Nor  did 
they  re-appear  afterward,  in  that  immediate  neighborhood,  in 
any  subsequent  stage  of  the  revolutionary  contest,  although 
other  sections  of  the  Pennsylvania  frontier,  farther  south  and 
west,  suffered  occasionally  from  their  depredations,  particularly 
in  the  following  y<3ar,  while  Sullivan  was  preparing  to  advance 
into  the  Seneca  country.* 

♦  Tliun  ends  the  revolutionary  history  of  Wyoming;.  But  from  what  has  been 
given  in  the  preceding  pages,  touching  the  history  of  this  valley  ond  its  feuds  before 
thn  Revolution,  the  reader  may  possibly  feel  some  desire  to  learn  the  subsequent 
progress  of  the  long-pending  land  quarrel.  After  tlie  Indians  had  been  chastised, 
the  settlers  returned,  and  the  valley  and  its  precincts  once  more  began  to  flourish. 
Pennsylvania  again  interposed  her  claims ;  and  a  Commission  was  appointed  by 
Congress,  which  met  in  New  Jersey,  to  hear  the  case  and  decide  the  question.  It 
was  unanimously  decided  in  favor  of  Pennsylvania.  The  people  held  that  this  de- 
cision was  one  of  jurisdiction  merely,  and  with  this  understanding  cheerfully  ao* 
quiesced  in  it.  But  fresh  troubles  arose.  A  company  of  Continental  troops  was 
stationed  there  in  17S3,  to  keep  the  peace,  and  this  only  made  matters  worse — the 
soldiers  became  licentious  and  overbearing,  and  the  people  were  exceedingly  annoy- 
ed thereat  In  the  Spring  of  1784,  byasuccessionof  icO'damswhichaccumulated  in 
the  river,  the  valley  was  overflowed,  and  the  inhabitants  were  compelled  to  fly  to  the 
mountains  for  safety.  When  the  ice  gave  way,  the  floods  swept  ofi*  every  thing- 
leaving  the  whole  valley  a  scene  of  greater  desolation  than  ever.  Presently  afler- 
ward  the  old  troubles  broke  out  afresh.  The  inhabitants  refused  to  obey  their  new 
masters.  The  Connecticut  settlers  flew  to  arms— the  Pennsylvanians  sent  troops 
thither— the  Connecticut  settlers  laid  siege  to  the  fort — there  were  riots  and  skir- 
mishings, and  some  killed  and  wounded.  The  Connecticut  people  were  taken  pri- 
■oners  by  treachery,  and  sent  off*  to  prison.  They  escaped.  Reinforcements  of 
troops  were  sent  by  Pennsylvania — there  was  more  blood  shed.  Various  attempts 
were  made  to  settle  the  difficulties.  Commissioners  were  appointed  upon  the  sub- 
ject, one  of  whom  was  Timothy  Pickering.  He  was  forcibly  seized,  and  carried 
into  captivity.  His  story  has  been  written  by  himself,  and  is  full  of  interest.  These 
difficulties  continued,  with  feelings  of  the  bitterest  contention,  ten  years,  before 
matters  were  compromised  between  the  parties,  so  that  they  settled  down  in  peace. 
It  is  now  a  rich  and  flourishing  county,  and  may  be  called  the  Paradise  of  Penn- 
sylvania. 

NOTE  TO  THE  FOUBTH  EDmON. 
The  United  Ststet  Mag aiine  and  Democratic  Review  for  October,  1838,  eontalni  an  able  review  of 
the  preaent  work,  In  wliieb  the  writer  ariue*  that  thn  poeition  that  Brant  wai  not  in  the  battle  of  Wyo- 
ming, ii  not  satiafactorily  eatabluhed.  The  roviewer'i  beliol'  in,  that  Brant  teas  the  Indian  leader^io 
the  manaere ;  and  if  not  there,  he  requirei  of  the  author  to  know  where  be  waa  at  that  time.  Thia 
lait  would  cortauily  be  a  difficult  queatiuii  to  nimwiir,  cniDiidering  lliu  oxteiit  of  the  American  foresUat 


that  period.    Since  the  appearance  of  the  articju  in  quvstion,  however^  the  author  hai  vuited  the  Sene- 

t  conntrr,  and  obtained  the  totllmony  of  the  old  cliiol°8  upon  the  point  at  iwue.    Amone  othon.  the 

author  had  an  iptereitiai;  interview  with  the  venerable  chief  Kaoundoovand,  commonly  called  Cap- 

^e  waa  bimielf  in  the  battle  of  Wyoming,  and  he  declarei  unequivocally  thatThayen- 


ea  conntrr,  and 
author  had  a 

tainPaUard.      .       . ,, 

danegca  wai  not  there.  So  lay  the  other  ludiiin  Hurvivuri  of  Uiat  battle.  Tbe  loiliam  engaged  were 
oliiefly  Sonecaa.  Their  leader  waa  a  chief  named  Oi-en-gwah-toh,  who  waa  auceeeded  by  Yottng 
King,  a  chief  who  died  about  two  years  ugo.  Uut  few  MoTiawkii  were  upon  the  warpath  in  tha  cam- 
paign.   FollMd'ibeliefif,  that  Brant  waa  at  Niagara  at  the  time. 


[1778. 


In  this  attack, 
ites,  were  killed, 
ssible  despatch ; 
arges.  Nor  did 
leighborhood,  in 
ontest,  although 
rther  south  aud 
ons,  particularly 
taring  to  advance 


t  from  what  has  been 
ey  ond  its  feuds  before 
learn  the  subsequent 
IS  had  been  chastised, 
lore  began  to  flourish, 
ion  was  appointed  by 
ecido  the  question.    It 
Bople  held  that  this  de< 
itanding  cheerfully  ao- 
:;ontinental  Uoops  was 
ide  matters  worse—the 
^ere  exceedingly  annoy- 
(!  which  accumulated  in 
e  compelled  to  fly  to  the 
wept  off  every  thing— 
ever.    Presently  after- 
Tused  to  obey  their  new 
fisylvanians  sent  troops 
e  were  riots  and  skir- 
people  were  taken  pri- 
id.    Reinforcements  of 
led.    VariouB  attempts 
ppuintad  upon  the  sub- 
bly  seized,  and  carried 
B  full  of  interest.  These 
ition,  ten  years,  before 
settled  down  in  peace, 
the  Paradise  of  Penn- 

rai  not  in  the  battle  of  Wyo- 
«nt  va*  the  Indian  leaderw 
9  he  waa  at  that  time.  Ihii 
lit  of  the  American  [orMUat 
I  author  ha»  vimted  the  Sene- 
Ht  iMue.  Among  os>o"u'"* 
oand,  commonly  called  Cap- 
1  unequiTocalljr  that  Thayen- 
The  Indiam  ensMed  weie 
»  waa  iucceeoed  _by  xowv 
pon  the  wki-path  m  tlw  cain- 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


Evacuation  of  Philadelphia  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton— Followed  throuj^  New  Jeney 
by  Washington— Battle  of  Monmouth — Conduct  and  arrest  of  General  Lee- 
Retreat  of  the  enemy — Arrival  of  the  French  fleet— Combined  attack  of  the  Am»« 
ricans  and  French  upon  the  British  army  of  Rhode  Island— British  fleet  escapes 
from  Count  D'Estoing— Battle  of  Rhode  Island— Failure  of  the  expedition- 
Projected  campaigns  against  the  Indians — Captains  Pipe  and  White-Eyea — 
M'Ree  and  Oirty — General  M'Intoih  ordered  against  tne  Sandusky  towns — 
Irruption  of  Brant  into  Cobleekill- Of  M'Donald  into  the  Schoharie  settlementa 
— Pusillanimity  of  Colonel  Vrooman — Bravery  of  Colonel  Harper — His  exjpedi* 
tion  to  Albany— Captivity  of  Mr.  Sawyer — Slays  six  Indians  and  escapes— Colo- 
nel William  Butler  sent  to  Schoharie — Morgan's  rifle  corps— Daring  adventures 
of  Murphy  and  Elerson — Death  of  Service,  a  noted  Tory — Murphy's  subsequent 
adventures — Affairs  at  Fort  Schuyler— Alarming  number  of  desertions— Destnic- 
tion  of  Andros-town  by  the  Indians — Conflaj^tion  of  the  German  Flatts — Ex- 
pedition of  Colonel  William  Butler  from  Schoharie  to  Unadilla  and  Oghkwaga. 

No  sooner  h.  d  Great  Britain  been  apprized  of  the  alliance 
between  France  and  her  revolted  Colonies,  than  it  was  deter- 
mined to  evacuate  Philadelphia,  and  concentrate  the  Royal 
army  at  New- York.    Accordingly,  on  the  18th  of  June  the 
British  troops  crossed  the  Delaware  into  New  Jersey,  and 
commenced  their  march  for  New- York,  ascending  the  east  bank 
of  the  river  to  AUentown,  and  thence  taking  the  lower  road 
leading  through  Monmouth  to  Sandy  Hook.    General  Wash-' 
ington,  anticipating  this  movement,  had  previously  detached  a 
division  of  the  army  under  General  Maxwell,  to  impede  the 
enemy's  march.    It  was  known  that  General  Gates  was  ap- 
proaching with  the  army  from  the  North,  and  the  enemy's 
motions  were  no  sooner  ascertained,  than  General  Wayne  was 
despatched,  with  one  thousand  chosen  men,  to  strengthen  the 
lines.    The  Marquis  de  Lafayette  was  directed  to  take  com- 
mand of  the  whole  force  thus  sent  in  advance,  while  Wash- 
ington himself  moved  rapidly  forward  with  the  main  army. 
It  was  his  design  to  bring  on  a  general,  and,  if  possible,  a  de- 
cisive engagement.    The  result  of  his  movements  for  that 
object  was  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  fought  on  the  28th  of  June. 
The  dispositions  for  this  engagement  were  admirably  arranged 
on  the  night  of  the  27th,  the  position  of  the  enemy  being  such 
as  to  afford  the  best  advantages  for  an  attack  upon  his  rear  the 
moment  he  should  get  in  motion.    Such  being  the  intentions  of 
the  Commander-in-chief,  they  were  commiinicated  to  General 


'% 


.."     ■ 

•1 

!*" 

!  ii 

m'U 

344  LIFE   OF   BRANT.  [1778 

Lee,  who  was  ordered  to  make  his  dispositions  accordingly 
and  to  keep  his  troops  lyinj?  upon  their  arms  to  be  in  readiness 
at  the  shortest  notice.    At  five  in  the  morning  of  the  28th,  the 
front  of  the  enemy  was  observed  to  be  in  motion,  and  orders 
were  instantly  despatched  to  General  Lee  to  move  on  and 
attack,  "  unless  there  should  be  very  powerful  reasons  to  the 
contrary."    Lee  wos  also  advised  that  Washington  was  himself 
advancing  to  support  him.    Afler  marching  about  five  miles 
"  to  the  great  surprise  and  mortification "  of  the  Commander- 
in-chief,  he  met  the  whole  advanced  corps  retreating,  by  the 
orders  of  Lee,  "  without  having  made  any  opposition,  except 
"  one  fire  given  by  a  party  under  Colonel  Butler,  on  their  being 
"charged  by  the  enemy's  cavalry,  who  were  repulsed."*    Lee 
was  sharply  rebuked,  ond  placed  in  arrest.    Hurrying  to  the 
rear  of  the  retreating  corps,  which  the  Commander-in-chief 
found  closely  pressed  by  the  enemy,  he  arrested  their  flight, 
re-formed  them,  and  with  the  aid  of  some  well-served  pieces  of 
artillery,  at  once  checked  the  enemy's  advance,  and  gained 
time  for  making  such  dispositions  as  the  unexpected  emergency 
required.    The  battle  soon  became  general,  and  was  obstinately 
contested  at  various  points  through  the  whole  day,  until  dark ; 
.Sir  Henry  Clinton  and  General  Washington  heading  their 
respective  armies  in  person.     By  the  misconduct  of  Lee,  how- 
ever, and  an  error  of  General  Scott  in  the  morning,  advantages 
had  been  lost  which  entirely  disconcerted  the'  views  of  the 
Commander-in-chief,  and  deprived  the  American  armsofavictory 
which  was  all  but  certain.    Still,  the  fortimes  of  the  day  were 
so  far  recovered,  that,  from  being  the  pursued, "  the  Americans 
"  drove  the  enemy  back  over  the  ground  they  had  followed, 
"  and  recovered  the  field  of  battle,  and  possessed  themselves  of 
«'  their  dead.    But  as  they  retreated  behind  a  morass  very  diffi- 
"  cult  to  pass,  and  had  both  flanks  secured  with  thick  woods, 
"  it  was  found  impracticable  for  the  Americans,  fainting  with 
"  fatigue,  heat,  and  want  of  water,  to  do  any  thing  more  that 
«  night."  t 

Both  armies  encamped  in  the  field,  and  lay  upon  their  arms ; 
Washington  himself  sleeping  in  his  cloak  under  a  tree^  in  the 


*  Letter  of  Washington  to  the  President  of  Congress,  July  1,  I77S. 

t^  Letter  of  Washington  to  his  brother,  John  Augustine  Washington,  July  4, 1778. 


I778.J 


BATTLE   OF   MONMOUTH. 


345 


midst  of  his  soldiers.  His  intention  was  to  renew  and  end  tho 
battle  on  the  following  morning,  not  doubting  as  tu  tho  issue. 
Indeed,  the  result  of  that  day's  fight  was  justly  considered  a 
victory  by  the  American  officers,  and  but  for  the  conduct  of 
Lee  in  the  morning,  it  would  almost  beyond  question  have  been 
decisive.*  But  the  purpose  of  the  Commondcr-in-chief  to  renew 
the  engagement  was  frustroted  by  a  silent  midnight  retreat  of 
the  enemy— so  silent,  indeed,  *hat  his  departure  was  not  known 
antil  the  morning.t  A  variety  of  circumstances  concurred  to 
render  a  pursuit  by  the  Americans  unadvisable ;  among  the 
principal  of  which  were,  the  extreme  heat  of  the  weather,  the 
fatigue  of  the  army  from  its  march  through  a  deep  sandy 
country,  almost  entirely  destitute  of  water,  and  the  distance  the 
enemy  had  gained  by  his  midnight  march.  A  pursuit,  it  was 
believed,  would  answer  no  valuable  purpose,  and  would  certain<> 
ly  be  fatal  to  numbers  of  the  men,  several  of  whom  had 
perished  of  heat  on  the  preceding  day.J  The  American  com- 
mander thereupon  drew  off  his  army  to  the  Hudson,  crossed 
over,  and  once  more  established  his  head-quarters  at  White 
Plains.  Meantime  Sir  Henry  Clinton  proceeded  to  Sandy 
Hook,  and  thence  passed  his  troops  over  to  New- York.  The 
loss  of  the  Americans  in  this  battle  Was  eight  officers  ond  sixty- 
one  privates  killed,  and  one  hundred  and  sixty  wounded.    That 


i\jr 


*  In  a  letter  to  General  Gansevoort  from  Colonel  Willcl>:,  who  was  on  a  visit  to 
head-quartera  at  the  time  of  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  the  Colonel  says : — **  1  have 
had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  the  American  army,  under  the  great  General  Washington, 
triumph  over  the  haughty  British  in  the  battle  of  Monmouth.  The  action  was 
grand,  and  ended  gloriously."— .WS.  letter  of  Co/.  Wiltelt. 

t  In  his  despatches  to  his  government,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  stated  that  he  took  the 
advantage  of  the  moonlight  in  his  retreat ;  when,  in  reality,  he  did  not  begin  the  re- 
treat until  some  hours  after  the  moon  had  set.  In  the  course  of  a  correspondence  in 
the  following  Spring,  between  Governor  William  Livingston  and  Sir  Henry,  the 
Oovernor  taunted  him  upon  this  subject  of  his  moonlight  retreat.  That  correspond- 
ence was  sharp  upon  both  sides.  Governor  Livingston  wrote  to  Sir  Henry  that  he 
had  received  indisputable  evidence,  that  a  British  General  bed  offered  a  large  sum  of 
money  to  an  inhabitant  of  New  Jersey  to  assassinate  him,  (Governor  L.)  Sir 
Henry  repelled  the  imputation  in  strong  terms — declaring  that  were  he  "capable  of 
harboring  such  an  infamous  idea  as  that  of  assassination,  he  would  not  blacken 
himself  with  so^oul  a  crime  to  obtain  ao  trifling  an  end."  Clinton  was  evidently 
initated,  and  from  the  coarseness  of  his  language,  gave  Governor  Livingston  the  de> 
cided  advantage  in  his  rejoinder,  which  was  equally  dignified  and  severe.— Fi(/e 
Mmov?s  Remembraneer,  vol.  vi.  pp.  S79,  881. 

I  Letter  of  Washington  to  the  President  of  Congresa. 


y* 


346 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


1778. 


mi 


^:bvi 


i 

i^mi^^^ 

1^ 

H^^PI 

m 

s'^l 

'M 

HI 

M 

1^^ 

*» 

K^^ 

'^ffj 

^^Hl^w  j 

HH 

mm 

of  the  enemy  was  three  hundred  and  sixty-eight  in  killed, 
wounded,  and  missing,  and  about  one  hundred  taken  prisoners. 
One  thousand  of  their  men  deserted  on  their  march.  Both 
parties  claimed  the  victory,  which  was  in  fact  won  by  neither. 
The  advantages,  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  day,  were  in  favor  of 
the  British ;  in  the  after-part,  of  the  Americans.  The  stealthy 
retreat  of  the  former,  moreover,  covered  by  the  darkness,  left  no 
doubt  as  to  which  army  was  best  prepared  to  renew  the  conflict 
with  the  return  of  daylight. 

The  French  fleet,  under  the  Count  D'Estaing,  consisting 
of  twelve  ships  of  the  line  and  six  frigates,  having  on  board 
four  thousand  troops,  arrived  on  the  coast  of  Virginia  about 
the  1st  of  July.  The  design  of  the  French  commander  was 
to  engage  the  British  squadron  in  the  Chesapeake.  But  un- 
fortunately, the  latter  had  sailed  for  New- York  a  few  days  be- 
fore. Thither  the  Count  followed  the  British  admiral,  but  the 
bar  of  the  New- York  harbor  would  not  allow  the  entrance 
of  his  heavy  ships.  An  attack  upon  New- York  thus  proving 
to  be  impracticable,  by  the  advice  of  General  Washington  it 
was  determined  to  make  an  attempt  upon  Rhode  Island,  then 
occupied  by  six  thousand  British  troops  commanded  by  Major 
General  Sir  Robert  Pigott.  General  Sullivan,  with  an  array 
of  ten  thousand  men,  was  lying  in  the  neighborhood  of  Provi- 
dence. Count  D'Estaing  arrived  off"  Newport  on  the  25th  of 
July,  and  arrangements  were  soon  adjusted  between  General 
Sullivan  and  himself  >r  a  combined  attack  upon  the  town  of 
Newport  by  land  and  sea.  The  assault  was  to  be  made  on 
the  9th  of  August,  for  which  purpose  Sullivan  moved  down 
to  Tiverton,  where  he  was  joined  by  General  Greene,  and  the 
ships  of  war  entered  the  channel.  But  the  rnilitia  not  having 
joined  the  regular  troops  so  promptly  as  was  expected,  General 
Sullivan  judged  It  necessary  to  postpone  the  attack  for  a  day  or 
two.  Meantime  Lord  Howe  appeared  oflF  the  harbor  with  the 
British  fleet,  and  the  Count  D'Estaing  immediately  put  to  sea 
to  engage  hira.  The  French  fleet  having  the  weather  gage, 
the  British  admiral  weighed  anchor  and  put  to  sea,  followed  by 
the  Count.  A  storm  separated  the  fleets,  so  that  no  engage- 
ment took  place ;  and  on  his  return  to  port  on  the  19th,  Count 
D'Estaing  found  it  necessary  to  repair  to  Boston  to  refit.  Du- 
ring the  absence  of  the  Count,  however,  while  in  chase  of  Lord 


« 


1778.] 


BATTLE  OF  RHODE  ISLAND. 


347 


Howe,  General  S'  ivan  had  crossed  over  to  the  island,  and  on 
the  16th  laid  siege  to  the  town  of  Newport.  But  when  the 
French  admiral  departed  for  Boston,  the  militia,  disappointed 
and  disheartened  at  being  thus  abandoned  by  their  allies,  left 
the  service  in  such  numbers,  that  Sullivan  was  compelled  to 
raise  the  siege  and  retire.  He  was  pursued  to  the  distance  of 
a  mile  north  of  duaker  Hill,  where,  on  the  29th  of  August,  was 
fought  the  battle  of  Rhode  Island.  It  was  a  sharp  and  obstinate 
engagement  of  half  an  hour,  at  the  end  of  which  the  enemy 
gave  way  and  retreated.  The  loss  of  the  Americans  was  two 
hundred  and  eleven.  That  of  the  enemy  two  hundred  and 
sixty.*  Ascertaining,  soon  afterward,  that  strong  reinforcements 
were  coming  from  New- York  to  the  aid  of  General  Pigott,  a 
resolution  was  immediately  adopted  by  Sullivan  to  evacuate 
the  island.  This  determination  was  executed  on  the  night  of 
the  30th — most  luckily,  as  the  event  proved  ;  for  on  the  very 
next  day  Sir  Henry  Clinton  arrived  at  Newport  with  four 
thousand  troops,  which  reinforcement  would  doubtless  have 
enabled  the  enemy  to  cut  off  the  retreat  of  the  Americans. 

In  September,  after  the  return  of  the  British  troops  to  New- 
ITork,  strong  divisions  moved  northward  on  each  side  of  the 
Hudson  river.  By  a  detachment  of  one  tf  these,  under  Gene^ 
ral  Gray,  a  regiment  of  American  cavalry,  commanded  by  Co- 
lonel Baylor,  was  surprised  while  asleep  at  Tappan,  and  almost 
entirely  cut  off.  The  enemy  rushed  upon  the  sleeping  troopers, 
numbering  one  hundred  anu  four  privates  with  their  bayonets. 
The  loss,  killed,  wounded,  and  taken,  was  sixty-four.  This 
exploit  was  very  similar  to  that  of  the  Paoli,  under  the  same 
General,  the  preceding  year. 

In  consequence  of  the  hostile  spirit  very  generally  and  ex- 
tensively manifested  by  the  Indians — the  great  western  tribes 
becoming  more  and  more  restif— early  in  June,  immediately 
preceding  the  affair  of  Wyoming,  Congress  had  determined 
upon  a  more  enlarged  and  decisive  campaign  against  them. 
This  had,  indeed,  become  the  more  necessary  from  the  bellige- 
rent  indications  among  the  Delawares  and  Sliawanese,  inha- 
biting the  territory  now  forming  the  State  of  Ohio.    At  the 

*  One  of  the  most  brilliant  afTairs  during  this  expedition  was  performed  b);  CoIo> 
nel  John  Trumbull,  who  was  acting  as  a  volunteer  under  Sullivan  at  the  time— «a 
will  be  seen  by  the  Colonel'i  memoirs  when  published. 


348 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[i^'-s. 


i 


mi 
ml 


commencement  of  the  war  Koqiiethagaeehlon,  the  Delaware 
chief  usually  known  as  Captain  White-Eyes,  a  firm  friend  of 
the  Colonies,  had  succeeded  in  preventing  his  people  from  taking 
up  the  hatchet  against  them,  in  opposition  to  the  views  of  his 
rival  chief.  Captain  Pipe.  But  in  the  Spring  of  the  present 
year,  the  policy  of  the  latter  had  well  nigh  prevailed,  through 
the  revengeful  machinations  of  three  celebrated  loyalists,  named 
MKee,  Elliot,  and  Simon  Girty,  who  had  been  confined  at 
Pittsburgh  as  Tories ;  but  who,  efiecting  their  escape,  traversed 
the  Indian  country  to  Detroit,  proclaiming,  as  they  went,  that 
the  Americans  had  resolved  upon  their  destruction,  and  that 
their  only  chance  of  safety  was  to  espouse  the  cause  of  the 
Crown,  and  figh*.  Availing  himself  of  the  excitement  created 
by  those  fugitives,*  Captain  Pipe  assembled  a  large  number  of 
his  warriors,  and  pioclaimed  "every  one  an  enemy  to  his 
"  country  who  should  endeavor  to  persuade  them  against  fight- 
"  ing  the  Americans,  and  declared  that  all  such  ought  surely 
"  to  be  put  to  death."  But  White-Eyes  was  by  no  means  in- 
active in  his  efforts  to  preserve  peace.  Collecting  the  people 
of  his  tribe,  he  addressed  them  with  great  earnestness  and 
pathos.  Observing  that  some  of  his  warriors  were  preparing 
to  take  up  the  hatchet,  he  admonished  them  strongly  against 
such  a  course,  which,  in  the  end,  could  only  bring  upon  them 
sure  destruction.  Still,  if  they  believed  he  was  wrong — if  they 
were  disposed  to  place  more  confidence  in  the  tales  of  those 
whom  he  knew  to  be  fugitives,  than  to  himself,  they  should  not 
go  out  without  him.  "  But  he  would  not  go  out  with  them 
"  like  the  bear-hunter,  who  sets  the  dogs  on  the  animal  to  be 
"  beaten  about  with  his  paws  while  he  keeps  at  a  safe  distance. 
"  No  !  He  would  lead  them  on,  place  himself  in  their  fi-ont, 
"  and  be  the  first  who  should  fall.  They  only  had  to  deter- 
"  mine  what  they  meant  to  do.  As  for  his  own  minct,  it  was 
"  fully  made  up  not  to  survive  his  nation.  And  he  would  not 
"  spend  the  remainder  of  a  miserable  life,  in  bewailing  the  total 
"  destruction  of  a  brave  people  who  deserved  a  better  fate."  t 

The  counsel  of  White-Eyes,  supported  by  a  conciliatory  mes- 
sage, which  was  received  just  in  good  time,  from  the  Americans, 

*  The  names  of  these  men  will  be  of  frequent  recurrence  in  the  subsequent  volume 
of  this  work,  in  connexion  with  the  Indian  wars  of  1789 — 1794. 
t  Drake's  Book  of  the  Indians. 


1778.] 


OELAWAKES   AND  SHAWANESE. 


349 


prevailed  for  the  moment,  and  the  Delawares  came  to  the  unani- 
mous determination  to  follow  his  advice,  and  his  alone.  Avail- 
ing himself  of  the  hour  of  success,  White-Eyes  forthwith  des- 
patched the  following  energetic  letter  to  the  Shawanese  of  the 
Scioto,  who  had  also  been  visited  by  M'Kee,  Elliot,  and  Girty. 

"Grand-children,  ye  Shawanese:  Some  days  ago  a 
flock  of  birds,  that  had  come  on  from  the  East,  lit  at  Goscho- 
chking,  imposing  a  song  of  theirs  upon  us,  which  song  had  nigh 
proved  our  ruin.  Should  these  birds,  which,  on  leaving  us, 
took  their  flight  toward  Scioto,  endeavor  to  impose  a  song  on 
you  likewise,  do  not  listen  to  them,  for  they  lie." 

But  the  hostile  action  of  these  people  was  only  suspended  for 
a  short  time,  and  it  became  necessary  for  more  extended  and 
efficient  operations  against  nearly  the  whole  race.*  In  the  pro- 
ject of  Congress  already  adverted  to,  it  was  intended  that  one 
ex|)edition  should  move  upon  Detroit,  while  General  Gates  was 


V 'I'l'i':.  ■  ■  III;. .1  '■'"  :■ 


*  Indeed,  the  Shawanese  had  not  been  remarkably  quiet  antecedent  to  the  visita- 
tion of  M'Kee,  Elliot,  and  Girty,  since  they  had  for  several  years  been  engaged  in  a 
tystem  of  predatory  warfare  against  the  celebrated  Colonel  Daniel  Boon  and  his  ad- 
venturous companions,  almost  from  the  day  they  made  their  appearance  upon  the 
banks  of  the  Ohio,  with  their  families,  in  1773,  when  the  settlement  of  the  present 
State  of  Kentucky  was  commenced.  Boon  had  been  engaged  with  Lord  Dunmore 
in  hia  war  against  the  Shawrnese  in  1774.  In  the  following  year  he  was  attacked 
Id  Boonsborough,  his  principal  settlement ;  and  through  the  entire  years  of  1776  and 
1777,  hostilities  were  actively  prosecuted  by  the  savages  against  the  advancing  Co« 
lonists.  In  one  of  the  earlier  battles  Boon  had  lost  a  son.  A  second  son  fell  a(\er- 
vard,  and  hia  daughter  was  taken  a  captive,  but  bravely  rescued  by  the  chivalrous 
father.  'In  Ap.il,  t777,  the  Indians  so  divided  their  forces  as  to  fall  upon  all  the  in- 
fant settlements  at  on  re,  and  their  little  forts  only  saved  the  people  from  destruction. 
On  tlie  15th  of  April,  Boonsborough  was  attacked  by  one  hundred  Indians,  at  which 
lime  the  inhabitants  suffered  severely.  On  the  19th,  Colonel  Logan's  fort  was  at- , 
tacked  by  a  force  of  two  hundred  Indians,  but  they  were  repulsed  by  the  garrison, 
coDiisting  of  only  thirteen  men — two  of  whom  were  killed.  Reinforcements  arriv- 
ing from  Virginia,  the  skirmishes  became  almost  daily.  In  February  of  the  present 
year,  (1778)  Boonsborough  was  again  attacked,  and  the  gallant  Colonel  himself 
taken  prisoner.  He  was  taken  first  to  Chilicothe,  and  thence  to  Detroit,  where  he 
was  treated  with  humanity  by  Colonel  Hamilton,  the  Governor,  who  offered  the  In* 
dians  £100  if  they  would  surrender  him  into  his  hands,  that  he  might  liberate  him 
on  his  parole.  But  having  imbibed  a  strong  affection  for  their  most  subtle  and  suc- 
cessful enemy,  the  Indians  declined  the  offer.  Taking  him  back  to  Chilicothe,  the 
Colonel  was  duly  adopted  into  one  of  the  Shawanese  families  as  a  son,  to  whom  his 
new  parents  became  strongly  attached.  He  soon  acquired  their  confidence  to  such 
an  extent,  that  they  allowed  him  to  wander  ofij  and  hunt  by  himself.  Ascertaining, 
limever,  that  they  were  meditating  another  descent  upon  Boonsborough,  he  ab> 
Konded,  and,  eluding  pursuit,  reached  his  home  on  the  80th  of  June. 


350 


LIFE  OF  BRANT. 


[1778. 


instructed  by  resolution  to  co-operate  with  that  expedition  by 
carrying  the  war  into  the  Seneca  country,  and  also  to  dispos- 
sess the  enemy  of  Oswego,  should  he  be  found  in  the  occu- 
pancy  of  that  post.  It  appears,  that  at  the  very  moment  of  the 
invasion  of  Wyoming,  there  was  a  delegation  of  Seneca  chiefs 
at  Philadelphia ;  but  having  taken  their  departure  without  com- 
municating with  the  government,  a  resolution  was  passed  by 
Congress,  immediately  upon  the  receipt  of  Colonel  Z.  Butler's 
despatches,  instructing  the  Board  of  War  to  send  after  the  chiefs, 
and  ascertain  from  them  in  what  character,  and  for  what  pur- 
poses, they  had  made  the  sr'd  visit ;  and  also  to  inquire  whether 
the  Seneca  warriors  had  not  been  engaged  in  hostilities  against 
the  United  States.  On  the  16th  of  July  information  was  re- 
ceived that  the  chiefs  refused  to  return,  and  instructions  to 
General  Schuyler  were  proposed,  directing  him  to  intercept  and 
detain  them  at  Albany.  The  motion  was  negatived ;  but  on 
the  25th  of  July,  Congress  having  ascertained  that  the  Senecas 
were  actually  engaged  in  the  invasion  of  Wyoming,  "  aided  by 
"  Tories  and  other  banditti  from  the  frontiers  of  New- York, 
"New  Jersey,  and  Pennsylvania,"  it  was  resolved  that  the 
expedition  against  the  hostiles  of  the  Six  Nations  should  be 
forwarded  with  all  possible  despatch.  In  the  mean  time,  how- 
ever, from  the  expensiveness  of  the  undertaking,  the  expedition 
against  Detroit  was  reluctantly  abandoned ;  but  in  lieu  there- 
of. General  M'Intosh,  commanding  the  Western  department, 
was  ordered  to  proceed  from  Pittsburgh  against  those  of  the 
Indian  towns  the  destruction  of  which,  in  his  opinion,  would 
tend  most  effectually  to  intimidate  and  chastise  them.*  M'In- 
tosh had  been  stationed  at  Pittsburgh  early  in  the  Spring,  and 
with  a  small  party  of  regulars  and  militia,  had  descended  the 
Ohio  about  thirty  miles,  and  erected  a  fort,  which  was  called  by 
his  own  name,  at  Beavertown.  It  was  a  small  work,  built  of 
strong  stockades,  and  furnished  with  bastions  mounting  one 
six  pounder  each.  The  situation  was  well  chosen,  as  a  point 
affording  the  best  facilities  for  intercepting  the  war  parties  of 
the  western  Indians,  in  their  frequent  hostile  incursions  the 
present  year. 

This  expedition  was  iioubtless  judged  the  more  important 
from  the  increasing  audacity  of  the  Indians  on  the  Ohio  border 

*  Journals  of  Con ;  ess,  vol.  iv.  pages,  343,  398,  415,  427. 


irra] 


COLONEL   DANIEL   BOON. 


351 


of  Virginia,  now  forming  the  State  of  Kentucky.  In  August, 
Colonel  Boon  had  led  a  small  band  of  nineteen  men  against 
one  of  the  Indian  towns  on  the  Scioto,  before  reaching  which 
he  fell  in  with  and  dispersed  a  party  of  forty  Indians  then  on 
their  way  to  Boonsborough.  The  Colonel  found  the  town  at 
Point  Creek  deserted ;  and  learned  that  their  whole  force  had 
gone  against  his  own  settlement,  to  the  defence  of  which  he 
was  consequently  compelled  to  hasten  back.  Fortunately  he 
anticipated  their  arrival  by  a  few  hours,  and  was  enabled  to 
prepare  his  little  garrison  for  defence.  On  the  8th  of  August 
the  Indians,  to  the  number  of  about  four  hundred  and  fifty,  ar- 
rived before  the  fort,  led,  in  addition  to  their  own  chiefs,  by 
Captain  Duquesne,  and  eleven  other  Canadian  Frenchmen. 
The  garrison  was  formally  summoned  to  surrender,  which  sum- 
mons was  peremptorily  refused.  A  treaty  was  then  proposed 
by  the  besiegers,  and  acceded  to  ;  the  Indians  requiring  that 
nine  men  should  be  sent  out  to  them  as  negotiators.  But  this 
movement  proved  to  be  an  artifice,  by  means  of  which  they 
hoped  to  gain  access  to  the  fort.  An  attempt  to  grapple  with 
and  carry  off  the  nine  negotiators,  though  happily  unsuccess 
ful,  disclosed  their  treacherous  design.  The  besiegers  then  at 
tempted  a  regular  approach  from  the  river's  brink  by  mining ; 
but  finding  that  the  garrison  had  discovered  their  purpose,  and 
were  engaged  in  countermining  them,  the  siege  was  abandoned 
on  the  20th  of  August.  The  loss  of  the  enemy  was  thirty-seven 
killed  and  a  much  larger  number  wounded.  The  loss  of  the 
garrison  was  only  two  men  killed  and  four  wounded. 

But.  as  we  have  seen,  the  expedition  of  General  M'Intosh,  as 
authorized  by  the  vote  of  Congress  recently  cited,  was  specially 
destined  against  the  Sandusky  towns.  It  was  commanded  by  the 
General  himself,  and  consisted  of  one  thousand  men ;  but  such 
were  the  delays  in  getting  it  on  foot,  that  the  ofllcers,  on  arriving 
at  Tuscarawa,  judged  it  imprudent  to  proceed  farth  nt  such 
an  advanced  season  of  the  ye^^r.  They  therefore  halted  at  that 
place,  and  built  Fort  Laurens,  in  which  M'Intosh  left  a  gar- 
rison of  one  hundred  and  fifty  men  under  the  command  of  Co- 
lonel John  Gibson,  and  returned  himself  to  Fort  Pitt  for  the 
winter.* 

Connected  with  these  distant  Indian  operations,  of  the  Sum> 

•  Doddridge's  Indian  Wan. 


f|i» 


It? 


fiUI 


jM 


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..'11;  '!(       [l.J.l 


"■•mi 


.f-%i"l 


332 


LIFE   OF   BR/ NT. 


[1778 


i 


I 


mer  of  1778,  was  one  equally  distinguished  by  the  boldness  of 
its  conception  and  the  brilliancy  of  i^  execution.    The  increas- 
ing hostility  of  the  remote  tribes  upon  the  waters  of  the  Missis- 
sippi and  its  tributaries,  had  induced  a  belief  that  a  powerful 
influence  must  have  been  exerted  upon  their  minds  by  the  set- 
tlements planted  long  before  at  Kaskaskias,  and  in  the  country 
of  the  upper  Mississippi,  by  the  F-ench,  in  connexion  with 
Canada.    For  the  purpose  of  striking  at  once  at  the  root  of  the 
evil,  an  expedition  was  organized  early  in  the  season,  the  object 
of  which  was  to  invade  and  take  possession  of  those  settlements. 
The  command  was  entrusted  to  Colonel  George  Rogers  Clarke, 
of  Virginia,  a  bold  and  experienced  border  oflicer,  and  his 
whole  force,  destined  to  penetrate  twelve  hundred  miles  through 
a  wilderness,  which  was  in  fac^  the  enemy's  country,  did  not 
exceed  two  hundred  men.    The  rendezvous  of  this  little  army 
was  at  the  great  Kanhawa,  where  they  were  attacked  by  a 
superior  Indian  force  before  their  embarkation.    But  finding 
they  were  not  able  to  make  any  impression  upon  the  fort,  the 
assailants  drew  off,  having  killed  but  one  man  and  wounded 
one  or  two  more.    Descending  to  the  falls  of  the  Ohio,  a  small 
fort  was  erected  at  that  place,  in  which-  a  garrison  was  left  of 
ten  or  twelve  families.    Arriving  within  about  sixty  miles  of 
the  mouth  of  the  Ohio,  the  troops  were  landed,  and,  with  only 
four  days'  provisions,  marched  for  the  Illinois.    They  reached 
the  precincts  of  Kaskaskias  at  midnight  on  the  sixth  day, 
having  marched  two  days  without  food,  and  determined  forth- 
with, and  unanimously,  to  take  the  town  or  die  in  the  attempt. 
The  town  was  strongly  fortified,  and  contained  about  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  well-built  houses ;  but  the  approach  of  the  invaders 
was  unknown :  the  people  and  the  garrison  were  alike  slum- 
bering in  security ;  and  both  town  and  fort  were  taken — the 
latter  being  carried  by  surprise,  although  the  defences  were  suf- 
ciently  strong  to  resist  r.  thousand  men.    The  commanding 
officer,  Philip  Bocheblave,  was  u^Ab  prisoner ;  and  among  his 
papers,  falling  into  the  hands  of  Celonel  Clarke,  were  the  instruc- 
tions which  he  had  from  time  to  time  received  from  the  British 
Governors  of  duebec,  Detroit,  and  Michilimackinack,  urging 
him  to  stimulate  the  Indians  to  war  by  the  proffer  of  large 
bounties  for  scalps.    Rocheblaye  was  sent  a  prisoner  to  Wil- 


1778.] 


COLONEL  CLARKE  S  EXPEDITION. 


363 


liamsburgh  in  Virginia,  and  with  him  were  sent  the  papers 
taken  from  his  portfolio. 

On  ihe  day  after  the  fall  of  Kaskaskias,  Captain  Joseph 
Bowman,  at  the  head  of  thirty  mounted  men,  was  sent  to  attack 
three  other  towns  upon  the  Mississippi,  the  first  of  which, 
called  Parraderuski,  distant  fifteen  miles  from  Kaskaskias,  was 
surprised,  and  taken  without  opposition — the  inhabitants  at 
once  assenting  to  the  terms  of  the  conqueror.  The  next  town 
was  St.  Philips,  distant  nine  miles  farther  up.  The  force  of 
Captain  Bowman  was  so  small,  that  he  wisely  determined  to 
make  a  descent  upon  St.  Philips  in  the  night,  that  his  strength, 
or  rather  his  weakness,  might  be  concealed.  The  precaution 
ensured  success ;  and  the  inhabitants,  with  whom  the  whole 
negotiation  was  conducted  in  the  night,  acceded  to  the  terms 
prescribed.  From  St.  Philips,  Captain  Bowman  directed  his 
course  upon  the  yet  more  considerable  town  of  Cauhow,  distant 
between  forty  and  fifty  miles.  This  town  contained  about  one 
hundred  families,  and  was  also  approached  secretly,  and  entered 
in  the  night.  Captain  Bowman,  with  his  troop,  rode  directly 
to  the  quarters  of  the  commander,  and  demanded  the  surrender 
of  himself  and  the  whole  town,  which  was  immediately  com- 
R  plied  with.  Taking  possession  of  a  large  stone  house,  well 
■^  Ibrtfied,  the  "  bold  dragoon  "  immediately  established  his  quar- 
lors  therein,  and  awaited  the  morning's  dawn,  which  wonld 
disclose  to  the  people  the  diminutive  force  to  which  they  had 
surrendered.  Enraged  at  the  discovery,  one  of  the  enemy 
threatened  to  bring  a  body  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  Indians 
against  the  little  American  squadron,  and  cut  them  off.  Btatihe 
was  secured,  and  in  the  course  of  ten  days  upward  of  three 
hundred  of  the  inhabitants  became  so  reconciled  to  their 
change  of  masters,  as  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to^  the 
United  States.  Leaving  a  small  guard  at  Cauhow,  Captain 
Bowman  returned  to  Kaskaskias.* 

But  the  enemy  on  the  New- York  frontiers  were  by  no  means 
inactive.  In  addition  to  the  severe  affair  in  the  Cobleskill  set- 
tienient,  in  which  Captain  Christian  Brown  was  the  leader;  of 

*  The  facts  connected  with  this  expedition  of  Colonel  Clarke,  are  drawn  from  m 
letter  of  Captain  Bowman  to  Colonel  John  Hito  of  Virginia.  See  Almon*s  Amert»^ 
can  Remembrancer,  voL  vi.  pp.  82, 83.  The  settlements  thus  taken  were  imae< 
diatcly  erected  by  Virginia  into  a  county,  called  lUinoia. 


V'\  li 


364 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1778. 


the  American  militia  and  a  small  band  of  regulars,  as  noted 
in  the  last  preceding  chapter  but  one,  a  large  band  of  Indians 
and  Tories,  under  the  conduct  of  Brant  and  Barent.Frey,  broke 
into  the  same  district  at  the  close  of  May,  and  inflicted  no 
small  degree  of  damage  by  the  destruction  of  both  life  and 
properly.  They  were  met  by  Captain  Patrick,  belonging  to 
Colonel  Alden's  regiment,  and  a  handful  of  troops,  who  were 
entirely  cut  to  pieces.  Captain  Patrick  fell  early  in  the  engage- 
ment. His  lieutenant,  a  corporal,  and  nineteen  men,  were  also 
killed.  The  command  ihen  devolved  upon  a  sergeant,  who 
fought  bravely,  as  all  had  done.  But  they  were  surrounded 
by  a  force  greatly  superior  in  numbers,  and  but  four  men,  ex- 
clusive of  the  sergeant,  escaped — all  wounded.  The  bodies  of 
Patrick  and  his  lieutenant  were  shockingly  mutilated.  A  por- 
tion  of  the  settlement  was  burnt,  and  the  settlement  of  Tur'ock, 
in  the  same  vicinity,  was  also  rayaged.* 

Nor  was  this  all.  In  the  course  of  the  Summer,  and  proba- 
bly at  about  the  time  of  Colonel  Hartley's  expedition  into  the 
country  above  Wyoming,  one  of  the  M'Donalds,  who  had  fied 
from  Johnstown,  a  loyalist  oflScer,  distinguished  for  his  activity, 
made  a  sudden  irruption  into  tlie  Schoharie  settlements,  at  the 
head  of  about  three  hundred  Tories  and  Indians,  burning 
houses,  and  killing  and  mf>king  prisoners  such  of  the  inhabi- 
tants as  came  in  his  way,  and  were  not  able  to  make  their 
escape.  The  little  fortress  of  Schohprie  was  occupied  by  a 
small  garrison,  commanded  by  Colonel  Vrooman — one  of  that 
class  of  men  who,  though  officers,  are  certain  never  to  be  called 
soldiers.  They  saw  the  ravages  of  the  enemy — the  conflagra- 
tions by  night  rendering  visible  the  acts  of  outrage  committed 
by  day — ^but  from  their  own  weakness  dared  not  to  venture 
forth,  or  make  u  show  of  opposition.  The  brave  Colonel 
Harper  was  in  the  fort  with  Vrooman,  and  was  little  satisfied 
with  the  course  of  that  officer.    Leaving  the  fort,  therefore 

*  The  only  account  of  this  affair  whi(  '^  the  author  hag  discovered,  was  found  ac- 
cidentally  among  the  papers  of  General  Gansevoort,  af\er  the  fourteenth  chapter  had 
been  printed.  It  is  contained  in  a  letter  from  Colonel  Richard  Varick  to  Colonel 
Gansevoort,  ..'ated  Schenectady,  June  3,  177S,  which  states  that  the  invasion  tooli 
place  on  the  preceding  Saturday.  Had  this  letter  been  sooner  discovered,  the  inci- 
dent would  have  been  inserted  in  more  exact  chronological  order— since  the  affair 
in  which  Captain  Brown  was  the  American  commander,  occurred,  as  related  in  the 
fourteenth  chapter,  from  Brown's  narraUve,  mere  than  a  month  afterward. 


1778.] 


IRRUPTIONS    INTO   SCHOHARIE. 


868 


himself,  I;e  succeeded  in  making  his  way  through  the  enemy, 
mounted  his  horse,  and  started  express  for  Albany,  His  move- 
ment was  discovered,  and  several  Tories  and  Indians  were 
despatched  in  pursuit.  They  overtook  him  in  the  r.ight  at  an 
inn  at  Fox's  Creek,  after  ho  had  retired  to  bed.  Hearing  the 
noise  below,  the  Colonel  sprang  up  in  full  panoply,  and  as 
they  broke  open  the  door  which  he  had  locked,  he  presented 
his  arms  with  such  earnestness,  that  they  recoiled.  Standing 
upon  the  watch  until  the  dawn  of  morning,  he  again  succeeded 
in  getting  to  horse,  and  rode  off.  One  of  the  Indians  followed 
him  almost  to  Albany — the  Colonel  being  obliged  frequently  to 
turn  upon  his  dusky  pursuer,  who  as  often  took  to  his  heels  as 
his  pursuit  was  discovered.  Having  communicated  the  situa- 
tion of  affairs  in  the  Schoharie  valley  to  Colonel  Gansevoort, 
a  squadron  of  cavalry  was  forthwith  detached  to  their  assist- 
ance. The  detachment  rode  all  night,  and  early  on  the  fol- 
lowing morning,  to  the  great  joy  of  the  terrified  inhabitants 
who  remained,  the  tramp  of  hoofs  announced  the  approach  of 
succors.  The  spirited  light-horse-men  had  no  sooner  sounded 
a  charge  and  made  a  dash  upon  the  besiegers,  led  on  by  Har- 
per, than  the  troops  sallied  out  from  the  fort,  and  a  precipitate 
retreat  "f  the  enemy  was  the  consequence.* 

The  people. of  Schoharie  had  suffered  severely  from  the 
scouts  and  scalping  parties  of  the  enemy  during  the  Summer ; 
but  their  bravery  in  individual  contests  had  amply  avenged 
their  wrongs.  On  one  occasion  a  party  of  seven  Itidians  made 
prisoner  of  a  Mr.  Sawyer,  whom  they  bound,  and  marched  off 
into  the  wilderness.  Having  proceeded  eight  or  ten  miles, 
they  laid  themselves  down  to  sleep  for  the  night.  But  their 
prisoner  had  been  less  effectually  secured  than  they  supposed. 
In  the  course  of  the  night  he  succeeded  in  disengaging  his 
hands,  and  cautiously  taking  a  hatchet  from  the  girdle  of  one 
of  the  Indians,  he  despatched  six  of  them  in  rapid  succession, 
and  wounded  the  seventh,  who  made  his  escape.  Having  thus 
relif'-jd  himself  of  his  keepers,  Sawyer  returned  home  in 
safety,  and  at  his  leisure.t 

Soon  after  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Wil- 
liam Butler,  with  one  of  the  Pennsylvania  regiments  and  a 
detachment  of  Morgan's  riflemen,  was  ordered  to  the  North, 

*  Letter  of  Rev.  Mr.  Fenn,  oTHarpersfield.  t  Campbell's  Annali. 


fiiii 


;,..r'-i''!?M;','':!''i:^ 


iff 'K|", 


366 


LIFR   OF   BRANT. 


[irra 


UHi 


I 


:atioaed  at  Scholmric.  Butler  was  a  brave  and  expe- 
riuiiced  officer,  especially  quolified  for  the  service  upon  which 
he  was  appointed.*  His  arrival  in  Sclioharie  had  a  salu- 
tary effect,  by  discouraging  the  disaffected,  and  by  the  presence 
of  a  stronger  force  than  had  yet  been  among  them,  estoblishing 
the  confidence  and  reviving  the  spirits  of  the  people.  Several 
of  his  scouting  parties  also  returned  with  good  success.  At- 
tached to  the  rifle  corps,  under  Captain  Long,  v.'cre  ^veral  bold 
spirits,  who  signalized  themselves  so  greatly  in  the  partisan 
warfare  in  which  they  were  engaged,  that  many  of  their  ex- 
ploits are  freshly  remernl)ered  among  the  inhabitants  of  Scho- 
harie to  this  daJ^  Of  this  number  were  David  Elcrson,  and  a 
Virginian  named  Murphy.  The  first  expedition  of  Captain 
Long  was  directed  to  the  valley  of  the  Charlotte  river — one  of 
the  upper  tributaries  of  the  Susquehanna,  flowing  from  the 
mountains  south  of  Schoharie.  The  object  was  to  arrest  and 
bring  to  the  fort  a  conspicuous  Tory  living  upon  that  stream, 
named  Service.  His  house  being  a  point  of  rendezvous  and 
supply  for  the  Tory  and  Indian  scouts,  it  was  desirable  that  it 
should  be  broken  up.  While  on  his  way  to  the  place  of  desti- 
nation, it  was  the  good  fortune  of  Captain  Long  to  intercept  a 
company  of  Tories,  enlisted  for  the  King's  service,  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Catskill,  by  a  Captain  Smith,  who  were  then  on 
their  way  to  join  Sir  John  Johnson  at  Niagara.  Smith  was 
killed  by  the  simultaneous  shots  of  Elerson  and  his  Captain  — 
they  being  a  few  rods  in  advance  at  the  moment  when  the  Tory 
leader  emerged  at  the  head  of  his  men  from  a  thicket.  His 
followers  fled  in  every  direction.  They  had  intended  to  lodge 
that  night  with  Service  ;  but  that  unfortunate  man  had  guests 
of  quite  another  character.  While  unapprised  of  danger,  his 
house  was  surrounded  by  the  troops  of  Long,  when  in  an  in- 
stant Murphy  and  Elerson  rushed  in,  and  made  him  a  prisoner. 
Having  been  informed  that  he  must  accompany  them  to  Scho- 
harie, on  leaving  his  house  he  seized  an  axe  standing  by  the 
door,  which  he  poised,  and  directed  for  a  blow  at  the  head  of 
Murphy.  The  latter  was  too  quick-sighted  to  receive  it ;  but 
as  he  sprang  aside  to  avoid  the  descending  weapon,  Service  fell 
dead  from  the  rifle  of  Elerson. 
After  his  term  of  enlistment  had  expired,  Murphy  remained 

•  Letter  of  Waahington  to  GeDeral  Stark. 


1778.] 


AFFAIRS    AT   FORT   SCHUYLER. 


357 


in  Scholmric,  and  made  war  on  his  own  account.  He  was  as 
retnarkablo  for  his  fleetness,  as  for  his  courage  ond  great  pre- 
cision in  firing.  He  used  a  double-barrelled  rifle ;  and  the  fact 
of  his  frequently  firing  twice  in  succession,  without  stopping  to 
load,  and  always  bringing  down  his  man,  rendered  him  a  ter- 
ror to  the  Indians.  Not  knowing  the  peculiar  construction  of 
his  rifle,  they  were  impressed  with  the  belief  that  it  was  a 
charmed  weapon,  and  supposed  he  could  continue  firing  as 
long  and  as  often  as  he  pleased  without  loading  at  all.  Hu 
fought  the  savages  after  their  own  fashion— was  more  than 
their  equal  in  stratagem  or  with  his  heels — and  the  greater  the 
apparent  danger  he  was  encountering,  the  greater  was  his  de- 
light, Wheu  he  had  opportunity,  he  took  pattern  of  the  In- 
dians in  scalping  those  who  fell  by  his  unerring  r.im ;  and  it 
was  snid  that  he  killed  forty  of  their  warriors  with  his  own 
hands. 

Colonel  Gansevoort  yet  remained  in  the  command  of  Fort 
Schuyler,  ond  was  continued  there  during  nearly  the  whole 
ye;\r,  although,  wearied  by  inaction,  Willett,  and  others  of  his 
officers,  made  a  strong  ond  forma!  Jort  to  be  relieved,  that 
their  regiment  might  have  an  oppor  unity  to  distinguish  them- 
f elves  in  the  field  with  the  main  army.  At  Fort  Schuyler 
they  could  have  little  else  to  do  than  observe  the  motions  of  the 
enemy  on  the  lakes  and  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  to  watch,  and 
occasionally  cut  off,  a  hostile  party  when  venturing  too  near 
the  garrison.  But  from  the  correspondence  of  the  officers,  it 
would  appear  that  the  troops  of  the  garrison  must  have  been 
the  severest  sufferers  from  this  petty  mode  of  warfare,  since  the 
enemy  seemed  ever  to  be  hovering  in  the  precincts,  ready  to 
bring  down  or  t?  rry  into  captivity  snch  straggling  soldiers  as 
ventured  beyond  musket-shot  from  the  fort.* 

*  Ab  an  example  of  thcie  individual  murders^  the  foilowint^  passage  is  copied 
Troi.  a  MS.  letter  from  Major  Robert  Cochmn  to  Colonel  Gansevoort,  dated  Sept. 
8, '.<<<3.  During  the  occasional  absenccii  of  Colonel  Gansevoort,  Major  Cochran 
was  in  command  of  the  post: — "Tliis  morning,  Benjamin  Acker,  of  Captain  De 
Witt's  company,  who  was  out  in  the  meadow,  was  killed  and  scalped  by  a  party  of 
Indians,  who  were  seen  and  fired  at  by  the  sentinel  near  Brodnck's  house.  I  heard 
the  firin<'  in  my  room,  and  ran  to  the  officer  of  the  guard  to  know  what  waa  the 
matter.  I  waa  informed  that  a  party  of  Indians  had  fired  upon  one  of  our  men  who 
had  gone  to  catch  a  horse,  and  that  he  had  either  been  killed  or  taken  prisoner.  I 
ordered  Captain  Bleecker  to  go  out  immediately,  with  the  guard  just  parading,  to  Me 


til 


m'tj- 


IP-'      '/■•''ll.ri       .    .,   ■, 

m 


368 


LIKE    OF    BRANT. 


1778. 


Early  in  July,  Lieutenmit  M'ClelInn,  nn  nrfWc  nnrl  olTiriont 
officer,  was  sent  with  a  sninll  party  to  destroy  the  buildings  and 
public  worlds  nt  Oswej^o,  which  it  was  ascertained  were  not  nt 
that  moment  in  the  occupation  of  the  enemy.  The  object  of 
the  expedition  was  accomplished  and  the  buildings  where  burnt 
to  the  ground,  together  with  a  quantity  of  ammunition,  pro- 
visions, and  other  public  stores.  It  seems  unaccountable  that 
this  post  should  have  been  left  thus  wholly  luiprotccted  ;  the 
only  occupants  found  l)y  tlie  American  party  being  a  woman 
and  her  children,  and  a  lad  fourteen  ynius  old.  The  woman 
and  her  family,  together  with  her  furniture  and  a  suitable 
supply  of  provisions,  were  placed  in  an  out-building,  and  left 
without  farther  molestation.  The  boy  wos  brought  off  as  a 
prisoner,  and  furnished  some  important  information  touching 
the  movements  of  the  enemy  between  their  island  rendezvous 
in  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  Niagara.* 

But  Colonel  Gansovoort  had  some  serious  troubles  to  en- 
counter within  the  garrison,  and  some  painful  duties  tocxecuto. 
Nothwithstanding  the  high  character  which  the  forces  consti- 
tuting the  garrison  had  ocquired,  and  tlie  sound  patriotism  of 
his  officers,  the  spirit  of  disaffection  appeared  among  them  in 
the  Spring,  and  the  early  part  of  the  Summer,  to  an  alarming 
extent.  Distant  as  was  the  post  of  Fort  Schuyler  from  New- 
York,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  had  succeeded  iu  the  introduction  of 
an  emissary  within  the  fort,  in  the  character  of  u  recruit.  His 
name  was  Samuel  Geake.  He  was  an  American  soldier,  and 
had  been  corrupted  while  a  prisoner  in  New- York,  whence  he 
was  sent  forth,  in  company  with  Major  Hammell,  also  an  Ame- 
rican prisoner,  whose  virtue  yielded  to  the  all-subduing  ipoxiret 
of  gold.t     Geake  accompanied  Hammell  to  Poughkeepsie, 

if  he  could  find  him  dead  or  alive.  They  found  Acker  lying  dead.  He  was  scalped, 
and  a  weapon  about  two  feet  and  a  half  long,  like  this  " — [here  Major  Cochran  gave 
a  drawing  of  the  instrument — a  war  club,  with  a  blade  like  the  spear  of  a  lance  in- 
•erted  in  the  side,  near  the  upper  end  of  it,] — "  lying  near  him.  This  lance-head 
had  been  stuck  several  times  in  his  body.  It  is  supposed  to  have  been  left  behind 
on  purpose,  as  there  were  several  marks  on  it,  denoting  the  number  of  persons  killed 
and  scalps  taken  by  the  means  of  it." — [Captain  Bleecker  mentioned  in  the  forego- 
ing extract,  is  the  venerable  Leonard  Bleecker,  yet  living  at  Sing  Sing.  He  was  a 
very  active  and  efficient  officer  at  Fort  Schuyler  for  a  long  time.] 

•  MS.  draft  of  a  letter  from  Colonel  Gansevoort  to  General  Stark,  July  10, 1778. 

t  Hammell  was  Brigade-major  to  General  James  Clinton,  and  had  been  taken  by 
Sir  Henry  Clinton  at  the  storming  of  Fort  Montgomery.    Aecording  to  Geake'i 


iv(!  nnfi  pfTiriont 
he  buildings  and 
ined  were  not  nt 
The  object  of 
inga  where  burnt 
mmunition,  pro- 
accountable  that 
lui  protected ;  the 
r  being  a  woman 
Id.  The  woman 
e  and  a  suitable 
building,  and  left 
brought  off  as  a 
rmation  touching 
sland  rendezvous 

)us  troubles  to  en- 
I  duties  to  execute. 
I  the  forces  consti- 
pund  patriotism  of 
!d  among  them  in 
er,  to  an  alarming 
huyler  from  New- 
the  introduction  of 
■  of  a  recruit.    His 
erican  soldier,  and 
r-York,  whence  he 
imell,  also  an  Ame- 
all-subduing  power 
to  Poughkeepsie, 

g  dead.    He  was  scalped, 

>ere  Major  Cochran  gave 

e  the  spear  of  a  lance  in- 

ix  him.    This  lance-head 

to  hare  been  left  behind 

I  number  of  persons  killed 

mentioned  in  the  forego- 

at  Sing  Sing.    He  was  a 

;  Ume.] 

leral  Stark,  July  10, 1T78. 

9n,  and  had  been  taken  by 
Acooriing  to  Geake'i 


1778.] 


AFFAIRS   AT   FORT   SCHUYLER. 


369 


where,  in  furtherance  of  his  iniquitous  designs,  he  enlisted  in 
Captain  Abraham  Swartwout's  company,*  and  was  transferred 
to  Fort  Schuyler,  to  join  Colonel  Gansevoort's  regiment ;  into 
which  place,  for  specific  objects,  he  was  instructed  to  insinuate 
hinuielf  by  an  aid- de-camp  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton.  After  Ham- 
meirs  arrest,  Colonel  Yarick  wrote  to  Gansevoort,  putting  him 
on  his  guard  as  to  the  character  of  Geake.  A  sergeant  named 
Kartele  was  employed  by  Colonel  Gansevoort  to  ingratiate 
himself  in  Geuke's  confidence,  and,  if  possible,  ascertafn  his 
true  character,  and  penetrate  his  designs.  The  commission 
was  successfully  executed  by  the  sergeant,  and  the  whole  cir- 
cumstances of  Hammell's  employment  by  the  enemy,  and  his 
own,  were  elicited.  Geake  was  thereupon  arrested,  but  not 
until  he  had  made  great  progress  in  his  designs,  and  was  on 
the  eve  of  desertion,  for  the  purpose  of  joiuing  the  British  army 
in  Philadelphia.  He  was  tried  by  a  court-martial,  made  a  full 
confession,  and,  with  his  confederates,  was  sentenced  to  death.t 
The  sentence  was  not  carried  into  execution  against  GeakSj 
not  only  because  the  constitution  of  the  court  was  irregular, 
but  because  of  the  desire  of  the  Commander-in-chief  to  spare 
him  as  a  witness  against  Hammell,  as  will  presently  appear. 
The  following  documents  will  complete  this  section  of  the  pro- 
ceedings at  Fort  Schuyler : — 

confemion,  Hammell  was  employed  in  the  commissary  of  prisonera'  department, 
by  the  British  officers  in  New- York,  before  he  was  sent  out  upon  his  mission  of 
treason.  Oeneral  James  Clinton,  by  the  way,  was  not  taken  at  Fort  Montgomery, 
as  stated  in  the  text  account  of  that  aflair.  Though  wounded,  he  escaped  ;  although 
hii  brother,  the  Governor,  supposed  him  to  be  a  prisoner,  when  he  wrote  his  official 
account  to  the  Committee  of  Safety. 

*  Captain  Swmrtwout  was  with  Gansevoort  at  the  siege  of  Fort  Schuyler,  and 
gave  his  cloth  cloak  to  form  the  blue  stnpes  of  the  flag  spoken  of  in  the  account 
of  the  siege,  as  being  made  up  for  the  occasion. 

t  These  facts  have  been  gathered  from  the  proceedings  of  the  court-martial,  pre- 
served among  General  Gansevoort's  papers.  The  president  of  the  court  was  Cap- 
tain Gregg,  who  had  been  shot,  tomaluiwked,  and  scalped,  the  year  before.  Ao- 
cording  to  Geake's  confession,  Hammell  was  promised  a  Colonelcy  of  a  new  Irish 
regiment  to  be  raised  from  deserters  from  the  American  army,  and  such  others  aa 
they  could  enlist  Geake  was  to  receive  a  commission  as  lieutenant.  His  mission 
to  Fort  Schuyler  was  to  acquire  accurate  knowledge  of  its  strength  and  the 
extent  of  its  supplies— <o  induce  as  many  of  the  ganiaon  to  desert  as  possibI&-^and 
to  spike  the  OMioon  «i  their  departure. 


-i    T 


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I'l 


wM 


mMM 
fii 


i  ■  ^"W: '■:>■'■ 


m-i 


'% 


360 


LIFE   OF  BRANT. 


[1778 


11; 


Colonel  Gansevoort  to  General  Washington. 


«  Fort  Schuyler,  August  13,  1778. 


"  Sir, 


"I  have  the  unhappiness  to  inform  your  Excellency  that 
desertion  has  lately  been  very  frequent  from  this  garrison. 
Since  the  26th  of  iast  March  we  have  had  three  sergeants,  two 
corporals,  and  twenty  privates  desert  from  this  battalion,  besides 
one  bombardier,  one  gunner,  and  one  other  from  the  artillery. 
Before  the  date  above  mentioned,  several  soldiers  had  been 
tried  by  a  general  Court  Martial  at  this  garrison  for  desertion, 
but  never  received  the  punishment  due  their  crimes.  The  sen- 
tences of  these  diflferent  courts  martial  were  carefully  sent  to 
the  commanding  General  of  this  Department,*  but  no  returns 
have  been  evtr  received.  Some  time  in  June  last.  Colonel 
Varick  informed  me  that  a  recruit,  who  had  just  joined  our  bat- 
talion, was  suspected  of  being  a  confederate  with  Major  Ham- 
moll.  I  ordered  his  conduct  to  be  narrowly  inspected.  He 
was  detected  in  the  fact  of  corrupting  and  enticing  the  soldiers 
to  desert.  Upon  being  apprehended,  he  confessed  that  he  came 
upon  such  designs,  and  was  sent  by  an  aid-de-camp  of  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  as  a  spy — to  endeavor  to  enlist  what  Irishmen 
he  could  from  the  American  army.  There  was  every  appear- 
ance of  his  being  a  spy.  He  was  immediately  tried  by  a  gene- 
ral court  martial — the  sentence  was  directly  sent  down  for  ap- 
probation, but  no  answer  has  been  received,  and  the  man  still 
lies  confined  in  irons. 

"  Finding  the  spirit  of  desertion  to  increase,  and  the  men  in 
general  to  be  exceeding  uneasy, — probably  arising  from  their 
being  so  long  stationed  on  this  frontier  post.  They  have  been 
frequently  heard  in  their  private  conversations  to  say  that  they 
would  sooner  die  than  stay  here  the  ensuing  wintt  r.  My  of- 
ficers, as  well  as  myself,  were  convinced,  that  unless  some  ex- 
ample was  made,  we  should  not  be  able  to  check  this  growing 
evil.  A  party  of  five  men  deserted  on  the  10th  of  August. 
They  were  taken  by  the  Tuscarora  Indians,  on  their  way  to 
Canada,  fifty  miles  from  this  fort.  They  were  brought  in  on 
the  13th.  A  general  court  mBrtiol  was  convened  on  the  16th. 
They  were  sentenced  to  die.    The  oAcers  in  a  body  desired 

*  General  Stark  was  then  in  command  at  Albany. 


1778.] 


AFFAIRS    AT   FORT    SCHUYLER. 


361 


their  immediate  execution,  as  the  only  way  effectually  to  stop 
the  mcreasing  spirit  of  desertion. 

"While  these  men  were  under  sentence  of  death,  a  party  re- 
turned from  the  German  Flatts,  who  had  been  to  drive  cattle 
to  this  garrison.  They  had  lost  six  men  by  desertion,  who 
were  pursued,  but  without  effect.  This,  together  with  the 
above  reasons,  and  being  apprehensive  of  some  design  of  the 
enemy,  and  hearing  a  report  which  they  had  carefully  spread 
among  the  savages,  of  having  upward  of  seventy  men  enlisted 
in  this  garrison,  who  would  rise  upon  their  appearance,  con- 
vinced me  of  the  necessity  of  a  rigid  example,  and  resolved  me 
to  take  the  advice  of  my  officers  by  ordering  the  prisoners  to 
be  executed.  They  were  accordiijgly  shot  at  the  head  of  the 
regiment  on  the  17th.*  In  doing  of  which,  although  I  conld 
not  find  that  the  articles  of  war  gave  me  the  fullest  authority, 
yet,  as  commanding  officer  of  a  frontier  post,  far  distant  from 
the  Commander  in-chief,  and  having  a  separate  commission 
from  Congress  as  commandant  of  this  post,  1  considered  myself 
fiilly  empowered  in  a  case  of  sucti  great  necessity.  I  hope 
your  Excellency  will  be  convinced  of  this  necessity,  and  ap- 
prove of  the  justness  of  the  execution.  Inclosed  your  Excel- 
lency has  a  copy  of  the  proceedings  of  the  court  martial.  I 
am,  &c." 

General  Washington  to  Colonel  Gansevoort. 

*•  Head-  Quarters,  White  Plains,  ) 
''29th  August,  1778.      s 

"Sir. 

"  I  have  just  received  your  favor  of  the  13th  instant.  In- 
closed is  a  copy  of  a  letter  sent  you  some  time  ago  respecting 
the  court  martini  you  transmitted. 

"The  spirit  of  desertion  which  possessed  your  soldiers,  was 
certainly  very  alarming,  and  required  a  serious  check.  I  hope 
the  intention  of  the  example  you  have  made  will  be  fully,  an- 
swered ;  and  although  the  proceeding  was  not  strictly  in  the 
prescribed  form,  yet  the  necessity  of  the  case  may  justify  the 
measure. 

*  Notwithstanding  this  aevere  example,  it  is  noted  in  the  private  diary  of  Adju- 
tant Button,  ofCofonel  Gansevoort's  regiment,  that  on  the  same  day  on  whi<^  these 
five  men  were  tried  and  sentenced  to  dea',h,  six  others  deserted ;  and  two  others  de» 
■erted  five  days  after  their  exeoution.— FMc  OmuewnrVs  jM/»«ri. 


,'iV:;':,;i'il 


i^'''f  :iilH 


i^'^''  t!|  IP 


!!  vj' 

■•ijiii 


li 


hi'-:.  .  iiiil/j 


362 


LIFE   OF    BRANT. 


[1778. 


i 


m 


"  I  have  spoken  to  Lieut.  Colonel  Willett  on  the  application 
of  the  officers  of  the  garrison.  It  is  impossible  to  comply  at 
present  with  their  request,  things  are  so  circumstanced — but 
I  shall  take  steps  to  relieve  it  before  winter.* 

"  I  am,  sir,  your  obedient,  humble  serv't. 
"  Geo.  Washington.' 
"  Col.  Gansevoort."^ 

The  position  of  Fort  Schuyler  was  of  the  first  importance, 
as  the  key  to  the  western  entrance  of  the  Mohawk  country ;  but 
it  was  nevertheless  too  remote  from  the  upper  German  settle- 
ments of  the  valley,  to  afford  them  protection  from  sudden  ir- 
ruptions of  the  enemy  avoiding  that  fortress  in  their  approach. 
The  consequence  was,  that  the  work  of  destruction  was  actively 
prosecuted  among  the  settlements  referred  to,  during  the  Sum- 
mer of  this  year.  The  first  blow  was  struck  upon  a  small  and 
rather  secluded  hamlet,  called  Andrus-lown,  situated  about  six 
miles  south-east  of  Ihe  German  Flatts,t  on  the  1 8th  of  July,  by 
a  small  party  of  Indians  led  by  Brant  in  person.  This  settle- 
ment consisted  of  seven  families,  planted  upon  a  lot  of  one 


*  In  November  following,  Gansevoorl's  command  was  relieved  by  Colonel  Guise 
Van  Schaick,  whose  regiment  was  ausigned  to  that  post. 

t  These  letters  have  been  copied  by  the  o't'ior  from  the  originate.  The  enclo 
sure  mentioned  in  the  above  letter  from  General  Washington  reads  as  follows : — 


[Copy.] 


"Sir, 


"  Head-Q.mrteri,  White  Plains, 
"Jlugu.1t  13,  1778. 


"  I  have  received  the  proceedings  of  a  court-martial  held  by  your  order,  respecting 
SSamuel  Geake.  As  neither  the  articles  of  war,'nor  any  rosolvos  of  Congress,  au- 
thorise the  constituting  of  general  courts-martial  by  any  other  than  the  Commander 
in-chief,  the  commanding  officer  of  a  separate  department,  or  a  general  officer  com< 
man.  'ng  in  a  particular  State,  I  should  have  been  under  the  necessity  of  ordering  a 
second  trial,  and  appointing  a  court  for  the  purpose,  if  it  had  been  judged  expedient 
to  bring  Geake  to  punishment.  But  as  his  confession  contains  information  very 
pointedly  against  Major  Han.,  dl\,  which  concurs  with  other  accou  1  have  received, 
I  think  it  of  more  importance  to  the  public  to  save  Geake,  as  a  witness  against  Ham- 
mell,  than  to  make  an  example  of  him.  You  will  therefore  keep  him  in  such  a  kind 
of  confinement  as  will  effectually  prevent  his  escape,  till  matters  are  ripe  for  the 
prosecution  of  Major  Hammell,  and  at  the  same  time  will  be  as  little  rigorous  as  the 
nature  of  the  case  will  admit.  He  need,  however  know  nothing  of  my  intention. 
Iam,&c. 

<*Geo.  Waihinotom." 
«*  Col.  Gantevoort.** 

I  In  tha  North  part  of  the  prerant  town  ofWaiten. 


[1778. 


1778.J 


DESTRUCTION  OF  GERMAN  FLATTS. 


363 


n  the  application 
ible  to  comply  at 
cumstanced — ^but 

Limble  serv't. 
Washington.' 


first  importance, 
lawk  country ;  but 
>er  German  settle- 
n  from  sudden  ir- 

in  their  approach, 
iiction  was  actively 
>,  during  the  Sum- 
c  upon  a  small  and 
,  situated  about  six 
tie  18th  of  July,  by 
jtson.  This  settle- 
upon  a  lot  of  one 

relieved  by  Colonel  Guise 

le  originals.     The  rnclo 
ton  reads  as  follows:— 

larters,  WhUe  Plmns, ) 
put  13, 1778.  i 

I  by  your  order,  respecting 
resolves  of  Congress,  au- 

therthan  the  Commander 
t,  or  a  general  officer  com- 
the  necessity  of  ordering  a 
lad  been  judged  expedient 
contains  information  very 
er  accou  i  have  received, 
as  a  witness  against  Ham- 
re  keep  him  in  such  a  kind 

II  matters  are  ripe  for  the 
be  as  little  rigorous  as  the 
nothing  of  my  intention. 

Oeo.  Wamwotom." 


thousand  acres.*  They  were  in  affluent  circumstances  for 
borderers,  and  the  object  of  the  invasion  was  plunder.  The 
settlement  was  utterly  destroyed — every  thing  of  value  that 
could  be  removed,  was  carried  away — the  houses  and  other 
buildings  were  reduced  to  ashes— an  aged  man  named  Bell,  with 
his  son  and  two  others,  was  killed — one  othei"  inhabitant 
perished  in  the  flames  of  his  own  house — and  the  remainder  of 
the  little  colony  were  carried  into  captivity..  Advices  of  this 
catastrophe  had  no  sooner  reached  the  Flatts,  than  a  party  of 
resolute  Whigs  determined  to  pursue  the  marauders,  among 
whom  was  John  Frank,  one  of  the  Committee  of  Safety.t  Ar- 
riving at  the  scene  of  desolation,  they  hastily  buried  the  dead, 
and  continued  their  march,  accompanied  by  six  or  seven 
friendly  Indians,  to  the  Little  Lakes,t  where,  also,  was  a  small 
white  colony  known  as  "  Young's  Settlement,"  from  the  name 
of  its  founder.  Here  it  was  discovered  that  the  enemy  was  so  far 
in  advance,  that  the  chase  was  relinquished.  But  as  Young, 
the  head  man  of  the  settlement,  was  a  Tory,  as  also  was  his 
next  neighbor,  a  man  named  Collyer,  the  exasperated  "Whigs 
avenged,  to  a  small  extent,  the  destruction  of  Andrus-town,  by 
plundering  and  burning  their  habitations. 

But  the  most  considerable  event  of  the  season  in  that  vicinity, 
was  the  entire  destruction  of  the  comparatively  extensive  and 
populous  settlement  of  the  German  Flatts.  This  settlement, 
originally  called  Burnetsfield,  from  the  circumstance  that  the 
patent  had  been  granted  by  Governor  Burnet,  extended  over 
the  richest  and  most  beautiful  section  of  the  Mohawk  Valley, 
comprehending  the  broad  alluvial  lands  directly  beyond  the 
junction  of  the  West  Canada  creek  and  the  river,  and  includ- 
ing about  ten  miles  of  the  valley  from  east  to  west.  Midway 
of  the  settlement,  on  the  south  side  of  the  river,  yet  stands  the 
ancient  stone  church,  the  westernmost  of  the  line  o.  those 
structures  built  under  the  auspices  of  Sir  William  Johnson. 

*  The  names  of  the  proprietors  were  Bell,  Frank,  Oosterhoudt,  Crim,  Staring, 
Lepper,  and  Hoyer. 

t  John  Frank,  Esq.  yet  a  resident  of  German  Flatts,  very  old,  but  with  mental 
faculties  unimpaired.  The  author  has  known  him  these  twenty-five  years,  and  in 
September,  1937,  paid  him  a  visit.  Most  of  the  information  respecting  the  events 
now  immediately  under  consideration,  ts  derived  from  him. 

\  Two  small  lakes  in  the  Sout't-east  part  of  the  town  of  Warrsn,  discharging 
their  waters  into  Otsego  Lake. 


;,# 


:'Hivi; 


f 


MM 


f..;^r||||li 


364 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1778. 


r  * 

1- 


A  short  distance  west  of  the  church  stood  the  large  and  mas- 
sive-built stone  mansion  of  the  Herkimer  family,  which,  like 
the  church  itself,  was  used  as  a  fort.*  Hence  it  was  called  Port 
Herkimer.  On  the  north  side  of  the  river,  upon  a  gravelly 
plain,  elevated  some  ten  or  fifteen  feet  above  the  surrounding 
flatts,  stood  Fort  Day  ton. t 

At  the  time  of  which  we  are  writing,  the  settlement  on  the 
south  side  of  the  river  numbered  thirty-four  dwelling-houses, 
aiid  there  were  about  an  equal  number  upon  the  north  side, 
together  with  as  many  barns  and  other  out-buildings,  and 
several  mills.  The  population,  for  the  number  of  houses,  was 
numerous.  The  lands,  rich  by  nature,  and  well  cultivated, 
had  that  year  brought  forth  by  handfuls ;  so  that  the  barns 
v'3re  amply  stored  with  their  products. 

It  was  at  the  close  of  August,  or  early  in  the  month  of  Septem- 
ber, that  this  fine  district  was  laid  waste  by  the  Indians  under  the 
direction  of  Brant.  Most  providentially,  however,  the  invasion 
was  attended  with  the  loss  of  but  two  lives — one  man  being 
killed  outright,  and  another,  named  M'Ginnis,  perished  in  the 
flames.  The  particulars  of  this  hostile  irruption  were  these  :— 
Entertaining  some  suspicions  of  Brant,  who  was  at  Unadilla, 
a  scout  of  four  men  had  been  despatched  into  that  vicinity  for 
observation.  Three  of  these  men  were  killed  at  the  Edmeston 
settlement.  The  fourth,  John  Helmer,  succeeded  in  making 
his  escape,  and  returned  to  the  flatts  at  half  an  hour  before  sun- 
down, just  in  time  to  announce  that  Brant,  with  a  large  body 
of  Indians,  was  advancing,  and  would,  in  a  few  hours,  be  upon 
them.    All  was,  of  course,  terror  and  alarm  through  the  settle- 

♦  It  was  at  this  place  timt  the  firs .  Liberty  Pole  in  the  valley  was  reared,  in  the 
Spring  of  1775.  The  eherifTof  Tryon  County,  White,  with  whose  subsequent  Ka- 
tory  the  rracjer  is  already  acquainted,  came  up  to  the  flatts  with  a  large  body  of 
militia  from  Johnstown,  and  cut  it  down.  White  had  been  a  captain  in  the  French 
war. 

t  The  present  site  of  the  village  of  HcrkimRr,  in  the  town  of  the  same  name,  and 
one  of  the  most  beautiful  localities  in  America.  The  name  of  German  Flatts  was 
designed  for  this  town,  which  would  have  been  the  most  appropriate,  as  Herkimer 
would  have  beoi  for  the  town  on  the  south  side  of  the  river,  now  called  German 
Flatts,  whore  the  flatts  are  far  leas  extensive,  and  where  the  Herkimer  family 
resided.  The  ^tiatake  was  made  by  the  legislature  when  the  towns  were  named. 
This  explanation,  together  with  the  geographical  description  in  the  text,  is  necessary 
Co  prevent  confusion  in  regard  to  the  localities  of  Forts  Dayton  and  Herkimer,  in 
the  record  of  subsequent  events. 


'•  ■S-i!' 


1778.] 


DESTRUCTION    OP    GERMAN    FLATTS. 


366 


ment;  and  the  inhabitants — men,  women,  and  children — were 
gathered  into  Forts  Dayton  and  Herkimer  for  security.  In 
flying  to  those  defences,  they  gatlicred  up  the  most  valuable  of 
their  stuff,  and  by  means  of  boats  and  canoes  upon  the  river, 
succeeded,  in  the  course  of  the  evening,  in  collecting  a  large 
portion  of  their  best  articles  of  furniture.  But  they  had  no 
time  to  look  after  their  flocks  and  herds. 

Early  in  the  evening  Brant  arrived  at  the  edge  of  the  settle- 
ment, but  as  the  night  came  on  excessively  dark  and  rainy,  he 
halted  with  his  forces  in  a  ravine,  near  the  house  of  his  Tory 
friend  Shoemaker,  where  the  younger  Butler  and  his  party 
were  captured  the  preceding  year.  Here  the  chieftain  lay 
with  his  warriors  until  the  storm  broke  away  toward  morning 
—unconscious  that  his  approach  had  been  notified  to  the  peo- 
ple by  the  scout  in  season  to  enable  them  to  escape  the  blow 
of  his  uplifted  arm.  Before  the  dawn  he  was  on  foot,  and  his 
warriors  were  sweeping  through  the  settlement;  sothat  the  torch 
might  be  almost  simultaneously  applied  to  every  building  it 
contained.  Just  as  the  day  was  breaking  in  the  east,  the  fires 
were  kindled,  and  the  whole  section  of  the  vrlley  was  speedily 
illuminated  by  the  flames  of  houses  and  barns,  and  all  things 
else  combustible.  The  spectacle,  to  the  people  in  the  forts, 
was  one  of  melancholy  grandeur.  Every  family  saw  the 
flames  and  smoke  of  its  own  domicil  ascending  to  the  skies, 
and  ever]"  farmer  the  whole  product  of  his  labor  for  the  seaso'i 
dissolving  into  ashes. 

Having  no  fire-arms  larger  than  their  rifles,  the  Indians 
avoided  even  a  demonstration  against  the  forts,  notwithstanding 
their  chagrin  that  neither  scalps  nor  prisoners  were  to  grace 
their  triumph.  But  as  the  light  of  day  advanced,  their  warrior  5 
were  seen  singly,  or  in  small  groups,  scouring  the  fields,  and 
driving  away  all  the  horses,  sheep,  and  black  cattle  that  could 
be  found.  Nothing  upon  which  they  could  lay  their  bonds 
was  left;  and  the  settlement,  which,  but  the  day  before,  for  ten 
miles  had  smiled  in  plenty  and  in  beauty,  was  now  houseless 
and  destitute.*    Happily,  however,  of  human  life  there  was  no 


■H.     ,  I    ■  ■     ■      " 


M 


*  The  Remembrancer  states  that  there  were  63  dwelling-house?,  57  bams,  3 
grist-mills,  and  two  saw-mills  burnt,  with  most  of  the  furniture  and  grain  kept 
therein;  and  235 horses,  229  horned-cattle,  269  sheep,  and  93  oxen,  taken  and  car- 
ried away.    Judge  Frank  informed  the  author  that  he  was  upon  guard  on  themoni- 


%1f^ 


I  Vl'' 


Mm 


366 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1778. 


greater  sacrifice  than  has  already  been  mentioned.  After  the 
Indians  had  decamped  with  their  booty,  a  force  of  between 
three  and  four  hundred  militia-men  collected,  and  went  in  pur- 
suit— following  as  far  as  Edmeston's  plantation  on  the  Una- 
dilla  river,  where  the  bodies  of  the  three  scouts  were  found  and 
buried.  But  no  other  results  attended  this  expedition.*  A  party 
of  the  Oneida  Indians  was  more  successful.  They  penetrated 
into  one  of  the  Unadilla  settlements,  burnt  several  houses,  retook 
some  of  the  caftle  driven  from  the  German  Flatts,  and  brought 
off  a  number  of  prisoners.  The  results  of  this  little  expedition 
were  communicated  to  Major  Cochran,  then  in  command  at 
Fort  Schuyler,  on  or  about  the  25th  of  September,  by  a  depu- 
tation of  about  one  hundred  of  the  Oneida  and  Tuscarora  war- 
riors, in  the  following  speech  : — 

"  Brothers  :  We  have  now  taken  the  hatchet  and  burnt 
Unadilla,t  and  a  place  called  the  Butternuts.  We  have  brought 
five  prisoners  from  each  of  those  places.  Our  warriors  were 
particular  that  no  hurt  should  be  done  to  women  and  children. 
We  left  four  old  men  behind,  who  were  no  more  able  to  go  to 
war.  We  have  re-taken  William  Dygert,  who  was  taken 
about  nine  weeks  ago  by  Brant  on  Fall  Hill.  We  now  deliver 
him  to  you,  so  that  he  may  return"  to  his  friends.  Last  year 
we  took  up  the  hatchet  at  Stillwater,  and  we  will  now  continue 
it  in  our  hands.  The  Grasshopper,  one  of  the  Oneida  chiefs, 
took  to  himself  one  of  the  prisoners  to  live  with  him  in  his  own 
family,  and  has  adopted  him  as  a  son. 

"  Brothers  :  We  deliver  you  six  prisoners,  with  whom  you 
are  to  act  as  you  please. 

ing  of  the  conflagration,  standing  upon  the  corner  of  the  fort  (Herkimer,)  which 
afforded  him  the  best  view  of  the  scene  when  the  flames  brolie  forth.  Fie  also  saw 
the  dusky  swarms  of  savages  rush  down  the  hill-slopes  into  the  meadows  after  the 
cattle,  as  soon  as  it  was  sufficiently  light  to  discern  objects  with  tolerable  distinct- 
ness.    Tho  whole  scene,  he  says,  was  picturesque  and  sublime. 

"  "  Captain  Gilbert  Tice  uatne  from  Niagara  a  few  days  before  Brant  set  out  with 
his  party  to  destroy  the  German  Flatts.  He  had  33  Indians  with  him,  mostly  Mo- 
hawks. Brant*s  whole  party  at  the  German  Flatts  was  300  Tories,  and  152  In- 
dians. There  were  no  regular  troops  amongst  them." — MS.  letter  of  Major  Cochran 
to  Coknel  Oansevoort,  Sept.  28, 1778. 

t  The  Indians  must  have  meant  one  of  the  upper  settlements  on  the  Unadilla, 
somewhere  between  the  Butternuts  and  the  "  Forks,"  about  twenty-five  miles  north 
of  tho  embouchure  of  that  river  into  the  Susquehanna.  The  principal  town  of  the 
Indians  was  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  and  was  deatroycd  two  or  three  weeks  aAe^ 
ward  by  Colonel  Butler,  as  will  presently  appear. 


*%# 


it-'^Mi 


1778.] 


EXPEDITION   OF   COLONEL   BUTLER. 


367 


irs,  with  whom  you 


"  Brothers  :  You  had  a  man  scalped  here  some  time  ago. 
We  Oneidas  and  Tuscaroras  have  now  taken  revenge,  and 
have  brought  you  some  slaves.  We  do  not  take  scalps.  We 
hope  you  are  now  convinced  of  our  friendship  to  you  and  your 
great  cause.  The  warriors  detain  two  of  the  prisoners  till  to- 
morrow morning.  The  Canasaragas  have  one  in  their  posses- 
sion.   They  will  bring  him  to-morrow  or  the  next  day."* 

The  Oneidas,  with  very  few  exceptions,  were  ever  faithful 
to  the  cause  of  the  Whigs,  and  sometimes  fought  with  great 
personal  bravery.  The  Oriskany  clan  of  that  nation  joined 
General  Herkimer  on  the  morning  of  his  disastrous  battle, 
under  their  chiefs  Cornelius  and  Colonel  Honyerry,  and  sus- 
tained themselves  valiantly  in  that  murderous  conflict.! 

But  the  acquisitions  of  booty  by  the  Indians  at  the  German 
Flaits  wore  more  than  counterbalanced,  a  few  days  afterward, 
by  their  losses  in  their  own  chief  towns,  Unadilla  and  Ogh- 
kwaga,  which  were  invaded,  and  in  turn  laid  waste,  by  Colonel 
William  Butler,  with  the  4th  Pennsylvania  regiment,  a  detach- 
ment of  Colonel  Morgan's  rifle-men,  then  recently  stationed  at 
Schoharie,  as  we  have  already  seen,  and  a  corps  of  twenty 
rangers.  Having  marched  from  Schoharie  to  the  head  waters 
of  the  Delaware,  and  descended  that  stream  two  days'  march. 
Colonel  Butler  struck  off  thence  to  the  Susquehanna,  upon 
which  he  emerged  in  the  neighborhood  of  Unadilla.  He  ap- 
proached the  settlement  with  great  caution  ;  but  the  enemy  had 
left  the  place  several  days  before.  Two  of  the  white  set- 
tlers, Tories,  were  made  prisoners,  however,  one  of  whom  was 
compelled  to  guide  the  forces  of  Butler  .to  Oghkwaga,  which 
service  he  performed.  The  town  was  taken  possession  of 
without  interruption,  the  Indiana  having  fled  the  day  before  in 
the  greatest  confusion — leaving  behind  a  large  quantity  of  corn, 
their  dogs,  some  cattle,  and  a  great  part  of  their  household 
goods.  The  march  of  Butler's  troops  had  been  fatiguing,  and 
the  vegetables  and  poultry,  which  they  found  here  in  great 
abundance,  enabled  them  to  fare  sumptuously  during  their 


\:vl  ■ : 


i|:^lrl 


V  H 


kL 


'r  i' 

ii.sift.v    . 

4-\   i''M|f 


tiJ 


tTi-ilJilffl 


♦  MS.  reportof  Major  Cochran  to  Colonel  Gansevoorf. 

t  This  fact  was  derived  from  Judge  Frank,  ailer  the  chapter  containing  the  ac< 
count  o*  the  battle  of  Oriskany  was  written.  Honyerry,  or  Hansjurie  Tewahon- 
grahkon,  as  his  name  stands  in  the  archives  of  the  war  department,  was  commii^ 
aioned  a  cxptain  by  the  Board  of  War  in  1779. 


y 

.■'tIiJi 


368 


LIFE    OF   B9ANT. 


[1778. 


U'  mi 


tM 


H 


stay.  The  town  was  uncommonly  well  built  for  an  Indian  settle- 
ment, there  being  a  considerable  number  of  good  farm- houses 
on  either  side  of  the  river.  These  were  all  destroyed,  together 
with  the  Indian  castle  three  miles  farther  down  the  river,  as  also 
large  quantities  of  provisions,  intended  for  their  winter's  supply. 
They  saw  nothing  of  the  enemy,  and  lost  only  one  man  at  thai 
place,  who  was  shot  by  an  Indian  straggler  lurking  in  ambush. 
Returning  to  Unadillc,  that  settlement,  upon  both  sides  of  the 
river,  was  burnt,  as  also  a  grist-mill  and  saw-mill — the  only 
ones  in  the  Susquehanna  valley.* 

But  although,  so  far  as  fighting  was  concerned,  it  was  an 
easy  campaign,  still  the  difficulties  encountered  by  the  expedi- 
tion were  very  great,  and  such  as  could  not  have  been  under- 
gone but  by  men."  possessing  a  large  share  of  hardiness,  both 
"  of  body  and  mind.  They  were  obliged  to  carry  their  provi- 
"  sions  on  their  backs ;  and,  thus  loaded,  frequently  to  ford 
"  creeks  and  rivers.  After  the  toils  of  hard  marches,  they  were 
"  obliged  to  camp  down  during  wet  and  chilly  nights  without 
"  covering,  or  even  the  means  of  keeping  their  arms  dry."t 
They  completed  their  work  in  sixteen  days,  and  returned  to 
Schoharie.  But  the  Indians  were  not  slow  in  taking  their  re- 
venge for  this  destruction  of  their  towns.  An  Indian's  ven 
geance  slumbers  no  longer  than  until  an  opportunity  is  afforded 
for  sating  it,  as  will  appear  in  the  ensuuig  chapter. 


*  Letter  of  Colonel  William  Butler  to  General  Stark. 


t  Raouay. 


■M^::|.! 


■an  Indian  settle- 
;ood  farm- houses 
sstroyed,  together 
itlie  river,  as  also 
r  winter's  supply. 
^  one  man  at  that 
irking  in  ambush, 
both  sides  of  the 
iw-mill— the  only 

:erned,  it  was  an 
red  by  the  expedi- 
have  been  under- 
of  hardiness,  both 
1  carry  their  provi- 
frequently  to  ford 
marches,  they  were 
illy  nights  without 
their  arms  dry."t 
s,  and  returned  to 
in  taking  their  re- 
An  Indian's  ven 
ortunity  is  afforded 
lapter. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 


Walter  N.  Butler — His  flight  from  Albany,  bent  on  revenge — The  Great  Tree- 
Hostile  indications  among  tho  Senecas  and  Cayu^as — Premonitions  of  an  attack 
by  Butler  and  Brant  upon  Cherry  Valley — Discredited  by  Colonel  Aldcn — Scouts 
sent  out  and  captured — Surprise  of  the' town — Massacre  and  burning — Death  of 
Colonel  Alden — Families  of  Mr.  Wells,  Mr.  Dunlop,  and  others — Brutality  of  the 
Tories — Family  of  Mr.  Mitchell — The  monster  Newberry — Departure  of  the 
enemy  with  their  captives — A  ni^ht  of  gloom — Women  and  children  sent  back — 
Letter  of  Butler  to  Gen.  Schuyler — Murder  of  Mrs.  Campbell's  mother — Vindi- 
cation of  Brant — Interesting  incident — Brant's  opinion  of  Capt.  M'Kean — Colo- 
nel John  Butler  laments  the  conduct  of  his  son — Letter  of  General  Jnnies  Clinton 
to  Walter  Butler — Letter  of  Butler  in  reply — Molly  Brant — Pnrticiilars  of  '.Tre. 
Campbell's  captivity — Feast  of  thanksgiving  for  their  victory — The  great  feast  ^f 
the  White  Dogs— Return  of  Walter  Butler  from  duebcc — Colonel  Butler  negotiates 
with  the  Indians  for  Mrs,  Campbell — She  goes  to  Niagara— Catharine  Montour 
and  her  sons — Mrs.  Campbell  rinds  her  children — Descends  the  St.  Lawrence  to 
Montreal — Meets  Mrs.  Butler — Arrives  at  Albany,  and  is  joined  by  her  husband 
— Grand  campaign  projected — Jacob  Hclmer  and  others  sent  privately  to  Johns- 
town for  the  iron  chest  of  Sir  John — Execution  of  Helmer — Arrival  of  British 
Commissioners — Not  received — Exchange  of  Ministers  with  France — Incidents 
of  the  war  elsewhere  for  the  year. 

The  arrest  of  Walter  N.  Butler,  at  the  German  Flatts,  m  the 
Summer  of  1777 ;  his  trial,  and  condeiTination  to  death ;  his  re- 
prievv, ,  as  also  his  subsequent  imprisonment  in  Albany,  and 
his  escape ;  are  facts  with  which  the  reader  has  already  been 
made  acquainted.  Although  his  execution  would  have  been 
perfectly  justifiable  under  the  code  militaire,  taken,  as  he  had 
been,  within  the  American  lines,  in  the  very  act  of  inviting  the 
people  to  treason ;  yet  the  respectability  of  his  family,  and  the 
associations  he  had  himself  formed  in  Albany,  where  he  had' 
been  educated  to  the  profession  of  the  law,  were  the  causes, 
through  the  interposition  of  those  who  had  been  his  personal 
friends  before  the  war,  of  saving  his  life.  Still,  the  reprieve 
granted  by  General  Arnold  was  followed  by  rigorous  confine- 
ment in  the  jail  at  Albany  until  the  Spring  of  the  present  year ; 
when,  being  either  sick  in  reality,  or  feigning  to  be  so,  through 
the  clemency  of  General  Lafayette  his  quarters  were  changed 
to  a  private  house,  where  he  was  guarded  by  a  single  sentinel. 
I;  appears  that  the  family  with  whom  he  lodged  were  Tories 
at  heart ;  and  having  succeeded  in  making  the  sentinel  drunk, 
through  their  assistance  Butler  was  enabled  to  effect  his  escape. 
A  horse  having  been  provided  for  him,  he  succeeded  in  joining 
his  father  at  Niagara  soon  after  the  affair  at  Wyoming.    His 


l.vS 


m 


m 


i»"  '111 


mm 


WW 


'^^^ 


370 


LIFE    OP   BRANT. 


[1778 


temper  was  severe  and  irascible  ;  but  he  was  nevertheless  not 
without  his  good  qualities,  and  was  a  young  man  of  fair  pro- 
mise— "  a  pretty  able  young  lawyer,"  to  use  an  expression  from 
the  lips  of  one  who  knew  him  well.*  It  is  believed,  however, 
that  he  took  mortal  offence  at  his  treatment  while  in  Albany, 
and  re-entered  the  service  of  the  Crown,  burning  with  resent- 
ment and  thirsting  for  revenge. 

This  recapitulation,  in  part,  of  a  portion  of  the  younger  But- 
ler's history,  is  deemed  essential  in  connexion  with  the  events 
to  be  recorded  in  the  present  chapter. 

There  was  with  General  Washington,  during  most  of  the 
Summer,  a  Seneca  chief,  called  The  Great  Tree,  who,  on  leav- 
ing the  head-quarters  of  the  Commander-in-chief,  professed  the 
strongest  friendship  for  the  American  cause,  and  his  first  object, 
after  his  return  to  his  own  people,  was  to  inspire  them  with  his 
own  friendly  sentiments.  While  passing  through  the  Oneida 
nation  on  his  way  home,  he  professed  the  strongest  confidence 
in  his  ability  to  keep  his  own  tribe  bound  in  the  chain  of  friend- 
ship, and  pledged  himself,  in  the  event  of  his  failure,  to  come 
down  with  his  friends  and  adherents,  and  join  the  Oncidas. 
Early  in  October,  Mr.  Dean,  the  Indian  interpreter  and  agent 
in  the  Oneida  territory,  wrote  to  Major  Cochran,  then  in  com- 
mand of  Fort  Schuyler,  that,  not  hearing  from  The  Great  Tree 
as  soon  as  they  expected,  they  had  despatched  messengers  to 
the  Seneca  country,  who  had  returned  with  unfavorable  intel- 
ligence. It  was  stated,  that  on  his  arrival  in  his  own  country 
The  Great  Tree  found  his  tribe  all  in  arms.  The  warriors  had 
been  collected  from  the  remotest  of  their  lodges,  and  were  then 
thronging  the  two  principal  towns,  Kanadaseago  and  Jennesee. 
Having  heard  that  the  Americans  were  preparing  an  expedi- 
tion against  their  country,  they  had  flown  to  arms ;  and  The 
Great  Tree  was  himself  determined  to  chastise  the  enemy  who 
should  dare  to  penetrate  his  country.  The  Oneida  messengers 
were  farther  told  that  all  the  Indians  west  of  their  own  tribe, 
including,  of  course,  the  Onondagas,  together  with  the  Indian 
settlements  on  the  Susqu-hanna  and  its  branches,  were  to  join 
them.    They  were  to  rendezvous  somewhere  on  the  Tioga, 


*  The  venerable  John  Frank  of  Qerman  Flatts. 
lite  Franda  SyWester. 


Butler  studied  law  with  th^i 


1778.] 


INVASION    OP   CHERRY    VALLEY. 


371 


i «  ,1':  t 


luOer  studied  law  with  thj 


and  make  a  descent  either  upon  the  Pennsylvania  or  New  Jer- 
sey frontier.* 

The  Mohawk  chief,  Thayendanegea,  does  not  appear  to 
have  been  among  the  Seneciis  at  this  time ;  and  it  is  beHeved 
that  the  fermentation  had  been  wrought  by  Butler,  after  his 
return  to  Niagara.  Bo  that  as  it  may,  he  obtained  the  com- 
mand of  a  detachment  of  his  father's  rangers,  with  permission 
to  employ  the  forces  of  Captain  Brant.  Though  late  in  the 
season,  young  Walter  determin<!d  to  undertake  an  expedition 
into  Tryon  County,  and  avenge  his  imprisonmcnt.t  It  has 
been  asserted,  that  while  on  his  way  from  Niagara  with  his 
rangers,  Butler  met  Brant  returnm^'^  from  the  Susquehanna 
country  to  his  old  winter-quarters  at  Niagara,  and  that  the 
proud  Mohawk  was  not  a  little  displeased  at  the  idea  of  being 
assigned  to  a  subordinate  station  under  a  man  whom  he  cor- 
dially disliked.  However,  the  difficulty  was  adjusted,  and  the 
sachem  was  prevailed  upon  to  turn  back  upon  the  white  set- 
tlements, with  five  hundred  of  his  warriors.  The  united  force 
comprised  seven  hundred  men. 

The  point  selected  by  the  enemy  was  Cherry  Valley — a  set- 
tlement as  remarkable  for  the  respectability  of  its  inhabitants, 
as  its  location  was  for  its  beauty.  Unlike  the  generality  of 
border  settlements,  the  people  were  intelligent,  and  exemplary 
for  their  morals.  So  scrupulous  were  they  in  regard  to  observ- 
ing the  precepts  of  Christianity,  that  their  Committee  of  Safety 
declined  sitting  with  the  Tryon  County  Committee  on  the  Sab- 
bath day — unless  in  ^he  event  of  such  alarming  circumstances 
as  would  necessarily  "super-exceed  the  duties  to  be  performed 
in  attending  the  public  worship  of  God  " — which,  they  said, 
did  not  then  appear  to  be  the  case.t 

It  has  already  been  stated,  that  in  consequence  of  their  exposed 
situation,  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette  had  directed  the  erection  of 
a  fortification  at  that  place  early  the  preceding  Spring.  Colo- 
nel Gansevoort  at  once  solicited  the  commaiid  of  the  post,  with 
the  regiment  which  had  so  greatly  distinguished  itself  the  pre- 
ceding year  in  the  defence  of  Fort  Schuyler.    But  it  wasgivpn 

•  Letter  of  Major  Cochran  to  Col.  Gansevoort,  October  10, 1778. 
t  Campbell's  Annals. 

I  Letter  to  Tryon  County  Committee,  signed  by  John  Moore,  Samuel  Clyda, 
and  Stf&iuel  Campbell,  dated  June  9, 1775. 


•  ■'■  >\ 


il 


,i'i 


,:   K 


V'V:'~ 


■m 


'K..::]:ili  :!il 


!i:  ^  :;:;'!■*;-; 


m 


WW 


372 


LIFE   OF   DRANT. 


[1778. 


r 


i 


s'.' 


W 

m 


Wti.  \% 


Put  m 

m 

m 

{f-m '' 

'      ^  'ISr  -f  t^-T^ 

sllil 

U^J^Sl 

>  t'*w^t^K 

hHIw  ' 

•>  V 


'^if . 


to  Colonel  Ichabod  Alden,  at  the  head  of  an  eastern  regiment, 
unfortunately  but  little  accnstoinod  to  Indian  warfare. 

On  the  8th  of  November,  Colonci  Alden  received  a  despatch 
from  Fort  Schuyler  by  express,  advising  him  that  his  post  was 
to  be  attacked  by  the  Tories  and  Indians.  The  intelligence 
had  been  conveyed  to  Fort  Schuyler  by  an  Oneida  Indian, 
reporting  that  he  received  it  from  one  of  the  Onondagas,  who 
had  been  present  at  a  great  mcnting  of  the  Indians  ond  Tories 
at  Tioga,  at  which  the  determination  wns  formed.  In  conse- 
quence of  the  lateness  of  the  season,  the  inhabitants,  not  antici- 
pating any  farther  hostilities  before  Spring,  had  removed  their 
effects  from  the  fortificotion,  where,  during  the  Summer,  they 
had  been  deposited  for  safety,  back  to  their  own  dwellings. 
On  the  receipt  of  this  intelligence,  they  requested  pernjission  to 
remove  once  more  into  the  fort,  or  at  least  to  be  allowed  again 
to  deposite  their  most  valuable  property  within  its  walls.  But 
Colonel  Alden,  discrediting  ihe  intelligence  as  an  idle  Indian 
rumor,  denied  their  solicititions,  assuring  the  people  that  he 
would  use  all  diligence  against  surprise,  and  by  means  of  vigi- 
lant scouts,  be  at  all  times  prepared  to  warn  them  of  approach- 
ing danger.  Accordingly  scouts  were  despatched  in  various 
directions  on  the  9th.  The  party  proceeding  down  the  Sus- 
quehanna, as  it  were  in  the  very  face  of  the  enemy,  very  wisely 
kindled  a  fire  in  the  evening,  by  the  side  of  which  they  laid 
themselves  down  to  sleep.  The  resul*  might  have  been  fore- 
seen.    They  were  all  prisoners  when  they  awoke  ! 

Extorting  all  necessary  information  from  the  prisoners  so 
opportunely  taken,  the  enemy  moved  forward  on  the  10th — But- 
ler with  his  rangers,  and  Thayendanegea  with  his  Indians- 
encamping  for  the  m^ht  on  the  top  of  a  hill,  thickly  covered 
with  evergreens,  about  a  mile  south-west  of  the  fort  and  village 
of  Cherry  Valley.  The  snow  fell  several  inches  during  the 
night — the  storm  turning  to  rain  in  the  morning,  with  a  thick 
and  cloudy  atmosphere.  The  officers  of  the  garrison  were 
accustomed  to  lodge  about  among  the  families  near  the  fort ; 
and  from  the  assurances  of  Colonel  Alden,  the  apprehensions  of 
the  people  Ivere  so  much  allayed,  that  they  were  reposing  in 
perfect  security.  Colonel  Alden  himself,  with  Stocia,  his 
lieutenant-colonel,  lodged  with  Mr.  Robert  Wells,  a  gentleman 
of  great  respectability,  recently  a  judge  of  the  county,  who  was, 


m 


1778.] 


INVASION   OP   CHERRY    VALLEY. 


373 


moreover,  an  intimate  friend  of  Colonel  John  Butler,  iis  he  had 
also  been  of  Sir  William  Johnson.*  Having  ascertained  the 
localities  in  which  tho  officers  lodged,  the  enemy  approached 
the  unsuspecting  village  in  the  greatest  security,  veiled  by  the 
haze  which  hutig  in  the  atmosphere.  An  alarm  was,  however, 
given,  before  the  enemy  had  actually  arrived  in  the  village,  by 
the  firing  of  an  Indian  upon  a  settler  from  tlie  outskirts,  who 
was  riding  thither  on  horseback.  He  was  wounded,  but  never- 
theless pushed  forward,  and  gave  instant  information  to  the 
vigilant  Colonel.  Strange  as  it  may  seem,  this  oflUcer  still  dis- 
believed the  approach  of  an  enemy  in  force — supposing  the 
shot  to  have  proceeded  from  a  straggler.  But  he  was  soon 
convinced  of  his  error ;  for  even  before  the  guards  could  be 
called  in,  the  Indians  were  upon  them.  Unfortunately,  proba- 
bly, for  the  inhabitants,  the  rangers  had  halted  just  before 
entering  the  village  to  examine  their  arms,  the  rain  having 
damaged  their  powder.  During  this  pause,  the  Indians  sprang 
forward  ;  and  the  Senecas,  being  at  that  period  the  most  fero- 
cious of  the  Six  Nations,  were  in  the  van.  Tho  house  of  Mr. 
Wells  was  instantly  surrounded  by  the  warriors  of  that  tribe, 
and  several  Tories  of  no  less  ferocity,  who  rushed  in  and  mas- 
sacred the  whole  family,  consisting  at  that  time  of  himself,  his 
mother,  his  wife,  his  brother  and  sister,  John  and  Jane,  three 
of  his  sons,  Samuel,  Robert,  and  William,  and  his  daughter 
Eleanor.  The  only  survivor  of  the  family  was  John,  who  was 
then  at  school  in  Schenectady.  His  father  had  taken  his 
family  to  that  place  for  safety  some  months  before,  but  his  fears 
having  subsided,  they  had  just  removed  back  to  their  home.t 
Colonel  Alden,  having  escaped  from  the  house,  was  pursued 
some  distance  down  a  hill  by  an  Indian,  who  repeatedly  de- 
manded of  him  to  surrender.  This,  however,  he  refused  to  do, 
turning  upon  his  pursuer  repeatedly,  and  snapping  his  pistol, 
but  without  eflect.  Tho  Indian  ultimately  hurled  his  toma- 
hawk  with  unerring  direction  at  his  head,  and  rushing  forward, 
tore  his  scalp  from  him  in  the  same  instant.  Thus,  in  the  very 
outset  of  the  battle,  fell  the  commander,  who,  had  he  been  as 


■W/l 


*  Robert  Wells  was  the  father  of  the  late  distinguished  counsellor,  John  Wells, 
of  New- York. 

t  Notice  '*f  Julin  Wells  by  William  Johnson,  Esq.  concluding  vol.  of  Johnson'i 
Reports. 


374 


LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


[1778. 


prudent  as  he  was  brave,  might  have  avertfed  the  tragic  scenes 
of  that  hapless  day.  Lieutenant-colonei  Stacia  was  made 
prisoner ;  and  the  American  guards,  stationed  at  the  house  of 
Mr.  Wells,  were  all  either  killed  or  taken. 

The  destruction  of  the  family  of  Mr.  Wells  was  marked  by 
circumstances  of  peculiar  barbarity.  It  was  boasted  by  one  of 
the  Tories,  that  he  had  killed  Mr .  Wells  while  engaged  in 
prayer — certainly  a  happy  moment  for  a  soul  to  wing  its  flight 
to  another  state  of  existence ;  but  what  the  degree  of  hardi- 
hood that  could  boast  of  compassing  the  death  of  an  unarmed 
man  at  such  a  moment !  His  sister  Jane  was  distinguished 
alike  for  her  beauty,  her  accomplishments,  and  her  virtues. 
As  the  savages  rushed  into  the  house,  she  fled  to  a  pile  of  wood 
on  the  premises,  and  endeavored  to  conceal  herself.  She  was 
pursued  and  arrested  by  an  Indian,  who,  with  perfect  compo- 
sure, wiped  and  sheathed  his  dripping  knife,  and  took  his  toma- 
hawk from  his  girdle.  At  this  instant  a  Tory,  who  had  for- 
merly been  a  domestic  in  the  family,  sprar.g  forward  ar>d  inter- 
posed in  her  behalf— claiming  her  as  a  sister.  The  maiden, 
too,  who  understood  somewhat  of  the  Indian  language,  im- 
plored for  mercy.  But  in  vain.  With  one  hand  the  Indian 
pushed  the  Tory  from  him,  and  with  the  other  planted  his 
hatchet  deep  into  her  temple  ! 

The  fort  was  repeatedly  assaulted  during  the  day,  and  at 
times  with  spirit ;  but  Indians  are  not  the  right  description  of 
troops  for  such  service,  and  being  received  by  a  brisk  fire  of 
grape  and  musketry  from  the  garrison,  they  avoided  the  fort,  and 
directed  their  attention  chiefly  to  plundering  and  laying  waste 
the  village,  having  sated  themselves  in  the  onset  with  blood. 
In  this  work  of  destruction  they  were  unmolested,  since,  num- 
bering more  than  twice  as  many  as  the  garrison,  a  sortie  was 
felt  to  be  unwarrantable. 

Among  the  families  which  suffered  from  the  tomahawks  of 
the  Indians  and  Tories — for  the  latter,  as  at  Wyoming,  were 
not  to  be  outdone  by  their  uncivilized  allies — were  those  of 
the  Rev.  Samuel  Dunlop,  and  a  Mr.  Mitchell.  Mrs.  Dunlop 
was  killed  outright,  and  thus  shared  the  fate  of  Mrs.  Wells,  who 
was  her  daughter.  Mr.  Dunlcp  and  another  daughter  would 
likewise  have  been  nmrdered  but  for  the  interposition  of  Little 
Aaron,  a  chief  of  the  Oghkwaga  branch  of  the  Mohawks,  who 


1778.] 


INVASION  OF   CHERRY   VALLEY. 


375 


he  tragic  scenes 
icia  was  made 
at  the  house  of 

was  marked  by 
toasted  by  one  of 
hile  engaged  in 
to  wing  its  flight 
degree  of  hardi- 
1  of  an  unarmed 
vas  distinguished 
and  her  virtues. 
L  to  a  pile  of  wood 
liersdf.    She  was 
th  perfect  compo- 
und took  his  toma- 
ory,  who  had  for- 
forward  ard  inter- 
er.    The  maiden, 
ian  language,  im- 
3  hand  the  Indian 
other  planted  his 

g  the  day,  and  at 
rit/ht  description  of 

by  a  brisk  fire  of 
voided  the  fort,  and 
r  and  laying  waste 

onset  with  blood. 
)lested,  since,  num- 
rrison,  a  sortie  was 

i  the  tomahawks  of 
at  Wyoming,  were 
jes— were  those  of 
hell.  Mrs.  Dunlop 
of  Mrs.  Wells,  who 
lier  daughter  would 
jterposition  of  Little 
the  Mohawks,  who 


led  the  old  gentleman,  tottering  beneath  the  weight  of  years,  to 
the  door,  and  stood  beside  him  for  his  protection.  The  Indians 
attempted  to  plunder  him  of  some  of  his  attire,  but  the  sachem 
compelled  them  to  relinquish  that  portion  of  their  spoil. 
The  venerable  servant  of  God,  shocked  by  the  events  of  that 
day  beyond  the  strength  of  his  nerves,  died  within  a  year  after- 
ward. 

The  case  of  Mr.  Mitchell  was  still  more  painful.    He  was 
in  the  field  at  work  when  he  beheld  the  Indians  approaching  ; 
and  being  already  cut  off  from  his  house,  his  only  coarse  was 
to  betake  himself  to  the  woods.    On  returning  to  his  home, 
after  the  enemy  had  retired,  he  found  his  house  on  fire,  and 
within  its  plundered  walls  the  murdered  bodies  of  his  wife  and 
three  of  his  children.    The  fourth,  a  little  girl  of  ten  or  twelve 
years  of  age,  had  been  left  for  dead.     But  signs  of  life  appear- 
ing, the  parent,  having  extinguished  the  fire,  which  had  not 
yet  made  much  progress,  brought  his  little  mangled  daughter 
forth  to  the  door,  and  while  bending  over  her,  discovered  a 
straggling  party  of  the  enemy  approaching.     He  had  but  just 
time  to  conceal  himself,  before  a  Tory  sergeant,  named  New- 
berry, rushed  forward,  bli  i  by  a  blow  of  his  hatchet  extinguished 
what  little  growing  hope  of  life  had  been  left,  by  a  darker 
though  less  savage  enemy  than  himself.    It  is  some  consolation, 
while  recording  Uiis  deed  of  blood,  to  be  able  to  anticipate  the 
course  of  ever  is,  so  far  as  to  announce  that  this  brutal  fellow 
paid  the  forit  It  of  his  life  on  the  gallows,  by  order  of  General 
James  Clinton,  at  Canajoharie,  in  the  summer  of  the  following 
year.    On  the  next  day  Mr.  Mitchell  removed  his  dead  to  the 
fort  with  his  own  arms,  and  the  soldiers  assisted  in  their  inter- 
ment.   Several  other  families  were  cut  off— the  whole  number 
of  the  inhabitants  slain  being  thirty- two,  mostly  women  and 
children.    In  addition  to  these,  sixteen  soldiers  were  killed. 
Some  of  the  inhabitants  escaped,  but  the  greater  proportion 
were  taken  prisoners.    Among  the  former  were  Mrs.  Clyde, 
the  wife  of  Colonel  Clyde,  who  was  absent,  and  her  family. 
She  succeeded  in  reaching  the  woods  with  her  children,  ex- 
cepting her  eldest  daughter,  whom  she  could  not  find  at  the 
moment ;  and  although  the  savages  were  frequently  prowling 
around  her,  she  yet  lay  secure  in  her  concealment  until  the 
next  day.    The  eldest  daughter,  likewise,  had  made  a  success' 


iuoilii.iiyl 


»'  ■  i'l 


r  / 


376 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1778 


fill  flight,  and  returned  in  safety.  Colonel  Campbell  was  also 
absent ;  but  hastening  home  on  hearing  the  alarm,  he  arrived 
only  in  time  to  behold  the  destruction  of  his  property  by  the 
conflagration  of  the  village,  and  to  ascertain  that  his  wife  and 
children  had  been  carried  into  captivity.*  The  torch  was  ap- 
plied  indiscriminately  to  every  dwelling-house,  and,  in  fact,  to 
every  building  in  the  village.  The  barns,  being  filled  with  the 
combustible  products  of  husbandry,  served  to  render  the  con- 
flagration more  fierce  and  terrific ;  especially  to  the  fugitive 
inhabitants  who  had  escaped  to  the  woods  for  shelter,  and 
whose  sufferings  were  aggravated  by  the  consciousness  that 
their  retreating  footsteps  were  lighted  by  the  flames  of  their 
own  households. 

The  prisoners  taken  numbered  between  thirty  and  forty. 
They  were  maiched,  on  the  evening  of  the  massacre,  down  the 
valley  about  two  miles  south  ©f  the  fort,  whero  the  enemy  en- 
camped for  the  night.  Large  fires  were  kind'ed  round  about 
the  camp,  into  the  centre  of  which  the  prisoners,  of  all  ages  and 
sexes,  were  promiscuously  huddled,  and  there  compelled  to 
pass  the  hours  till  morning — many  of  them  half  naked,  shiver- 
ing from  the  inclemency  of  the  weather,  with  no  shelter  bu'. 
the  frowning  heavens,  and  no  bed  but  the  cold  ground.  It  was 
a  dismal  night  for  the  hapless  group — rendered,  if  possible,  still 
more  painful  by  the  savage  yells  of  exultation,  the  wild,  half 


*  Culonel  Campbell  was  the  grandrathur  of  the  author  of  the  Annals  of  Tryon 
County,  BO  frequently  referred  to  in  the  preeent  volume,  to  whom  the  author  is 
almost  exclusively  indebted  for  the  facta  reapecting  the  invasion  of  Cherry  Valley. 
The  author  of  the  Anna's  being  himself  a  native  of  that  place,  was  not  only  familiar 
with  its  history  from  his  cradle,  but  has  taken  great  pains  to  collect  the  facts.  There 
is  indeed  no  other  reliable  authority.  Ramsay  is  equally  brief  and  unsatisfactory ; 
while  Macauley's  wretched  jumble  of  every  thing,  called,  T-r  vhat  reason  cannot 
be  divined,  a  History  of  New- York,  contains  the  most  foul  misrepresentations. 
The  massacre  was  bad  enough,  in  all  conscience ;  but  when  it  is  stated  that,  "  not 
"  content  with  killing  the  inhabitants,  they  ripped  open  and  quartered  the  women, 
'*  and  then  suspended  their  mangled  limbs  on  the  trees — that  the  helpless  infants 
"  were  taken  from  their  mothers'  breasts,  and  their  brains  knocked  out  against  the 
"  posts," — and  when  these  statements  are  compared  with  the  real  facts  of  the  case, 
we  may  well  tremble  for  the  truth  of  history.  The  simple  incident  which  gave  rise 
to  this  shocking  tale  of  mutilating  the  bodies  of  the  dying  and  dead,  was  this.  One 
of  the  Tories  had  lived  as  a  domestic  with  the  Rev.  Mr.  Dunlop.  He  had  run  away 
in  consequence  of  ill-treatment,  as  was  alleged,  on  Uie  part  of  Mrs.  D.  After  she 
was  siain,  it  is  said  he  cut  off  her  hand.  But  even  this  story  is  of  doubtful  au- 
thenticity. 


1778.] 


INVASION   OP   CHERRY    VALLEY. 


377 


frantic  revelry,  and  other  manifestations  of  joy  on  the  part  of 
the  victors,  at  the  success  of  their  bloody  enterprise.  In  the 
course  of  the  night  a  division  of  the  spoil  was  made  among  the 
Indians,  and  on  the  following  morning  the  march  was  resumed ; 
although  parties  of  the  Indians  returned  to  prowl  among  the 
ruins  of  the  village  or  hang  upon  its  outskirts,  during  the 
greater  part  of  the  day,  and  until  reinforcements  of  militia  from 
the  Mohawk  Valley  began  to  arrive,  when  they  dispersed. 

The  retiring  enemy  had  not  proceeded  far  on  their  way,  be- 
fore the  prisoners,  with  few  exceptions,  experienced  a  change 
in  their  circumstances,  as  happy  as  it  was  unexpected.  They 
had  been  separated,  for  the  convenience  of  travelling,  into  small 
groups,  in  charge  of  different  parties  of  the  enemy.  On  coming 
to  a  halt,  they  were  collected  together,  and  informed  that  it  had 
been  determined  to  release  all  the  women  and  children,  except- 
ing Mrs.  Campbell  and  her  four  children,  and  Mrs.  Moore  said 
her  children.  IMiesc  it  was  resolved  to  detain  in  captivity  as 
a  punishment  to  their  husbands,  for  the  activity  they  had  dis- 
played in  the  border  wars.  With  these  exceptions,  the  women 
and  their  little  ones  were  immediately  sent  back,  bearing  the 
following  letter  from  the  commander  of  the  rangers,  addressed 
to  General  Schuyler.  As  a  key  to  the  letter,  and  perhaps, 
also,  to  the  motives  of  Captain  Butler  in  this  act  of  humanity, 
it  should  here  be  remarked,  that  on  the  flight  of  his  father  and 
himself  to  Canada,  his  mother  and  the  yonnger  children  had 
been  left  behind.  Mrs.  Butler  and  her  children  were  detained 
by  the  Committee  of  Safety,  and  permission  to  follow  the  hus- 
band and  son  to  Canada  had  been  refused,  as  has  been  stated 
in  a  former  chapter  : — 

Captain  Butler  to  General  Schuyler. 

«  Cherry  Valley,  Nov.  12,  1778. 

"Sir, 
"  I  am  induced  by  humanity  to  permit  the  persons  whose 
names  I  send  herewith,  to  return,  lest  the  inclemency  of  the 
season,  and  their  naked  and  helpless  situation,  might  prove 
fatal  to  them,  and  expect  that  you  will  release  an  equal  number 
of  our  people  in  your  hands,  amongst  whom  I  expect  you  will 
permit  Mrs.  Butler  and  family  to  come  to  Canada ;  but  if  you 
insist  upon  it,  1  do  engage  to  send  you,  moreover,  an  equal 


^'i! 


I 


m 


m 


\  "I 


il     if 


\  111 

I,      ii^ 


m 


378 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1778 


number  of  prisoners  of  yours,  taken  either  by  the  Rangers  or 
Indians,  and  will  leave  it  to  you  to  name  the  persons.  I  have 
done  every  thing  in  my  power  to  restrain  the  fury  of  the  In- 
dians from  hurting  women  and  children,  or  killing  the  prison- 
ers who  fell  into  our  hands,  and  would  have  more  effectually 
prevented  them,  but  that  they  were  much  incensed  by  the  late 
destruction  of  their  village  of  Anguaga*  by  your  people.  I  shall 
always  continue  to  act  in  that  manner.  I  look  upon  it  beneath 
the  character  of  a  soldier  to  wage  war  with  women  and 
children.  I  am  sure  you  are  conscious  that  Colonel  Butler  or 
myself  have  no  desire  that  your  women  or  children  should  be 
hurt.  But,  be  assured,  that  if  you  persevere  in  detaining  my 
father's  family  with  you,  that  we  shall  no  longer  take  the  same 
pains  to  restrain  the  Indians  from  prisoners,  women  and 
children,  that  we  have  heretofore  done. 

"  I  am,  your  humble  servant, 

"  Walter  N.  Butler, 
"  Capt.  Com.  of  the  Rangers, 
"General  Schuyler." t 

Having  thus,  in  a  great  measure,  disencumbered  themselves 
of  their  prisoners,  the  enemy  proceeded  on  their  journey  by 
their  usual  route  at  that  period,  down  the  Susquehanna  to  its 
confluence  with  the  Tioga,  thence  up  that  river  into  the  Seneca 
country,  and  thence  to  Niagara.  Mrs.  Cannon,  an  aged  lady, 
and  the  mother  of  Mrs.  Campbell,  was  likewise  held  in  capti- 
vity ;  but  being  unfitted  for  travelling  by  reason  of  her  years, 
the  Indian  having  both  in  charge  despatched  the  mother  with 
his  hatchet,  by  the  side  of  the  daughter,  on  the  second  day  of 
their  march.  Mrs.  Campl)ell  was  driven  along  by  the  uplifted 
hatchet,  having  a  child  in  her  arms  eighteen  months  old,  with 
barbarous  rap'Jity,  until  the  next  day,  when  she  was  favored 
with  a  more  numane  master.  In  the  course  of  the  march  a 
straggling  party  of  the  Indians  massacred  an  English  family 
named  Buxton,  residing  on  the  Butternut  Creek,  and  reduced 
their  buildings  to  ashes.t 

Thus  terminated  the  expedition  of  Walter  N.  Butler  and 

*  One  of  the  old  names  ofUnadilla. 

t  This  letter  was  recently  found  among  the  papers  of  General  James  Clinton. 
{  There  is  some  reason  to  doubt  whether  this  murder  of  the  Buxtons  was  notth« 
work  of  the  Oneidas,  during  their  excursion  to  Unadilla  and  the  Butternuts, 


Iter  N.  Butler  and 


1778.] 


DESOLATION    OF    THE    VILLAGE. 


379 


Joseph  Brant  to  Cherry  Valley.  Nothing  could  exhibit  an  as- 
pect of  more  entire  desolation  than  did  the  site  of  that  village 
on  the  following  day,  when  the  militia  from  tha  Mohawk  ar- 
rived, too  late  to  afford  assistance.  "  The  cocks  crowed  from 
"  the  tops  of  the  forest  trees,  and  the  dogs  howled  through  the 
«  fields  and  woods."  The  inhabitants  who  escaped  the  massa- 
cre, and  those  who  returned  from  captivity,  abandoned  the 
settlement,  until  the  return  of  p*^  .ce  should  enable  them  to  plant 
themselves  down  once  more  in  "afety  ;  and  in  the  succeeding 
S'lmmer  the  garrison  \ras  withd.  ^wn  and  the  post  abandoned. 
Next  to  the  destruction  of  Wj  Ang,  that  of  Cherry  Valley 
stands  oui  in  history  as  having  been  the  most  conspicuous  for 
its  atrocity.  And  as  in  the  case  of  Wyoming,  both  in  history 
and  popular  tradition,  Joseph  Brant  has  been  held  up  as  the 
foul  fiend  of  the  barbarians,  and  of  all  others  deserving  the 
deepest  execration.  Even  the  learned  and  estimable  counsel- 
lor, who  so  long  reported  the  adjudicated  law  of  the  State  of 
New- York,*  in  the  tribute  to  the  memory  of  the  late  John  Wells, 
with  which  he  closed  the  last  volume  of  his  juridical  labors, 
has  fallen  into  the  same  popular  error  ;  and  applies  the  second 
stanza  in  the  striking  passage  of  "Gertrude  of  Wyoming," 
which  called  forth  the  younger  Brant  in  vindication  of  his  fa- 
ther's mem  ry,  to  the  case  of  his  departed  and  eminent  friend.t 
It  was  indeed  most  true  as  applied  to  the  melancholy  case  of 
Mr.  Wells,  of  whose  kindred  "  nor  man,  nor  child,  nor  thing 
of  living  birth,"  had  been  left  by  the  Indians.  But  it  may  be 
fearlessly  asserted  that  it  was  not  true  as  coupled  with  the 
name  of  Joseph  Brant.  It  has  already  been  seen  that  Brant 
was  not  the  commander  of  this  expedition  ;  and  if  he  had  been, 
it  is  not  certain  that  he  could  have  compelled  a  different  result. 
But  itis  certain  that  his  conduct  on  that  fatal  day  was  neither 
barbarous  nor  ungenerous.  On  the  contrary,  he  did  all  in  his 
power  to  prevent  the  shedding  of  innocent  blood ;  and  had  it 
not  been  for  a  circumstance  be^^ond  his  control,  it  is  more  than 
probable  that  the  distinguished  counsellor  referred  to,  would 
not  have  been  left  "  alone  of  all  his  race."    Captain  Brant  as- 

♦  William  Johnson,  Esq.  long  reporter  of  the  Supreme  Court,  the  Court  of  Errors, 
and  the  Court  of  Chancery  of  this  State. 

t  The  passage  referred  to — as  unjust  as  it  k  poetical— will  be  found  near  the  cloe© 
of  the  second  volume  of  the  present  work,  in  the  sketch  of  the  life  of  the  yoongat 
Brant. 


m 


^ "  If 

■t'li 

i  [I 


mi 


it?;!* 


;'  'I.'!  I     1  U     Jl.trtl.LtiTi 


i 


W'^ 


m 


m 

WS%\ 

1 

W:' 

w 

w 

Mm 

Ml 

380 


LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


[1778. 


serted,  and  there  is  no  reason  to  question  his  veracity,  that  on 
the  morning  of  the  attack,  he  left  the  main  body  of  tiie  Indians, 
and  endeavored  to  anticipate  their  arrival  at  the  house  of  Mr. 
Wells,  for  the  purpose  of  affording  protection  to  the  family. 
On  his  way  it  was  necessary  to  cross  a  ploughed  field,  the 
yielding  of  the  earth  in  which,  beneath  his  tread,  so  retarded 
his  progress,  that  he  arrived  too  late. 

But  this  is  not  all.  On  entering  one  of  the  dwellings,  he 
lound  a  woman  employed  in  household  matters.  "  Are  you 
thus  engaged,"  inquired  the  chief,  "  while  all  your  neighbors 
are  murdered  around  you  ?"  The  woman  replied  that  they 
were  in  fovor  of  the  King.  "  That  plea  will  not  avail  you  to- 
day," replied  the  warrior.  "  They  have  murdered  Mr.  Wells's 
family,  who  were  as  dear  to  me  as  my  own."  "  But,"  conti- 
nued the  woman,  "  there  is  one  Joseph  Brant :  if  he  is  with  the 
Indians,  he  will  save  us."  "I  am  Joseph  Brant!"  was  the 
quick  response  :  "  but  I  have  not  the  command,  and  I  know 
not  that  I  can  save  you  ;  but  I  will  do  what  is  in  my  power." 
At  the  moment  of  uttering  these  words,  he  observed  the  Senecas 
approaching.  "  Get  into  bed  quick,"  he  commanded  her,  "  and 
feign  yourself  sick,"  The  woman  obeyed,  and,  when  the  In- 
dians came  up,  he  put  them  off  with  that  pretext.  Instantly  as 
they  departed,  he  rallied  a  few  of  his  Mohawks  by  a  shrill 
signal,  and  directed  them  to  paint  his  mark  upon  the  woman 
and  her  children.  "  You  are  now  probably  safe,"  he  remarked 
— and  departed.* 

Another  instance,  from  the  same  authority,!  will  serve 
farther  to  illustrate  the  conduct  and  bearing  of  this  distinguish- 
ed Indian  leader  on  that  occasion  :  After  the  battle  was  over, 
he  inquired  of  one  of  the  captives  for  Captain  M'Kean,  who 
had  retired  to  the  Mohawk  Valley  with  his  family.  "  He  sent  me 
a  challenge  once,"  said  the  chief ;  "  I  have  now  come  to  accept 
it.  He  is  a  fine  soldier  thus  to  retreat !"  It  was  said  in  reply : 
"Captain  M'Kean  would  not  turn  his  back  upon  an  enemy 
where  there  was  a  probability  of  success."  "  I  know  it,"  re- 
joined Brant :  "  he  is  a  brave  man  and  I  would  have  given 


*  It  ii  an  Indian  practice  thus  to  mark  their  captives,  and  the  known  mark  of  a 
tribe  or  chiof  is  a  protection  from  danger  at  other  hands. 
f  Campbell's  Annals. 


1778.] 


CONDUCT   OP   BRANT    AND   BUTLER. 


381 


id  the  known  mark  of  i 


«  more  to  take  him  than  any  other  man  in  Cherry  Valley :  but 
"I  would  not  have  hurt  a  hair  of  his  head." 

These  were  generous  sentiments,  worthy  of  a  generous  sol- 
dier. Indeed,  the  whole  conduct  of  the  Mohawk  chief  on  that 
melancholy  day  was  any  thing  rather  than  characteristic  of  the 
"  monster  "  Brant  has  been  represented  to  be.  Of  the  conduct 
of  the  leader  of  the  expedition,  Captain  Walter  N.  Butler,  a  less 
charitable  judgment  must  he  formed — not  so  much  perhaps  on 
account  of  the  atrocities  committed — because  these,  too,  may 
have  been  beyond  his  control,  or  suddenly  perpetrated  without 
his  knowledge — but  because  the  expedition  was  entirely  one  of 
his  own  undertaking.  It  was  said  that  Colonel  John  Butler 
was  grieved  at  the  conduct  of  his  son  at  this  place ;  remarking, 
on  one  occasion,  in  regard  to  the  murder  of  Mr.  Wells  and 
family — "  I  would  have  gone  miles  on  my  hands  and  knees 
"to  save  that  family,  and  why  my  son  did  not  do  it,  God 
" only  knows."  It  has  also  been  asserted  that  the  Colonel  ac- 
cused Brant  of  having  incited  the  Indians  secretly  to  commit 
the  excesses  in  question,  in  order  to  bring  odium  upon  his  son, 
under  whose  command,  as  the  reader  has  already  been  inform- 
ed, he  had  been  placed,  strongly  in  opposition  to  his  own  wishes. 
But  the  Mohawk  repelled  the  charge,  and  appealed  to  his  for- 
mer conduct,  particularly  in  the  case  of  Springfield,  as  a  vindi- 
cation of  his  character  from  the  imputation  of  wanton  cruelty. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  has  been  laid  to  the  charge  of  Butler, 
that  when,  on  the  night  preceding  the  massacre,  some  of  his 
rangers  desired  secretly  to  apprise  their  friends  in  the  village 
of  the  storm  which  was  to  burst  upon  them  iu  the  morning,  he 
peremptorily  denied  the  request— apprehending  that  if  a  few 
were  ever  so  cautiously  admonished  of  the  approaching  danger, 
the  tidings  would  be  bruited  and  the  whole  village  escape.* 

These  things  may,  or  they  may  not,  be  true.  But  in  either 
case  the  loyalist  Butlers,  father  and  son,  should  be  justly  dealt 
by,  although  they  have  not  been  as  yet.  At  least  the  world 
has  never  heard  what  they  might  possibly  have  said  in  their 
own  defence — nay,  what  they  did  say — in  regard  to  the  affairs 
of  Wyoming  and  Cherry  Valley  ;  and  candor  requires  the  ad- 
mission, that  the  narratives  of  those  events  which  have  descend- 
ed to  us,  were  written  too  soon  after  their  occurrence  to  war- 

*  Campbell's  Annals. 


J:'- 


l>! 


382 


LIFE    OF   BRANT. 


[1778. 


rant  a  belief  in  the  entire  impartiality  of  the  writers.  But  as 
truth  constitutes  the  great  excellence  of  history,  and  as  a  just 
opinion  can  rarely  be  formed  upon  testimony  altogether  ex- 
parte  after  fifty-eight  years  of  silence,  it  may  be  allowed  to  the 
Butlers,  though  dead,  to  speak  a  word  for  themselves.  Vhc 
elder  Butler  lived  at  Niagara  many  years  after  the  close  of  the 
contest;  and, though  employed  in  the  British  Indian  Department, 
his  conduct  was  such,  both  in  public  and  private  life,  as  to  com- 
mand the  respect  of  those  who  knew  him. 

The  letter  of  Captain  Butler  to  General  Schuyler,  written  the 
day  after  the  affair  at  Cherry  Valley,  was  dehvered  by  the  gen- 
tleman who,  of  all  others,  felt  the  greatest  interest  in  facilitating 
the  arrangement  proposed — Colonel  Campbell  himself  It  was 
not  answered  by  General  Schuyler,  for  the  reason  that  he  was 
not  then  in  command  of  the  district ;  and  for  the  still  farther 
reason  that,  from  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  it  took  a  differ- 
ent direction.  On  the  1st  of  January,  however,  the  following 
letter  upon  the  subject  was  addressed  to  Captain  Butler  by 
Brigadier-General  James  Clinton : — 

General  Clinton  to  Captain  Butler. 

"  Albany,  January  1st,  1779. 
"Sir, 
"  A  letter,  dated  the  12th  of  November  last,  signed  by  you, 
and  directed  to  General  Schuyler,  and  which  was  delivered  by 
John  Campbell,  is  come  to  hand.  As  its  contents  related  to 
persons  who  were  citizens  of  the  State,  with  which  the  military 
do  not  interfere,  the  letter  was  not  delivered  to  Brigadier-Gene- 
ral Hand,  who  commanded  in  this  department,  but  transmitted 
to  his  Excellency  Governor  Clinton,  that  his  pleasure  might 
be  known  on  its  contents.  He  has  authorized  me  to  make  the 
exchange  you  request.  I  am  at  a  loss  to  know  not  only  where 
to  direct  to  3'ou,  but  also  in  what  part  of  the  country  the  un- 
happy prisoners  taken  from  this  State  have  been  carried.  I 
therefore  send  the  bearers,  A.  B.  and  C.  D.  with  a  flag,  to  carry 
this  letter  to  any  place  where  they  may  learn  you  are,  or  any 
other  officer  who  can  accomplish  the  exchange  in  your  ab- 
sence. Should  the  prisoners  be  in  any  of  the  Indian  villages, 
and  in  a  condition  to  be  moved,  you  will  please  to  send  them 
to  the  nearest  of  our  settlements  ;  or,  if  you  do  not  choose  to 
do  that,  I  will  send  proper  persons  to  meet  and  receive  them  at 


were 
sufficif 
Theej 
Valley] 
mothe{ 
of  thos 
to  the 
evincel 

will  C5 

selves 
pendec 
As  Call 
toGer 


"  tJ 

service 
Clinton.! 


1778.] 


LETTER  OP   GENERAL   CLINTON. 


383 


any  place  you  may  appoint.  I  am  not  informed  if  Mrs.  Butler, 
her  family,  and  such  others  as  will  be  given  in  exchange  for 
those  you  have  in  captivity,  and  those  you  have  suffered  to  re- 
turn as  mentioned  in  your  letter,  would  choose  to  move  at  this 
inclement  season.  If  they  do,  they  shall  be  sent.  If  not,  they 
may  remain  until  Spring ;  and  then  they  may  either  go  to 
Oswego  or  Canada,  at  their  option.  Should  the  prisoners 
taken  at  Cherry  Valley,  or  any  others  belonging  to  the  State  of 
New-York,  be  at  Niagara,  it  will  be  impossible  for  them  to  re- 
turn until  Spring ;  and  then  I  request  that  they  may  be  sent  to 
Oswego  or  Fort  Schuyler,  and  that  you  will  send  notice  of 
your  determination,  that  provision  may  be  made  accordingly. 
Do  not  flatter  yourself,  sir,  that  your  father's  family  have  been 
detained  on  account  of  any  consequence  they  were  supposed  to 
be  of,  or  that  it  is  determined  they  should  be  exchanged  in  con- 
sideration of  the  threat  contained  in  your  letter.  I  should 
hope,  for  the  sake  of  human  nature  and  the  honor  of  civilized 
nations,  that  the  British  officers  had  exerted  themselves  in 
restraining  the  barbarity  of  the  savages.  But  it  is  difficult 
even  for  the  most  disinterested  mind  to  believe  it,  as  numerous 
instances  of  barbarity  have  been  perpetrated  where  savages 
were  not  present — or,  if  they  were,  the  British  force  was  not 
sufficient  to  restrain  them,  had  there  been  a  real  desire  so  to  do. 
The  enormous  murders  committed  at  Wyoming  and  Cherry 
Valley  would  clearly  have  justified  a  retaliation  ;  and  that  your 
mother  did  not  fall  a  sacrifice  to  the  resentment  of  the  survivors 
of  those  families  who  were  so  barbarously  massacred,  is  owing 
to  the  humane  principles  which  the  conduct  of  their  enemies 
evinces  a  belief  that  they  are  utterly  strangers  to.  The  flag 
will  carry  their  arms  with  them,  that  they  may  furnish  them- 
selves with  provisions,  should  what  they  set  out  with  be  ex- 
pended before  they  reach  any  places  where  they  can  be  supplied. 
As  Captain  Butler  maybe  absent,  I  enclose  a  copy  of  this  letter 

to  General  Schuyler. 

"  I  am,  &;c., 

"  James  Clinton. 

"  To  Captain  Walter  Butler,  or  any  officer  in  the  British 

service  to  whom  this  may  be  handed."* 

*  This  letter  has  been  copied  from  the  original  draft,  among  the  papers  of  General 
Clinton. 


I 


*'    ^l  ■  mm 


'Wl 


»    I, 


m 


384 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1778. 


This  letter  reached  its  dostinntioii  in  due  season,  and  called 
forth  the  following  reply  from  Captain  Butler,  written  in  be 
half  of  his  father  and  himself:— 

Captain  Butler  to  General  Clinton. 

"  Niagara,  18th  Feb.  1779. 
"Sir, 

"  I  have  received  a  letter  dated  the  1st  January  last,  signed 
by  you,  in  answer  to  mine  of  the  12th  November. 

"Its  contents  Icommunicated  to  Lieutenant  Colonel  Bolton,  the 
commanding  officer  of  this  garrison,  &c.  by  whom  I  am  directed 
to  acquaint  you,  that  he  had  no  objection  that  an  exchange 
of  prisoners,  as  mentioned  in  your  letter,  should  take  place ;  but 
not  being  fully  empowered  by  his  Excellency — General  Haldi- 
mand* — to  order  the  same  immediately  to  be  put  in  execution, 
has  thought  proper  I  should  go  down  to  the  Commander-in 
chief  for  his  direction  in  the  matter. 

"  In  the  mean  time,  Colonel  Butltr,  as  he  ever  has  done  on 
every  other  occasion,  will  make  every  effort  in  his  power  to 
have  all  the  prisoners,  as  well  those  belonging  to  your  troops, 
as  the  women  and  children,  in  captivity  among  the  different  In- 
dian nations,  collected  and  sent  in  to  this  post  to  be  forwarded 
to  Crown  Point,  should  the  exchange  take  place  by  the  way  of 
Canada,  or  to  Oswego,  if  settled  there.  In  cither  case  Colonel 
Bolton  desires  me  to  infoim  you  that  the  prisoners  shall  receive 
from  him  what  assistance  theh*  wants  may  require,  which  pri- 
soners have  at  all  times  received  at  this  post. 

"  The  disagreeable  situation  of  your  people  in  the  Indian  vil- 
lages, as  well  as  ours  amongst  you,  will  induce  me  to  make  all 
the  expedition  in  my  power  to  Canada,  (Quebec,)  in  order  that 
the  exchange  may  be  settled  as  soon  as  possible.  For  the  good 
of  both,  I  make  no  doubt  that  his  Excellency  General  Haldi- 
mand  will  acquiesce  in  the  proper  exchange.  The  season  of 
the  year  renders  it  impossible  that  it  should  take  place  before 
the  10th  or  15th  May  next.  However,  I  shall  write  you,  by 
the  way  of  Crown  Point,  General  Haldimand's  determination, 
and  when  and  where  the  exchange  will  be  most  agreeable  to 
him  to  be  made.    I  could  wish  Mrs.  Butler  and  her  family,  in- 

*  General  Sir  Frederick  Haldimand  had  previous  to  this  time  supeneded  Sir 
Quy  Carleton  in  the  command  of  the  Canadas. 


1( 


[1778. 

iason,  and  called 
r,  written  in  be 


MNTON. 

3th  Feb.  1779. 

nary  last,  signed 

iber. 

:!olonel  Bolton,  the 
hom  lam  directed 
hat  an  exchange 
Id  take  place ;  but 
r — General  Haldi- 
put  in  execntion, 
le  Conimander-in 

I  ever  has  done  on 
rt  in  his  power  to 
ng  to  your  troops, 

II  g  the  different  In- 
st to  be  forwarded 
lace  by  the  way  of 
cither  case  Colonel 
ioners  shall  receive 
require,  which  pri- 

e  in  the  Indian  vil- 
Lice  me  to  make  all 
ebec,)  in  order  that 
ible.     For  the  good 
cy  General  Haldi- 
•e.    The  season  ol 
take  place  before 
(hall  write  you,  by 
nd's  determination, 
most  agreeable  to 
and  her  family,  in- 

thia  time  tupereeded  Sir 


1778. 


LETTER  OP   WALTER   N.    BUTLER. 


385 


eluding  Mrs.  Scheehan  aid  sor ,  and  Mrs.  Wall,  were  permitted 
to  go  to  Canada  in  the  Spring,  even  should  the  exchange  bo 
fixed  at  Ontario. 

"  It  is  not  our  present  business,  sir,  to  enter  into  an  alterca- 
tion, or  to  reflect  on  the  conduct  of  either  the  British  or  the 
Continental  forces,  or  on  that  of  each  other  ;  but  since  you 
have  charged  (on  report,  I  must  suppose)  the  British  officers  in 
general  with  inhumanity,  and  Colonel  Butler  and  myself  in 
particular  ;  in  justice  to  them,  and  in  vindication  of  his  and 
my  own  honor  and  character,  I  am  under  the  disagreeable  ne- 
cessity to  declare  the  charge  unjust  and  void  of  truth,  and  which 
can  only  tend  to  deceive  the  world,  though  a  favorite  cry  of 
the  Congress  on  every  occasion,  whether  in  truth  or  not. 

"  We  deny  any  cruelties  to  have  been  committed  at  Wyo- 
tiling;  either  by  whites  or  Indians ;  so  far  to  the  contrary,  that 
not  a  man,  woman,  or  child  was  hurt  after  the  capitulation,  or 
a  woman  or  child  before  it,  and  none  taken  into  captivity. 
Though,  should  you  call  it  inhumanity  the  killing  men  in 
arms  in  the  field,  we  in  that  case  plead  guilty.  The  inhabit- 
ants killed  at  Cherry  Valley  does  not  lay  at  my  door — my  con- 
science acquits.  If  any  are  guilty  (as  accessories)  it's  yourselves ; 
at  least  the  conduct  of  some  of  your  officers.  First,  Colonel 
Hartley,  of  your  forces,  sent  to  the  Indians  the  enclosed,  being  a 
copy  of  his  letter  charging  them  with  crimes  they  never  com- 
mitted, and  threatening  them  and  their  villages  with  fire  and 
sword  and  no  quar^  3rs.  The  burning  of  one  of  their  villages, 
then  inhabited  only  by  a  few  families — your  friends— who  ima- 
gined they  might  remain  in  peace  and  friendship  with  you,  till 
assured  a  few  hours  before  the  arrival  of  your  troops  that  fhey 
should  not  eve  i  receive  quarters,  took  to  the  woods;  and,  to 
connplete  the  matter,  Colonel  Denniston  and  his  people  appear- 
ing again  in  arms  with  Colonel  Hartley,  after  a  solemn  capitu- 
lation and  engagement  not  to  bear  arms  during  the  war,  and 
Colonel  Denniston  not  performing  a  promise  to  release  a  num- 
ber of  soldiers  belonging  to  Colonel  Butler's  corps  of  rangers, 
then  prisoners  among  you,  were  the  reasons  assigned  by  the 
Indians  to  me,  after  the  destruction  of  Cherry  Valley,  for  their 
not  acting  in  the  same  manner  as  at  Wyoming.  They  added, 
that  being  charged  by  their  enemies  with  what  they  never  had 
done,  and  threatened  by  them,  they  had  determined  to  convince 

At 


11 


iV  ,  ,   li 


iviW 


''»*! 


'il :.;.: 


II 


i,i:    i!l,l' 


[i'i'!i!'if? 


W^% 


Wm 


l!  'i 


W0 


'■mm^m 


ii'ti' i''''  !iill(* 


386 


LIPR   OP    BRANT. 


[1778. 


you  it  was  not  fear  which  had  prevented  them  from  commit- 
ting  the  one,  and  that  they  did  not  want  spirit  to  put  your 
threats  against  them  in  force  against  yourselves. 

"  The  prisoners  sent  back  by  me,  or  anv  now  in  our  or  the 
Indians'  hands,  must  declare  I  did  every  thing  in  my  power  to 
prevent  the  Indians  killing  the  prisoners,  or  aking  women  and 
children  captive,  or  in  any  wise  injuring  then. .  Colonel  Stacey 
and  several  other  officers  of  yours,  when  exchanged,  will 
acquit  me ;  and  must  further  declare,  that  they  have  received 
every  assistance,  before  and  since  their  arrival  at  this  post,  thnt 
could  be  got  to  r(;licve  their  wants.  I  must,  however,  beg  leave, 
by  the  bye,  to  observe,  that  I  experienced  no  humanity,  of  even 
common  justice,  during  my  imprisonment  among  yo»^.   ■ 

"  I  enclose  you  a  list  of  officers  and  privates  whonj  I  should 
l)e  glad  were  exchanged  likewise.  The  list  of  the  families  we 
expect  for  those  as  well  sent  back  as  others  in  our  liands,  you 
have  likewise  enclosed.  .  .  //, 

"  Colonel  Stacey,  and  several  officers  and  others,  your  peo- 
ple, are  at  this  post,  and  have  leave  to  write.  *. 

"  I  am, 

"Your  very  humble  serv't., 
"  Walter  N.  Butler, 
"  Captain  corps  of  Rangers. 

''  Brigadier  Gen.  Clinton,    ) 
of  the  Continental  foreeh."     \ 

This  is  a  straight-forward,  manly  letter ;  and  when  the  im- 
partial reader  is  weighing  the  testimony  in  regard  to  the  trans- 
actions of  which  it  speaks,  it  certainly  deserves  consideration. 
It  is,  moreover,  believed  to  be  the  first  time  that  the  accused 
have  been  permitted  to  relate  their  own  side  of  the  case. 
There  were,  no  doubt,  bloody  outrages  committed — probably 
upon  beffh  sides — because  in  such  a  contest,  waged  by  border 
ers,  many  of  whom,  as  has  been  seen,  were  previously  burning 
with  indignation  against  each  other,  it  is  hardly  to  be  expected 
that  individual  combatants  would  always  contend  hand  to 
hand  with  all  the  courtesy  which  characterised  gallant  knights 
in  the  days  of  chivalry.  In  justice  to  Colonel  John  Butler, 
moreover,  it  must  be  admitted  that  his  conduct  toward  his  pri- 
soners at  Niagara,  and  among  the  Indians  in  that  country,  was 


Bortin<{ 
had  drt 

and  givi 
time  tha 
were  ki( 
rum  to 
be  given 
able  to 
duties, 
spectablf 
'rem  Sir 
families  I 
that  the  I 
comioen 
Indian 

muster, 

coming  i 

mount  I 

At  the' 

sprang  I 

tresses  t 

to  the  in 

nessofl 

■noured 


IV''  ;;;i 


1778.] 


MRS.  Campbell's  captivity. 


387 


iw  in  our  or  the 


others,  your  peo- 


uniformly  characterised  by  humanity.  One  ])roof  of  this  dis- 
position vvns  ufforded  in  the  case  of  Colonel  Stacia,  whose  de- 
struction had,  for  some  reason  or  other,  been  determined  upon 
by  Molly  Brant,  the  Indian  wife  of  Sir  William  Johnson  ;  who, 
in  her  widowhood,  had  been  taken  from  Johnstown  to  Niagara.* 
The  few  prisoners  from  Cherry  Valley  were  marched,  by  the 
route  already  indicated,  to  the  Seneca  country.  Mrs.  Camp- 
bell was  carried  to  the  Seneca  cnstle  at  Kanadaseago,  where 
she  was  presented  to  a  family  to  fill  a  place  made  vacant  by 
the  death  of  one  of  its  members.  Her  children,  the  infant  in- 
cluded, were  separated  from  her,  and  distributed  among  differ- 
ent Indian  families.  Beinsr  skilful  with  her  needle,  and  render- 
ing herself  useful  to  those  with  whom  she  lived,  she  was 
treated  with  indulgence.  No  restraints  were  imposed  upon  her, 
and  she  was  even  gratified  in  her  desire  to  pay  a  due  regard  to 
th(  .Sabbath,  of  which  institution  they  were  ignorant.  Among 
other  little  civilities,  perceiving  that  she  wore  caps,  an  Indian 
presented  her  one,  which  was  cut  and  spotted  with  blood.  On 
a  closer  scrutuiy,  her  feelings  were  shocked  by  the  discovery, 

*  '*  Molly  Brant  hnH,  for  nomn  caiian,  a  deadly  hostility  to  Colonel  Stacia.  Re- 
sorting to  thu  Indian  motiiod  of  dreumiiig,  she  infomnod  Colonel  Butler  tliat  the 
had  droamed  that  she  lind  the  Yankee's  head,  and  that  she  and  the  Indians  were 
kicking  it  about  the  fort.  Colonel  Butler  ordered  a  small  ke<;  of  mm  to  he  painted 
and  given  to  her.  This,  for  a  short  time,  appeased  her ;  but  she  dreamed  a  second 
time  that  she  had  the  Yankee's  head,  with  his  hat  on,  and  that  she  and  the  Indians 
were  kicking  it  about  the  fort  for  a  football.  Colonel  Bullor  ordered  another  keg  of 
rum  to  be  given  to  her,  and  then  told  her  decidedly  that  Colonel  Stacia  should  not 
be  given  up  to  the  Indians.  Apart  from  this  circumstance,  I  know  nothing  disreput- 
able to  Molly  Brant.  On  the  contrary,  she  appears  to  have  had  just  views  of  her 
duties.  She  was  careful  of  the  education  of  her  children,  some  of  whom  were  re- 
spectably married.'* — CampbeWs  Annals. — It  may  bo  added,  that  her  descendants 
•rom  Sir  William  Johnson  compose  some  of  the  most  respectable  and  intelligent 
families  of  Upper  Canada  at  this  day.  The  traditions  of  vhe  Mohawk  Valley  state, 
that  the  acquaintance  of  Sir  William  with  Mnlly  had  a  rather  wild  and  romantic 
commencement.  The  story  runs,  that  she  was  a  very  sprightly  and  very  beautiful 
Indian  girl  of  about  sixteen  when  he  first  saw  her.  It  was  at  a  regimental  militia 
muster,  where  Molly  was  one  of  a  multitude  of  spectators.  One  of  the  field-officers 
coming  near  her  upon  a  prancing  steed,  by  way  of  banter  she  asked  permission  to 
mount  behind  him.  Not  supposing  she  could  perform  the  exploit,  he  said  she  might 
At  the  word  she  leaped  upon  tlie  crupper  with  the  agility  of  a  gazelle.  The  horse 
sprang  ofTat  full  speed,  and,  clinging  to  the  officer,  her  blanket  flying,  and  her  dark 
tresses  streaming  in  the  wind,  she  flew  about  the  parade-ground  swifl  as  an  arrow, 
to  the  infinite  merriment  of  the  collected  multitude.  The  Baronet,  who  waa  a  wit* 
ness  of  the  spectacle,  admiring  the  spirit  of  the  young  squaw,  and  becoming  ena- 
moured of  her  person,  took  her  home  as  hi*  wife. 


M 


i- :  ■.  i'li' 


*  ;  ii 


"  !:;i 


{I  J 


|i'''S!i:||i 


m 


¥ 


388 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1778. 


from  the  mark,  that  it  had  belonged  to  the  lovely  companion 
of  her  youth,  the  hapless  Jane  Wells  ! 

After  returning  from  a  successful  expedition,  a  dance  of 
Thanksgiving  is  performed  by  the  Iroquois,  which  partakes  of 
the  character  of  a  relij;ious  ceremony  ;*  and  Mrs.  Campbell  had 
the  opportunity,  soon  after  her  arrival  at  Kanadeseaga,  of  wit- 
nessing the  festival  in  honor  of  their  recent  victory,  of  'vhich 
she  herself  was  one  of  the  trophies.  A  grand  council  was  con- 
voked for  this  purp  3se,  and  preparations  were  made  for  the  obser- 
vance of  the  festiAial,  upon  a  scale  corresponding  with  the  im- 
portance of  the  achievements  they  were  to  celebrate.  The  ar- 
rangements having  been  completed,  the  warriors  came  forth  to 
the  centre  of  the  village,  where  the  great  fire  had  been  kindled, 
ho'ribly  disfigured  by  black  and  red  paint,  and  commenced 
their  savage  rites  by  singing  of  their  own  exploits,  and  those 
of  their  ancestors, — by  degrees  working  themselves  up  into  a 
tempest  of  passion  ;  whooping,  yelling,  and  uttering  every  hi- 
deous cry :  brandishing  their  knives  and  war-clubs,  and  throw- 
ing themselves  into  the  most  menacing  attitudes,  in  a  manner 
terrific  to  the  unpractised  beholder.  There  was  no  prisoner 
put  to  the  torture,  or  attired  with  the  raven  death-cap  on  this 
oocasion;  t  but  the  prisoners  were  paraded,  and  the  bcalps  borne 
in  procession,  as  would  have  been  the  standards  taken  in  civi- 
lized warfare  in  the  celebration  of  a  triumph.  For  every  scalp, 
and  for  every  prisoner  taken,  the  scalp-yell,  or,  as  it  is  some- 
times called,  the  death-halloo,  was  raised  in  all  its  mingled 
tones  of  triumph  and  terror.J  The  scalp-yell  is  the  most  ter- 
rific note  which  an  Indian  ctn  raise,  and  from  the  numbers 
that  had  fallen  during  this  ex^icdition,  it  was  often  repeated. 
The  white  dog  for  the  sacrifice  was  then  killed ;  the  oflTerings 
collected  were  thrown  into  the  fire ;  whereupon  the  dog  was 
laid  upon  the  pile  and  thoroughly  roasted.  The  flesh  was 
then  eaten,  and  the  wild  festival  closed. 

From  an  account  of  the  ceremor.  ies  at  one  of  the  festivals,  of 


-/* 


*  Heckewelder. 

t  The  Indiana  do  not  oden  put  their  prisoners  to  the  torture,  or  even  to  death— 
seldom,  unless  when  they  have  sustained  great  lotses,  or  when  some  of  their  war- 
riors have  been  murdered.  The  torture  is  then  reaorte  1  io,  .d  glut  their  venfetnce. 
—Htektvoddtr.  * 

X  Idem. 


of  the  festivals,  of 


torture,  or  even  to  death— 

r  when  some  of  their  war- 

io,  a  glut  their  vengpwice. 


1778.] 


THE    DOG   SACRIFICE. 


389 


which  Mrs.  Campbell  was  a  spectator  during  her  captivity,  she 
must  have  been  present  at  the  great  annual  feast  of  thanksgiv- 
ing and  remission  of  sin,  which  is  held  by  the  Senecas  and 
other  tribes  of  the  confederacy.  This  is  their  greatest  na- 
tional and  most  solemn  sacrifice.  It  is  invariably  held  at 
the  time  of  the  old  moon  in  January,  and  is  celebrated  with 
great  parade  ;  the  ceremonies  being  conducted  with  the  utmost 
order,  harmony,  and  decorum,  under  the  direction  of  a  large 
committee  appointed  for  that  purpose. 

The  festivities  continued  nine  days,  on  the  first  of  which 
two  white  dogs,  without  spot  or  blemish,  if  such  could  be  found, 
were  strangled  and  hung  up  before  the  door  of  the  council- 
house,  at  the  height  of  twenty  feet.  N(  t  a  drop  of  blood  was 
allowed  to  be  shed  in  compassing  their  death,  as  the  victim^ 
would  thereby  be  rendered  unfit  for  the  sacrifice.  After  the 
animals  were  killed,  and  before  their  suspension,  their  faces 
were  painted  red,  as  also  the  edges  of  their  ears  and  other 
parts  of  their  Iwdies.  They  were  then  fantastically  decorated 
with  ribbons  and  feathers,  rendering  them  as  beautiful,  in  the 
eye  of  an  Indian,  as  possible.  Their  fancy  dress  being  com- 
pleted, the  dogs  were  hung  up,  and  the  ceremonies  of  the  frolic 
commenced.  In  the  course  of  the  first  day  every  lodge  in  the 
town  was  visited  by  the  committee,  each  member  ^being;  pro- 
vided with  a  shovel,  with  which  he  removed  this  asii^  itf^d 
coals  from  every  hearth,  and  scattered  them  to  the  wfiMs.  In 
this  manner  the  fire  of  every  lodge  was  extinguished,  to" 
re-kindlcd  only  by  striking  virgin  sparks  from  the  flint.  TF 
discharge  of  a  gun  at  every  lodge  announced  that  the  work  oi 
purification,  even  of  fire  itself,  had  been  performed ;  and  wilb^i 
this  ceremony  ended  the  labors  of  the  first  day. 

The  ceremonies  of  the  second  day  were  opened  with  a  dance 
by  the  committee,  after  which,  dressed  in  bear-skins,  the  mem- 
bers visited  every  lodge,  with  baskets  to  take  up  alms — receiving 
whatever  was  bestowed,  but  particularly  tobacco,  and  other 
articles  used  for  incense  in  the  sacrifice.  Two  or  three  days 
were  occupied  in  receiving  these  grateful  donations,  during 
which  time  the  people  at  the  council-house  were  engaged  in 
dances  and  other  recreations.  On  the  fifth  day  masks  were 
added  to  the  bear-skin  dresses  of  the  masters  of  the  festival, 
some  ludicrous  and  others  frightful,  in  which  they  ran  about 


h 


I0i 


I  'I  '',"1  ,l,l 

»    1  ji  r.    JF 


m'k 


390 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1778. 


mi 


the  village,  smearing  themselves  with  dirt,  and  bedaubing  all 
such  as  refused  to  add  to  the  contents  of  their  baskets  of  in- 
cense. While  thus  engaged,  the  collectors  were  supposed  to 
receive  into  their  own  bodies  all  the  sins  of  their  tribe,  how- 
ever numerous  or  heinous,  committed  within  the  preceding 
year. 

On  the  ninth  day  of  the  feast,  by  some  magical  process,  the 
sins  of  the  nation  thus  collected  were  transfused  from  the 
several  members  of  the  Committee  into  one  of  their  number. 
The  dogs  were  then  taken  down,  and  the  whole  weight  of  the 
nation's  iniquity,  by  another  magical  process,  was  transfused  into 
their  lifeless  carcasses.  The  bodies  of  the  dogs  were  next  laid 
upon  an  altar  of  wood,  to  which  fire  was  applied,  and  the 
^'hole  consumed — the  masters  of  the  sacri^ce  throwing  the 
tobacco  and  other  odoriferous  articles  into  the  flames,  the  in- 
cense ascending  from  which  was  supposed  to  be  acceptable  to 
the  Great  Spirit.  The  sacrifice  ended,  the  people  all  partook 
of  a  bountiful  feast,  the  chief  article  of  which  was  succatash. 
Then  followed  the  war  and  peace  dances,  and  the  smoking  of 
the  calumet.  Thus  refreshed,  and  relieved  from  the  burden  of 
sin — at  peace  with  the  Great  Spirit,  and  with  each  other — the 
warriors  with  their  families  returned,  each  to  his  own  house, 
prepared  to  enter  upon  the  business  and  the  duties  of  another 
year ;  the  chiefs,  during  the  festival,  having  carefully  reviewed 
the  past,  and  adjusted  their  policy  for  the  future.* 

Captain  Butler  having  returned  from  his  visit  to  General 
Haldimand,  with  permission  for  the  proposed  exchange  of  pri- 
soners, the  Colonel,  his  father,  proceeded  to  the  Seneca  castle 


I"  The  reminiscences  of  Mrs.  Campbell  scarcely  allowed  her  (ogive  the  particulars 
of  this  great  festival  in  eztenso,  although  she  seems,  from  the  Annals  of  her  grandson, 
to  have  retained  a  remembrance  of  the  leading  points  of  the  ceremonies.  The  au- 
tlioi'  has  supplied  the  deficiencies  of  her  account  from  the  life  of  Mrs.  Jemison.  The 
sacrifice  of  dogs  is,  we  believe,  universal  among  the  North  American  Indians.  How 
'long  the  practice  has  prevaiW  cannot  well  be  known.  Cottou  Mather  affirms, 
"that  the  Indians,  in  Uieir  wars  with  us,  finding  a  sore  inconvenience  by  our  dogs, 
sacrificed  a  dog  to  the  devil ;  after  which  no  EngUsh  dog  would  bark  at  an  Indian 
for  divers  months  ensuing."  Jlfog^nolia,  iii.  192.  What  interpreter  the  devil  had  on 
these  occasions,  does  not  appear.  That  he  did  not  understand  the  Indian  tongue,  is 
manifest  from  the  same  writer : — *'  Once  finding  that  the  Dttmoru,  in  a  possessed 
young  woman,  understood  the  Latin,  Oreek,  and  Hthrtw  tongues,  my  curiosity  in- 
duced me  to  make  trial  of  this  Indian  language,  and  the  Damons  did  seem  a«  if  they 
did  not  Hodentuid  it."— <!Am<b. 


ms.] 


MRS.  Campbell's  captivity. 


391 


to  negotiate  for  the  release  of  Mrs.  Campbell.    The  family  by 
whom  she  had  been  adopted  were  very  reluctant  to  part  with 
her  ;  but,  after  the  holding  of  a  council,  the  strong  appeals  of 
Colonel  Butler,  who  was  anxious  for  the  release  of  his  own 
wife  and  family,  prevailed.    Mrs.  Campbell,  however,  had  been 
pledged  to  a  Genesee  family,  whither  she  was  shortly  to  be  re- 
moved ;  and  as  her  liberation  could  not  be  completed  without  the 
consent  of  that  family,  Guyanguahta,  the  aged  king  of  the 
Senecas,  who  had  become  her  zealous  friend,  made  the  journej 
to  the  Genesee  on  her  behalf.    He  was  successful,  and  Mrs 
Campbell  was  removed  to  Niagara.    The  aged  king,  being  too 
old  to  go  out  upon  the  war-path,  had  borne  no  part  in  the 
pending  hostilities.    He  seemed  little  disposed  to  evil,  and  on 
parting  with  the  fair  captive  bade  her  an  affectionate  fareweh 
in  the  words  following : — •'  You  are  about  to  return  to  your 
"  home  and  friends,"  said  the  venerable  sachem.    "  I  -ojoice 
"  You  live  a  great  way  off,  and  many  journies  from  here.    I  am 
"  an  old  man,  and  do  not  know  that  I  shall  live  to  the  end  of 
"the  war.    If  I  do,  I  will  come  and  see  you."*    Mrs.  Camp, 
bell  reached  Niagara  in  June,  1779.    While  residing  there 
among  others  she  had  an  opportunity  of  seeing  the  celebrated 
Catharine  Montour,  whose  name  occurs  in  the  preceding  pages 
in  connexion  with  the  battle  of  Wyoming.    One  of  her  two 
sons,  who  had  signalized  themselves  at  Wyoming,  was  also  in 
the  affair  at  Cherry  Valley ;  and  it  was  he  who  made  prisoner 
of  Mr.  Cannon,  the  father  of  Mrs.  Campbell,  after  he  had  been 
wounded  by  a  musket  ball.    Being  a  Whig  of  consideration 
and  also  a  member  of  the  Committee  of  Safety,  it  was  deter 
mined  to  retain  Mr.  Cannon  in  captivity,  for  the  purpose  of  ex 
changing  him  for  some  one  of  their  own  men  of  like  conse* 
quence.    But  his  age  and  his  wound  rendered  him  an  incon 
venient  prisoner,  and  Kate  Montour  was  in  a  rage  with  he 
son  for  not  having  killed  him  outright.    Yet,  notwithstanding 
this  exhibition  of  a   savage  temper,  she  was   treated  with 
marked  consideration  by  the  British  officers. 

It  was  not  until  June  of  the  following  year  that  Mrs.  Camp. 
Lell  was  sent  from  Niagara  to  Montreal,  on  her  way  home 
While  residing  at  the  former  post,  the.  Indians  having  been 


1.1 


(Jill 


'  I    i 


Campbell's  Anndt. 


wm 


393 


LIFE  OF   BRANT. 


[1778. 


}hh  i 


driven  into  the  fort,  she  was  enabled  to  recover  three  of  her 
children.  On  her  arrival  at  Montreal,  she  met  with  Mrs.  But- 
ler and  her  family,  who  had  been  previously  released.  Here, 
also,  and  in  charge  of  that  lady,  Mrs.  Campbell  found  her 
fourth  child,  a  liltle  son  who  had  been  torn  from  her  in  the 
Cherry  Valley  r  tssacre.  He  was  dressed  in  the  green  uniform 
of  Butler's  range,  s ;  but  had  forgottc-ii  the  English  language — 
speaking  nothing  but  Indian.  From  Montreal  Mrs.  Campbell 
was  sent  to  Albany  by  the  way  of  Lake  Champlain,"  where  she 
was  shortly  afterward  joined  by  her  husband,  who  had  been 
stationed  at  Fort  Schuyler  most  of  the  time  during  her  captivity 
The  destruction  of  Cherry  Valley  closed  the  warlike  opera- 
tions of  both  nations,  in  the  North,  for  that  year.  A  formida- 
ble campaign  had  indeed  been  projected  early  in  the  season,  as 
has  been  already  stated,  not  only  against  tfie  hostiles  of  the  Six 
Nations,  but  likewise  against  the  nations  more  remote,  for 
whom  Detroit  was  the  common  centre.  But  the  larger  half  of 
this  enterprise  had  been  abandoned  after  the  irruption  into 
Wyoming,  and  the  next  project  contemplated  the  invasion  of 
the  Seneca  country  by  way  of  the  Tioga  and  Chemung  rivers. 
In  October  this  branch  of  the  project  was  likewise  deferred,  nt 
the  suggestion  of  Generals  Gates  and  Schuyler. 

*  On  her  way  from  Montreal,  a  variety  of  circumstances  and  incidents  intervened 
to  iiarass  Mrs.  Campbell  and  the  prisoners  returning  in  her  company,  and  to  retard 
their  progress.  She  had  been  detained  four  months  at  Montreal,  and  these  addi- 
tional delays  were  exceedingly  vexatious.  Before  their  departure  from  Crown 
Point,  a  rumor  had  reached  the  American  shores  of  the  lake,  from  Ticonderoga  to 
Skcnesborough,  that  another  expedition  was  about  to  be  undertaken  from  Canadii 
against  New- York,  and  the  inhabitants  had  become  not  a  little  alarmed  at  the 
prospect.  It  happened  that  the  men  in  the  batteaux  containing  the  prisonera,  were 
clad  in  blanket  coats,  and  some  of  the  women  wore  red  doaks.  A  scout  had  disco- 
vered them  on  the  lake,  and  taking  them  for  a  party  of  Indians  and  Tories,  gave  the 
alarm,  and  before  their  arrival,  more  than  a  thousand  men  had  collected,  under  Col. 
Ethan  Allen.  While  stopping  at  a  small  fortress,  eight  miles  from  Castleton,  it  was 
announced  that  a  flag  was  approaching.  It  was  supposed  to  be  sent  to  demand  the 
surrender  of  the  fortress.  Col.  Herrick,  of  the  militia,  struck  his  sword  upon  the 
ground  with  such  force  that  he  broke  it  in  pieces,  saying  it  should  not  be  surrendered. 
Col.  Allen  told  the  prisoners  that  they  should  not  again  fall  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy,  and  immediately  mounting  them  upon  horseback,  sent  them  off  toward 
Albany,  with  an  escort  of  a  hundred  men.  This  flag  was  sent  for  tho  following 
reason: — It  had  been  rumored  that  the  inhabitants  in  that  section  had  said  that  if 
they  were  not  protected  from  the  incursions  of  the  Indians  and  Tories,  they  vrouUl 
seek  protection  elsewhere.  It  is  perhaps  needless  to  add  that  this  flag  was  sent  to 
offer  them  the  protection  of  Great  Britain — a  proposition  which  was  of  course  rO' 
fused.— Canip6e(r«  Annals.  • 


1778.] 


SIR  JOHN  Johnson's  iron  chest. 


393 


Meantime,  notwithstanding  that  these  enterprises  had  succes- 
sively fallen  to  the  ground  for  want  of  "  the  sinews  of  war," 
Congress  had  been  projecting  another  stupendous  campaign, 
comprehending  a  simult^ineous  attack  upon  the  whole  northern 
range  of  British  possessions,  from  Cape  Breton  and  Newfound- 
land to  Detroit.  The  Frencli  fleet  was  to  co-operate  by  at- 
tacking the  islands  and  territories  at  the  estuary  of  the  St 
Lawrence ;  while  the  Americans  were  to  send  an  army  to  De- 
troit, another  to  Niagara,  a  third  to  Oswego,  and  a  fourth  against 
Montreal  by  the  way  of  St.  Francis.  It  is  needless  to  add,  that 
although  Congress  had  arranged  all  the  details,  the  moment 
the  plan  was  laid  before  the  Commander-in-chief,  who  had  not 
previously  been  consulted  in  the  premises,  it  was  necessarily 
laid  aside.  In  the  first  place,  the  nation  had  not  the  means 
and  in  the  second,  Congress,  in  arranging  matters  for  this 
splendid  undertaking,  had  forgotten  that  they  were  to  leave  Sii 
Henry  Clinton,  and  all  the  British  forces  in  New- York,  and  a 
the  South,  computed  at  the  least  at  seventeen  thousand  men,  be- 
hind !  Thus  closed  the  Northern  campaigns  of  1778.  The 
British,  Tories  and  Indians  went  into  winter-quartcs,  and  the 
frontier  inhabitants  disposed  of  themselves  as  best  they  could. 

Much  has  been  said  in  the  traditions  of  Tryon  County,  and 
somevhat,  also,  in  the  courts  of  law,  in  cases  involving  titles 
to  real  estate  formerly  in  the  family  of  Sir  William  John- 
son, res  oecting  the  burial  of  an  iron  chest,  by  his  son  Sir  John, 
previous  to  his  flight  to  Canada,  containing  the  most  valuable  of 
his  own  and  his  father's  papers.  Late  in  the  Autumn  of  the  pre- 
sent year.  General  Haldimand,  at  the  request  of  Sir  John,  sent 
a  party  of  between  fdrty  and  fifty  men  privately  to  Johnstown, 
to  dig  up  and  carry  the  chest  away.  The  expedition  was  suc- 
cessful ;  but  the  chest  not  being  sufliciently  tight  to  prevent 
the  influence  of  dampness  from  the  earth,  the  papers  had  be- 
come mouldy,  rotten,  and  illegible,  when  taken  up.  The  in- 
formation respecting  this  expedition  was  derived,  in  the  Spring 
following,  from  a  man  named  Helmer,  who  composed  one  of  the 
party,  and  assisted  in  disinterring  the  chest.  Helmer  had  fled  to 
Canada  with  Sir  John.  While  retiring  from  Johnstown  with 
the  chest,  he  injured  his  ankle ;  and  by  reason  of  his  lameness, 
went  back  to  his  father's  house,  where  he  remained  concealed 
until  Spring,  when  he  was  arrested.    He  was  tried  as  a  spy 


-  i 


m 


Hi: 


'!«;•:'(! 


life 


m 


ii/:;;*  <;:i  J 'J  lii  Jail 


„ m 


i{0' 

.i.'.LIti;!.  !   .1. 


394 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1778. 


by  a  court-martial,  at  Johnstown,  April  15, 1779,  and  sentenced 
to  death— chiefly  on  his  own  admissions  to  the  court.  A  con- 
siderable number  of  rather  summary  executions,  by  the  Whigs 
of  Tryon  County,  took  place  in  the  course  of  the  contest.* 

The  leading  military  events  occurring  in  other  parts  of  the 
country,  during  the  year  1778,  have  already  been  incidentally 
adverted  to,  with  the  exception  of  those  that  transpired  at  the 
South.  In  the  month  of  June,  the  Earl  of  Carlisle,  Governor 
Johnstone,  and  William  Eden,  Esq.  who,  in  conjunction  with 
General  and  Lord  Howe,  had  been  appointed  Commissioners 
to  make  another  attempt  to  treat  with  the  Colonies,  arrived, 
and  sent  their  instructions  to  Congress.  A  letter  from  the 
President  was  despatched  in  reply,  rebuking  the  Commissioners 
for  the  language  indulged  by  them  in  regard  to  the  King  of 
France,  our  ally,  and  again  peremptorily  refusing  to  entertain 
a  negotiation,  except  upon  the  basis  of  independent  States.  On 
the  6th  of  August,  M.  Gerard  was  publicly  received  as  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  of  the  King  of  France— to  the  great  joy  of  the 
American  people  ;  and  on  the  14th  of  September,  Dr.  Benja- 
min Franklin  was  appointed  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  the 
Court  of  Versailles. 

In  the  course  of  the  Summer,  two  incursions  of  British  regu- 
lars and  American  refugees  had  been  made  from  Florida  into 
Georgia.  Both  expeditions  met  with  such  disheartening  ob- 
stacles, as  to  induce  their  retreat  without  accomplishing  more 
than  the  destruction  of  tlie  church,  dwelling-houses,  and  rice- 
fields  of  Midway.  In  return  for  these  visitations.  General 
Robert  Howe  led  an  expedition  of  about  two  thousand  men, 
mostly  militia,  into  Florida.  He  captured  tiie  British  posts  on 
the  St.  Mary's  river,  and  was  proceeding  successfully,  when  his 
march  was  arrested  by  sickness,  so  fatal  to  his  army  as  to 
compel  a  relinquishment  of  the  enterprise.    Toward  the  close 


!l^^ 


♦  This  information,  in  regard  to  the  recovery  of  the  iron  chest,  is  derived  from  the 
minutes  of  the  court-maitial,  among  the  papers  of  Gen.  Clinton.  The  MS.  narra- 
tive of  Jacob  Sammons,  in  the  author's  possession,  states  that  the  chest  was  dug  up 
during  a  night  in  May,  1778,  by  Lieut.  Crawford,  at  the  head  of  forty  men  sent 
from  Canada  for  that  purpose.  Sammons  then  held  a  lease  of  the  Johnson  farm 
from  the  committee  of  sequestrations.  The  chest  had  been  buried  beneath  one  of 
the  garden  walks.  Sammons  discovered  it  in  the  morning,  with  the  fragments  of 
papers  scattered  around  il;  But  as  he  wrote  his  narrative  long  afterward,  the  probi^ 
bility  is  that  (he  date  given  on  the  trial  of  Helmer  is  the  true  onf . 


1778.] 


CLOSE    OF  THE    YEAR. 


395 


of  the  year,  the  British  Commander-in-chief  determined  to 
strike  a  signal  blow  against  the  South.  For  this  purpose  an 
expedition  of  two  thousand  men,  under  the  command  of  Colo- 
nel Campbell,  an  officer  of  courage  and  ability,  embarked  at 
New- York  on  the  27th  of  November,  destined  against  Savan- 
nah. After  a  passage  of  three  weeks.  Colonel  Campbell  landed 
near  the  mouth  of  Savannah  river.  General  Howe,  to  whom 
the  defence  of  Georgia  had  been  confided,  had  but  six  hundred 
regular  troops  and  a  few  hundred  militia  to  oppose  the  invaders. 
This  officer  had  taken  a  position  between  the  landing  and  the 
town,  where  a  battle  was  fought  on  the  29th  of  December. 
He  was  out-numbered,  out-generalled,  and  beaten,  with  a  loss 
of  one  hundred  killed.  The  town  and  fort  of  Savannah,  thirty- 
eight  officers,  four  hundred  and  fifteen  privates,  twenty-three 
mortars,  together  with  the  shipping  in  the  river,  and  a  large 
quantity  of  ammunition  and  provisions,  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  conquerors.  It  was  an  easy  victory  to  the  enemy,  whose 
loss  was  but  seven  killed  and  nineteen  wounded. 

From  these  glimpses  of  the  events  of  the  year  1778,  occurring 
elsewhere  than  in  the  Indian  country,  it  seems,  after  the  battle 
of  Monmouth,  to  have  been  a  season  of  comparative  inactivity 
on  both  sides.  Still,  having  repossessed  themselves  of  the  strong 
pass  of  the  Highlands  immediately  after  the  return  of  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  and  Commodore  Hotham  to  New- York,  toward  the  close 
of  the  preceding  year,  no  lack  of  industry  was  exhibited  on  the 
part  of  the  Americans  in  strengthening  and  multiplying  its  de- 
fences, from  which  neither  force  nor  treachery  ever  again  dis- 
lodged them.  The  prosecution  of  those  works  had  been  origi- 
nally entrusted  to  General  Putnam  ;  but  the  advanced  age  of 
that  patriotic  officer  had  rendered  him  less  active  than  formerly, 
and  he  had  become  unpopular  in  New- York — mainly  from  an 
impression  that  a  more  energetic  commander,  stationed,  as  he 
was,  with  an  army  at  Fishkill,  and  apprised  of  the  approach  of 
Sir  Henry  Clinton,  would  have  saved  Forts  Clinton  and  Mont- 
gomery. By  directions  from  the  Commander-in-chief,  therefore, 
the  Connecticut  veteran  had  been  transferred  back  to  his  own 
State,  upon  a  different  service. 


!:•    'W' 


m 


]f\: 


lill'P' 

,  I,  Only 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 


^i 


W^'Mi 


Indian  aiege  of  Fort  Laurens — Successful  stratagems — Flight  of  the  pack-horses— 
The  fort  abandoned — Projected  enterprise  from  Detroit — Gov.  Hamilton  captured 
at  St.  Vincent  by  Col.  Clarke — Projects  of  Brant— Uneasiness  in  the  West  of 
New- York — Deliberations  of  the  Oneidas  and  Onondagas— Brant's  projccu  de- 
fcatcd — Treachery  of  the  Onondagas — Colonel  Van  Schaick  marches  to  lay  waste 
their  towns — Instructions  of  General  Clinton — Passage  of  Wo>od  Creek  and 
Oiieida  Lake — Advance  upon  the  Indian  towns — Thtir  destruction — Return  of 
the  expedition  to  Fort  Schuyler — Mission  of  the  Oneidas  to  Fort  Schuyler  in  be- 
half of  the  Onondagas — Speech  of  Good  Peter — Reply  of  Colonel  Van  Schaick— 
Irruption  of  Tories  and  Indians  into  the  lower  Mohawk  country — Stone  Arabia- 
Defence  of  his  house  bv  Captain  Richer — The  Indians  in  Schoharie — General 
Clinton  traverses  the  Mohawk  valley — M'Clellan's  expedition  to  Oswegatchie— 
Unsuccessful — Irruption  of  the  Onondagas  into  Cohleskill — Defeat  of  the  Ame- 
ricans— The  settlement  destroyed — Murders  in  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Pitt- 
Irruptions  of  Tories  into  Warwarsing — Invasion  of  Alinisink — Buttle  near  the 
Delaware — Massacre  of  the  Orange  County  militia — Battle  with  the  Shawanese. 

The  erection  of  an  advanced  post,  called  Fort  Liiurens,  on 
the  Tuscarawa,  by  General  M'Intosh,  who  was  directed  to  ad- 
vance upon  the  Indian  towns  of  Sandusky,  has  been  mentioned 
in  a  preceding  chapter.  Colonel  Gibson,  who  had  been  left  in 
command  of  the  fort,  with  a  garrison  of  one  hundred  and  fifty 
men,  soon  found  his  position  rather  uncomfortable,  by  reason 
of  the  swarms  of  Indians  hovering  about  the  precincts,  who  soon 
became  so  numerous  as  completely  to  invest  the  little  fortress. 
The  first  hostile  demonstration  of  the  forest  warriors  was  exe- 
cuted with  equal  cunning  and  success.  The  horses  of  the 
garrison  were  allowed  to  forage  for  themselves  upon  the  herbage, 
among  the  dried  prairie-grass  immediately  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  fort— wearing  bells,  that  they  might  be  the  more  easily 
found  if  straying  too  far.  It  happened  one  morning  in  January, 
that  the  horses  had  all  disappeared,  but  the  bells  were  heard, 
seemingly  at  no  great  distance.  They  had,  in  truth,  been  stolen 
by  the  Indians,  end  conveyed  away.  The  bells,  however, 
were  taken  off,  ar.d  used  for  another  purpose.  Availing  them- 
selves of  the  tail  prairie-grass,  the  Indians  formed  an  ambus- 
cade, at  the  farthest  extremity  of  which  they  caused  the  bells  to 
jingle  as  a  deroy.  The  artifice  was  successful.  A  party  of 
sixteen  men  was  sent  in  pursuit  of  the  straggling  steeds,  who 
£3)1  into  the  snare.    Fourteen  were  killed  upon  the  spot,  and 


1779.] 


SIEGE   OP   FORT   LAURENS. 


397 


Mfii     !l 


the  remaining  two  taken  prisoners,  one  of  whom  returned  at 
the  close  of  the  war,  and  of  the  other  nothing  was  ever  heard.* 
Toward  evening  of  the  same  day,  the  whole  force  of  the  In- 
dians, painted,  and  in  the  full  costume  of  war,  presented  them- 
selves in  full  view  of  the  garrison,  by  marching  in  single  files, 
though  at  a  respectful  distance,  across  the  prairie.  Their  num- 
ber, according  to  a  count  from  one  of  the  bastions,  was  eight 
hundred  and  forty-seven — altogether  top  great  to  be  encountored 
in  the  field  by  so  small  a  garrison.  After  this  display  of  their 
strength,  the  Indians  took  a  position  upon  an  elevated  piece  of 
ground  at  no  great  distance  from  tlie  fort,  though  on  the  op- 
posite side  of  the  river.  In  this  situation  they  remained  seve- 
ral weeks,  in  a  state  rather  of  armed  neutrality  than  of  active 
hostility.  Some  of  them  would  frequently  opproach  the  fort 
sufliciently  near  to  hold  conversations  with  those  upon  the 
walls.  They  uniformly  professed  a  desire  for  peace,  but  pro- 
tested against  the  encroachments  of  the  white  people  upon  their 
lands — more  especially  was  the  erection  of  a  fort  so  far  within 
the  territory  claimed  by  them  as  exclusively  their  own,  a  cause 
of  complaint — nay,  of  admitted  exasperation.  There  was  with 
the  Americans  in  the  fort,  an  aged  friendly  Indian  named 
John  Thompson,  who  seemed  to  be  in  equal  favor  with  both 
parties,  visiting  the  Indian  encampment  at  pleasure,  and  coming 
and  going  as  he  chose.  They  informed  Thompson  that  they 
deplored  the  continuance  of  hostilities,  and  finally  sent  word 
by  him  to  Colonel  Gibson,  that  they  were  desirous  of  peace,  and 
if  he  would  present  them  with  a  barrel  of  flour,  they  would 
send  in  their  proposals  the  next  day.  The  flour  was  sent,  but 
the  Indians,  instead  of  fulfilling  their  part  of  the  stipulation, 
withdrew^  and  entirely  disappeared.  They  had,  indeed,  con- 
tinued the  siege  as  long  as  they  could  obtain  subsistence,  and 
raised  it  only  because  of  the  lack  of  supplies.  Still,  as  the  be 
leaguerment  was  begun  in  stratagem,  so  was  it  ended.    Colo- 

•  The  Rev.  Mr.  Doddridge,  whose  little  work  is  the  authority  for  all  the  facts  re- 
lative to  Fort  Laurens,  states  that  Captain,  afterward  General  Briggs,  of  Virginia, 
being  the  officer  of  the  day,  was  exceedingly  desirous  of  heading  the  party  sent  to 
bring  in  the  horse'*,  but  was  refused  permission  by  Colonel  Gibson,  who  remarked, 
that  when  ho  had  occasion  to  send  out  a  captain's  command,  he  should  be  thankful 
for  his  services,  but  until  then,  he  must  be  content  to  discharge  his  duties  within  the 
fort  "  On  what  trifling  circumstances,**  adds  the  good  minister,  "do  life  and  death 
sometimes  depend  !** 


I      1 1 


■U.ii|i 


I   'II 


'>■'"<  J 


M 


398 


LKFE   OF    BRANT. 


[1779. 


W^'s 


f^i'^M 


nel  Gibson's  provisions  were  also  running  short,  nnd  as  he 
supposed  the  Indians  had  entirely  gone  off,  he  directed  Colonel 
Clark,  of  the  Pennsylvania  line,  with  a  detachment  of  fifteen 
men,  to  escort  the  invalids  of  the  garrison,  amounting  to  ten  or 
a  dozen  men,  back  to  Fort  M'Intosh.  But  the  Indians  Imd  left 
a  strong  party  of  observation  lurking  in  the  neighhorh  lod  of 
the  fort ;  and  the  escort  had  proceeded  only  two  miles  before  it 
was  fallen  upon,  and  the  whole  number  killed  with  the  excep- 
tion of  four — one  of  whom,  a  captain,  escaped  back  to  the  fort. 
The  bodies  of  the  slain  were  interred  by  the  garrison,  on  the 
saiuu  day,  with  the  honors  of  war.  A  party  was  likewise  sent 
out  to  collect  the  remains  of  the  fourteen  who  had  first  fallen 
by  the  ambuscade,  and  bury  them ;  which  service  was  per- 
formed. It  was  found,  however,  that  the  wolves  had  mostly 
devoured  their  flesh,  and  by  setting  traps  upon  the  new-made 
grave,  some  of  those  ravenous  beasts  were  caught  and  shot  on 
the  following  morning. 

The  situation  of  the  garrison  was  now  becoming  deplorable. 
For  two  weeks  the  men  had  been  reduced  to  half  a  pound  of 
sour  flour,  and  a  like  quantity  of  offensive  meat,  per  diem  ;  and 
for  a  week  longer  they  were  compelled  to  subsist  only  upon  raw 
hides,  and  such  roots  as  they  could  find  in  the  circumjacent 
woods  and  prairies,  when  General  M'Intosh  most  opportunely 
arrived  to  their  relief,  with  supplies,  and  a  reinforcement  of 
seven  hundred  men.  But  still  they  came  near  being  imme- 
diately reduced  to  short  allowance  again,  by  an  untoward  ac- 
cident causing  the  loss  of  a  great  portion  of  their  fresh  supplies. 
These  supplies  were  transported  through  the  wilderness  upon 
pack-horses.  The  garrison,  overjoyed  at  the  arrival  of  succors, 
on  their  approach  to  within  about  a  hundred  yards  of  the  fort 
manned  the  parapets  and  fired  a  salute  of  musketry.  But  the 
horses  must  have  been  young  in  the  service.  AJffrighted  at 
the  detonation  of  the  guns,  they  began  to  rear  and  plunge,  and 
broke  from  their  guides.  The  example  was  contagious,  and  in 
a  moment  more,  the  whole  cavalcade  of  pack-horses  were 
bo'.nding  into  the  woods  at  full  gallop,  dashing  their  burdens 
to  the  ground,  and  scattering  them  over  many  a  rood  in  all  di- 
rections— the  greater  portion  of  which  could  never  be  recover- 
ed. But  there  was  yet  enough  of  provisions  saved  to  cause  the 
mingling  of  evil  with  the  good.    Very  incautiously,  the  officers 


1779.] 


EVACUATION    OF    FORT    LAl'RKNS. 


399 


e  garrison,  on  the 


dealt  out  two  days'  rations  per  man,  the  whole  of  which  was 
devoured  by  the  famishing  soldiers,  to  the  imminent  hazard  of 
the  lives  of  all,  and  resulting  in  the  severe  sickness  of  many. 
Leaving  the  fort  again,  General  M'Intosh  assigned  the  command 
to  Major  Vernon,  who  remained  upon  the  station  several 
months.  He,  in  turn,  was  left  to  endure  the  horrors  of  famine, 
until  longer  to  endure  was  death;  whereupon  the  for^  'vas 
evacuated  and  the  position  abandoned— its  occupatioi^  and 
maintenance,  at  the  cost  of  great  fatigue  and  suffering,  and  the 
expense  of  many  lives,  having  been  of  not  the  least  servic'J  to  the 
country. 

Originally  it  had  been  the  purpose  of  General  M'Intosh  to 
penetrate  through  the  wilderness  to  Lake  Erie,  and  thence 
make  a  descent  upon  Detroit ;  and  by  a  letter  from  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief to  a  Committee  of  Congress  appointed  to  con- 
fer with  him  upon  military  subjects,  it  seems  to  have  been  his 
opinion  that  M'Intosh  had  made  the  best  dispositions  for  the 
enterprise  which  the  circumstances  of  the  case  allowed.  But 
he  was  disappointed  in  his  expectations  of  men,  provisions,  and 
stores.  This  seems  to  have  been  one  of  those  undertakings  by 
order  of  Congress,  without  consultation  with  the  Commander- 
in-chief,  which  had  previously  annoyed  him  not  a  little.  Still, 
it  received  his  approbation,  the  more  readily  because  its  design 
was  in  coincidence  with  his  own  views  on  the  subject  of  Indian 
warfare — his  uniform  opinion  being,  that  the  cheapest  and  most 
effectual  method  of  opposing  them,  was  to  carry  the  war  into 
their  own  country.  By  their  incursions  into  the  frontier  set- 
tlements, so  long  as  the  Americans  were  content  to  act  on  the 
defensive,  the  Indians  had  little  to  lose  and  every  thing  to  gain  ; 
whereas  the  direct  reverse  would  be  the  consequence  of  an 
offensive  war  against  them.* 

But,  notwithstanding  the  untoward  result  of  General  M'ln- 
tosh's  expedition,  the  Indian  branch  of  the  service  opened  aus- 
piciously the  present  year  elsewhere,  and  first  in  a  region  yet 
deeper  in  the  west  than  Fort  Laurens.  Colonel  Hamilton,  the 
British  Lieutenant-Governor  of  Detroit — a  rough,  bad-tempered, 
and  cruel  officer,  who  had  signalised  himself  by  the  exertion  of 
a  malignant  influence  over  the  Indians — and  had  provoked 

*  Letter  of  Washington  to  the  Committee  of  Congress,  Jan.  IS,  1779. 


,f:fi!-N...,    ; 


If  i  I"' ■"*'.-'  'ir 


■M^'- 1:^4;      Ml,, 


400 


LIFE   OF    DRANT. 


[1779. 


them  to  take  up  the  hntchet  n^ainst  the  Americans  by  every 
possible  means — instigating  tliem  to  deeds  of  blood  by  large 
rewards — had  projected  a  powerful  Indian  expedition  against 
the  Virginia  frontier,  to  bo  executed  early  in  the  Spring.* 
With  this  dosign,  at  the  close  of  the  preceding  Autumn,  Hamil- 
ton left  Detroit,  and  took  post  at  St.  Vincents,  on  the  Wubosh, 
in  order  lo  act  earlier  and  more  efficiently  immediately  after 
the  breaking  up  of  Winter.  But  his  purpose  was  most  happily 
defeated  by  a  blow  from  a  direction  which  he  did  not  anticipate 
Colonel  Oarke,  who  was  yet  with  a  small  force  in  command  of 
Kaskaskiiis,  having  learned,  in  February,  that  Hamilton  had 
weakened  himself  by  despatching  many  of  his  Indians  in  dif- 
ferent directions  to  annoy  the  frontiers  of  the  States,  formed  the 
bold  resolution  of  attacking  him  in  his  quarters.  After  a  diffi- 
cult movement  by  land  and  water,  at  the  head  of  one  hundred 
and  thirty  men,  Clarke  suddenly  arrived  before  St.  Vincents. 
The  town  at  once  submitted  ;  and  on  the  following  day.  Colo- 
nel Hamilton  and  the  garrison  surrendered  themselves  prison- 
ers of  war.  It  was  the  good  fortune  of  Colonel  Clarke  also  to 
intercept  and  capture  a  valuable  convoy  of  provisions  and 
stores,  coming  to  St.  Vincents  from  Detroit.  Hamilton  was 
transferred  to  Virginia,  wliere  the  Council  of  the  Commonwealth 
instituted  an  inquiry  into  the  inhuman  conduct  imputed  to  him, 
and  his  confinement  in  irons,  on  a  diet  of  bread  and  water, 
was  recommended.!  The  plans  of  the  enemy  were  not  a  little 
disconcerted  by  this  small,  though  brilliant  aflfair ;  and  peace 
with  several  of  the  Indian  tribes  in  that  direction  was  the  im 
mediate  consequence. 

In  the  mean  time,  and  before  this  disaster  befel  the  Detroit 
expedition,  some  bold  winter  emprise  was  projected  by  Joseph 
Brant,  which — in  consequence,  probably,  of  the  capture  of 
Hamilton — miscarried,  or  rather  was  not  attempted  to  be  put 
in  execution.  It  does  not  appear  what  the  measure  was  upon 
which  Brant  was  meditating ;  but  on  the  1st  of  January,  Colo- 
lonel  Van  Dyck,  then  in  command  of  Fort  Schuyler,  wrote  to 


*  Should  any  one  doubt  the  propriety  of  speaking  thus  harshly  in  history  of  this 
Colonel  Hamilton,  let  him  read  the  "  Narrative  of  the  capture  and  treatment  of 
John  Dodge,  by  the  British  at  Detroit,"  published  in  Almon's  Remembrancer,  vol. 
TU  pp.  73 — 81. 

t  Ramsay. 


1779.] 


AFFAIRS    AMONG    TRE    SIX    NATIONS. 


401 


General  Clinton,  •'  tliat  the  Oncidas  had  just  received  informa- 
« tion  that  the  enemy  seemed  determined  to  strike  some  capital 
«  blow  during  the  winter."  In  addition  to  an  application  from 
the  duiquoga  Indians  to  join  them  in  tiie  expedition,  Colonel 
Van  Dyck  stated  that  "  one  of  the  principal  Oneida  warriors 
"  had  received  u  private  letter  from  Joseph  Brant,  inviting  him 
"  to  join  the  Six  Nations  with  his  adherents,  that  he  might 
»  avoid  the  danger  to  which  his  tribe  was  exposed."* 

There  is  reason  to  suppose  that  a  part  of  Brant's  project  was 
to  strike  a  blow  upon  the  Oneidas  themselves,  unless  they  could 
be  seduced  from  their  neutrality — amounting,  as  it  did,  almost 
to  an  alliance  with  the  United  Stutes.t  But  this  faithful  tribe 
were  neither  to  be  coaxed  nor  driven  from  the  stand  they  had 
maintained  since  the  beginning  of  ihe  controversy.  On  the 
I6th  and  17th  of  January,  the  Oneidns  urd  Tuscaroras  held  a 
conncil,  to  deliberate  upon  the  invitations  of  *he  Quiquogas 
and  Captain  Brai.t,  the  result  of  which  they  communicated  to 
Colonel  Van  Dyck  on  the  following  day.  They  informed  that 
efficient  officer,  that  after  giving  permission  to  any  of  their 
tribe,  who  desired  to  join  the  enemy,  to  withdraw,  there  was  a 
unanimous  resolution  of  the  council  "  to  stand  by  each  other  in 
"  defence  of  their  lives  and  liberty,  against  any  enemy  that 
"  might  be  disposed  to  attack  them  ;"  and  to  the  late  message  of 
the  Quiquogas,  they  unanimously  agieed  to  return  the  follow- 
ing answer,  viz  :  "  That  as  they  hud  ever  behaved  thentwelves 
"  in  a  quiet,  and  peaceable  manner  toward  the  confederacy,  they 
"could  not  conceive  that  th«^ir  conduct  could  be  considered 
"  reprehensible  by  them.  They  likewise  put  them  in  mind  of 
"  tlieir  long  and  unwearied  efforts  to  prevent  the  Six  Nations 
"  involving  themselves  in  the  calamities  of  war,  and  that  they 
"  had  exerted  themselves  so  far  as  by  their  influence  to  relieve, 

*  Papers  of  Genera!  Jan  eg  Clinton. 

t  On  the  9th  of  April,  1779,  Congress  passed  a  resolution  granting  the  commis- 
sion  of  Captain  to  four  of  the  Oneida  and  Tuscarora  Indians,  and  eight  commissions  of 
Lieutenants.  Subsequently,  the  then  principal  Oneida  chief,  Louis  Atayataroughta, 
was  commissioned  a  Lieutenant-colonel.  Louis,  or  "  Colonel  Louis  "  as  he  was 
afterward  called,  was  the  representative  of  three  races,  being  part  Indian,  part  negro, 
and  part  white  man.  A  few  other  commissions  were  issued  to  those  Indians  in  the 
course  of  the  war.  The  greater  number  served  faithfully.  Some  were  killed,  and 
three  of  the  lieutenants  deserted  to  the  enemy,  and  exchanged  their  conunisBiona  foi 
the  same  rank  in  the  British  service.         28 


M. 


illi 


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402 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1779. 


j^m 


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'  froTn  close  confinement,  some  of  their  people  whom  the  for- 
"  tune  of  war  had  put  into  the  hands  of  their  enemies.  But 
"  that  they  now  utterly  despaired  of  ever  being  able  to  effoct  a 
"  reconciliation  between  the  Confederacy  and  the  United  States ; 
"and  that  the  only  hope  they  had  of  them  was,  that  some  of 
"  them  would,  in  time,  abandon  the  cause  thus  imprudently  es- 
"  poused  ;  that  they  would  never  violate  their  alliance  w  th  the 
"  American  States ;  and  though  they  would  not  be  theagg'  essors, 
•"  or  wantonly  provoke  any  tribe  to  war,  yet  that  they  should 
"  henceforth  be  on  their  guard  against  any  enemy  whatever." 

Seven  of  the  principal  Onondaga  chiefs,  who  had  hitherto 
been  considered  as  neutrals,  being  at  the  time  in  Oneida,  on 
their  way  to  Fort  Schuyler,  it  was  determitied  to  call  them  in 
to  the  council,  and  acquaint  them  with  the  above  resolution.  It 
was  accordingly  done  by  the  transmission  of  a  large  black  belt 
of  wan  lum.  The  Onondagas  replied,  "  That  they  were  very 
"  glad  to  hear  the  resolution  which  their  children,  the  Oaeidas 
"  and  Tuscaroras,  had  made.  They  observed,  that  as  the 
"  Oneidas,  who  were  the  head  of  the  confederacy,  had  com- 
'•  mitted  the  council-fire  and  tree  of  peace  to  their  care,  with  a 
"  charge  to  guard  them  against  the  approach  of  any  thing  which 
"  might  injure  either,  or  tend  to  interrupt  the  harmony  of  the 
"  confederacy,  they  had  therefore  invariably  pursued  the  path 
"  of  peace  ;  and  though  they  had  been  desired  by  the  opposite 
''party  of  their  tribe  to  extinguish  the  council-fire,  yet  they 
"had  refused,  nor  could  they  consistently  do  it  while  the 
"  Oneidas  retained  any  hopes  of  accommodating  matters  in  the 
"  Six  Nctions.  But  as  the  heads  of  the  confederacy  had  de- 
"  dared  themselves  so  fully  upon  that  subject,  they  had  now  kt 
"go  their  hold  of  peace,  extinguished  the  ccuncil-fire,  and 
"  sunk  the  tree  into  the  earth ;  and  were  determined  to  join 
"  their  children,  the  Oneidas  and  Tuscaroras,  to  oppose  any  in- 
"  vader." 

The  Onondagas  farther  engaged,  upon  their  return  home,  to 
effect  a  final  separation  in  their  tribe,  and  insist  that  every  one 
should  declare  for  one  side  or  the  other.  The  conduct  of  most 
of  the  Onondagas  had  been  from  the  first  equivocal — often 
openly  hostile.  But  those  present  at  this  council  manifested  a 
better  feeling,  and  joined  in  the  request  of  the  Oneidas  ibr 
troops  to  aid  in  their  protection.    The  Oneidas,  on  this  occa 


1779.]        DESIGNS    AGAINST   THE    MOHAWK   VALLEY. 


403 


sion,  placed  great  confidence  in  the  professions  of  their  Onon- 
daga brethren,  and  were  in  high  spirits  at  the  result  of  the 
council* 

There  was  other  evidence,  not  only  of  the  intention  of  Thay- 
endanegea  to  make  a  powerful  Indian  descent  uppn  the  Mo- 
hawk during  this  winter,  but  of  the  supposed  fidelity  of  these 
Onondagas  to  the   United  States.    About  the  middle  of  Fe- 
bruary, General  Clinton,  having  through  various  channels  and 
by  several  expresses,  received  information  at  Albany  of  such  a 
design,  marched  to  Schenectady  with  Colonel  Van  Schaick's 
regiment,  ordering  the  latter  as  far  up  the  Mohawk  as  Caugh- 
nawaga,  there  to  await  the  event.     On  the  26th  of  February, 
Captain  Copp,  of  Fort  Van  Dyck,t  wrote  to  Captain  Graham, 
then  in  charge  of  Fort  Schuyler,  announcing  that  two  of  the 
Oneida  messengers,  of  distinguislied  (Indian)  families,  had  just 
returned  from  Niagara,  where  they  had  obtained  positive  evi- 
dence of  Brant's  purpose.     The  Mohawk  chief  had  received 
expresses,  announcing  that  the  Shawanese  and  Delawares  were 
to  strike  a  simultaneous  blow  upon  the  frontier  of  Virginia  ;t 
and  Brant  himself  was  to  lead  the  main  expedition  direct  to  the 
Mohawk,  while  another  diversion  was  to  be  created  by  sending 
a  smaller  force  round  by  the  Unadilla,  to  fall  upon  the  settle- 
ments of  Schoharie.     In  regard  to  the  fidelity  of  the  Onondagas, 
it  was  stated  by  the  Oneida  chiefs  that  fourteen  of  that  nation 
had  been  despatched  to  Niagara,  by  the  chiefs  of  the  tribe,  to 
pursuade  their  brethren,  who  had  taken  up  the  hatchet  with  the 
Mohawks,  to  return.     But  these  fourteen  messengers  had  not 
been  permitted  to  come  back  themselves,  and  the  Onondagas 
were  apprehensive  that  they  and  all  '"^eir  people  at  Niagara 
had  been  made  prisoners.     The  uneasiness  in  Tryon  County 
was  greatly  increased  under  these  circumstances.     Major  Jelles 
Fonda  wrote  to  General  Clinton,  stating  that  there  were  yet 
three  hundred  Tory  families  in  the  northern  part  of  that  settle- 
ment, affording  aid  and  comfort  to  the  hostile  refugees,  who 
kept  up  a  continual  intercourse  with  them,  across  through  the 
woods,  or  by  Lake  Champlain,  to  Canada.    For  greater  secu- 
rity, therefore,  he  urged  permission  to  build  a  strong  block« 

♦  General  Clinton'a  correspondence — MS.  letter  of  Colonel  Van  Dyck. 

t  In  the  Oneida  or  Onondaga  country. 

I  The  project  of  Colonel  Hamilton,  frustrated  by  hit  capture.    , 


H   iPlJit 
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house,  and  station  fifty    angers  within  it,  on  the  Sacondaga 
river,  directly  north  of  Johnstown. 

Captain  Brant,  however,  either  abandoned  or  deferred  the 
threatened  invasion,  probably  for  the  reason  already  indicated 
— the  capture  of  Colonel  Hamilton.  The  winter  consequently 
passed  away  without  any  serious  disturbance  in  that  region. 
But,  notwithstanding  all  the  fair  professions  of  the  Onondagas, 
their  treachery  had  become  alike  so  manifest  and  so  injurious, 
as  to  render  it  expedient,  immediately  on  the  opening  of  the 
Spring,  to  make  them  a  signal  example  to  the  rest  of  their  red 
brethren.  AcconMngly,  early  in  April  an  expedition  was  de- 
tailed upon  this  service  by  General  Clinton,  with  the  approba- 
tion of  the  Commander-in-chief,  consisting  of  detachments  from 
the  regiments  of  Colonels  Van  Schaick  and  Gansevoort,  to  the 
number  of  five  hundred  men,  under  the  conduct  of  the  former. 
The  troops  were  moved  as  expeditiously  as  possible  to  Furt 
Schuyler,andthirtybatteaiix  were  simultaneously  ordered  thither 
to  transport  them  down  Wood  Creek,  and  through  the  Oneida 
Lake  to  Three  Rivers.  Colonel  Van  Schaick's  instructions 
were  very  full  and  explicit  upon  every  point.  The  design  was 
to  proceed  as  rapidly  and  cautiously  as  possible,  in  order  to  take 
the  Indians  by  surprise ;  for  which  purpose,  on  the  morning  of 
the  departure  of  the  expedition,  it  was  to  be  announced  that  its 
destination  was  against  Oswego.  Colonel  Van  Schaick  was  di- 
rected to  burn  and  utterly  destroy  the  village  and  castle  of  the 
Onondagas,  together  with  all  their  cattle  and  effects  ;  but  he 
was  strictly  enjoined  to  make  as  many  prisoners  as  possible, 
and  put  none  to  death  who  could  be  taken  alive.  The  follow- 
ing passage  occurs  in  the  instructions  of  General  Clinton  on 
this  occasion,  which  is  worthy  of  preservation  : — "  Bad  as  the 
"  savages  are,  they  never  violate  the  chastity  of  any  women, 
"their  prisoners.  Although  I  have  very  little  apprehension 
"  that  any  of  the  soldiers  will  so  far  forget  their  character  as  to 
"  attempt  such  a  crime  on  the  Indian  women  who  may  fall 
"  into  their  hands,  yet  it  will  be  well  to  take  measures  to  pre- 
«  vent  such  a  stain  upon  our  army."*  This  injunction  speaks 
volumes  in  praise  of  the  soldier  who  wrote  it.  Colonel  Van 
Schaick  was  farther  enjoined  to  dissuade  any  of  our  Indian 


'*■  MS.  instructions  of  Qenerol  Clinton. 


1779.] 


DESTRUCTION  OF  ONONDAGA. 


406 


allies  from  accompanying  him ;  and  Lieutenant-Colonel  Wil- 
lett  and  Major  Cochran  were  detailed  to  serve  in  the  ex- 
pedition. 

The  orders  to  Colonel  Van  Schaick  were  issued  on  the  9th 
of  April,  and  so  rapidly  were  the  necessary  arrangements  expe- 
dited, that  every  thing  was  in  readiness  for  the  departure  from 
Fort  Schuyler  on  the  18th.  During  the  evening  of  that  day, 
the  batteaux,  with  the  necessary  stores,  were  silently  removed 
across  the  carrying-place  to  Wood  Creek,  and  all  things  there 
placed  in  order.  The  troops  were  early  in  motion  on  the  morning 
of  the  19th,  and  a  thick  mist  contributed  essentially  in  covering 
the  movement,  had  there  been  any  spies  lurking  about  to  make 
observation.  T!ie  number  of  men  embarked,  including  officers, 
was  five  hundred  and  fifty-eight.  Their  progress  to  the  Oneida 
Lake  was  considerably  impeded,  by  reason  of  trees  which  had 
fallen  across  the  creek  ;  so  that  much  of  the  first  day's  journey 
was  performed  by  the  troops  on  foot.  The  passage  of  the 
Oneida  Lake  was  effected  as  expeditiously  as  possible ;  and 
although  they  encountered  a  strong  and  excessively  disagreea- 
ble head-wind,  they  nevertheless  reached  the  Onondaga  Land- 
ing, opposite  to  old  Fort  Brewington,  with  the  whole  flotilla,  by 
three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  20th.  Leaving  a  suitable 
guard  with  the  boats,  the  little  army  pushed  immediately  for- 
ward, and,  despite  the  obstacles  in  traversing  a  deep-tangled 
forest,  the  soil  resembling  a  morass,  they  marched  nine  miles 
without  halting.  The  night  was  dark,  wet,  and  cold ;  but 
knowing  well  the  wariness  of  the  enemy  and  the  celerity  of 
their  movements,  and  how  frequently  they  were  prepared  to 
strike  when  least  expected,  the  troops  were  necessarily  pre- 
cluded from  kindling  fires,  and  obliged  to  sleep  on  their  arms. 
The  march  was  resumed  very  early  on  the  morning  of  the 
21st,  and  in  order  to  save  time,  they  were  obliged  to  ford  an 
arm  of  the  Onondaga  Lake,  about  two  hundred  yards  wide 
and  four  feet  in  depth.  Arriving  at  the  estuary  of  Onondaga 
Creek,  at  the  head  of  the  lake,  Captair  Graham,  commanding 
the  advance  guard,  captured  one  of  the  warriors  of  the  tribe  ; 
and  although  they  were  now  within  two  or  three  miles  of  the 
village  and  castle,  this  was  the  first  Indian  seen,  or  who  was 
apprised  of  the  approach  of  the  expedition.  Captain  Graham 
was  now  directed  again  to  advance  with  all  possible  rapidity 


ri:     !|,t-=     .    ill 

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LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


[1779. 


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and  caution,  for  the  purpose  of  surrounding  the  lower  castle, 
while  the  residue  of  th^  'Tiain  force  was  divided  into  small  de- 
tachments, and  hurried  forward  for  the  purpose  of  falling  upon 
the  other  towns,  in  such  rapid  succession  as,  if  possible,  to  take 
all  the  villages  by  surprise.  This  chain  of  villages  extended 
through  the  valley  of  the  Onondaga  Creek  for  the  distance  of 
ten  miles.  The  tribe  had  once  been  among  the  most  powerful 
of  the  Aganuschioni,  or  confederated  people  of  the  Five  Na- 
tions. Situated  in  the  centre  of  the  confederacy,  to  the  Onon- 
dagas,  time  immemorial,  had  been  committed  the  keeping  of 
the  great  council-fire.  This  fire  had  been  extinguished  in 
1692  by  Count  Frontenac,  who  then  came  against  it  at  the  head 
of  a  powerful  expedition  from  Montreal,  and  utterly  destroyed 
the  village.  It  had  again  been  put  out  in  the  Spring  of  1777, 
and  was  now  doomed  to  a  third  extinction,  equally  summary 
and  complete  with  the  former.  But  although  the  expedition  of 
Colonel  Van  Schaick  had  been  thus  far,  and  was  throughout, 
admirably  conducted,  yet  the  surprise  was  not  as  complete  as 
had  been  intended.  While  Captain  Graham's  company  was 
securing  a  few  prisoners  faken  in  the  outskirts  of  the  village, 
near  the  principal  castle,  means  were  found  by  the  wily  ad- 
versary to  give  the  alarm  in  advance.  The  tidings,  of  course, 
flew  from  village  to  village  with  greater  rapidity  than  the  se- 
veral detachments  of  troops  could  equal,  and  the  Indians  scat- 
tered off  to  the  woods  in  all  directions.  But  such  was  the 
precipitancy  of  their  flight,  that  they  carried  nothing  with  them 
— not  even  their  arms.  Still,  thirty-three  of  their  number  were 
taken  prisoners,  and  twelve  killed.  Three  villages,  consisting 
of  about  fifty  houses,  were  burnt  to  the  ground  ;  and  a  large 
quantity  of  provisions,  consisting  chiefly  of  beans  and  corn,  de- 
stroyed, nearly  one  hundred  muskets  were  taken  among  the 
booty,  and  several  rifles,  together  with  a  considerable  quantity 
of  ammunition.  Their  swivel  at  the  council-house  was  rendered 
useless,  and  their  cattle  and  horses  were  destroyed.  The  work  of 
destruction  having  been  completed,  the  detachment  immediately 
commenced  its  return  to  Fort  Schuyler.  It  was  fired  upon  in 
the  afternoon  by  a  small  party  of  Indians  in  the  woods,  but 
without  injury,  while  one  of  the  enemy  fell  by  the  return 
fire.  On  Saturday,  the  24th,  the  troops  were  all  back  again 
at  Fort  Schuyler,  having  perfornicd  a  journey,  going  and  re- 


1779.] 


DESTRUCTION   OF   ONONDAGA. 


407 


turning,  of  one  hundred  and  eighty  miles,  and  effected  their 
object  without  the  loss  of  a  single  man.*  In  the  letter  enclos- 
ing his  official  report  to  General  Clinton,  Colonel  Van  Schaick 
spoke  in  the  highest  terms  of  the  good  conduct  of  the  officers 
and  soldiers  engaged  in  this  expedition ;  and  bestowed  the 
warmest  encomiums  upon  Colonel  Willett  and  Major  Cochran, 
for  the  efficient  assistance  received  from  them. 

At  this  distance  of  time,  from  the  very  imperfect  data  afford- 
ed by  written  history,  this  expedition  against  the  Onondagas 
appears  like  r  harsh,  if  not  an  unnecessary  measure.  But, 
notwithstanding  the  professions  of  this  nation,  those  in  the  di- 
rection of  public  affairs  at  that  period  unquestionably  felt  its 
chastisement  to  be  a  work  of  stern  necessity.  General  Schuy- 
ler had  written  that  unless  some  exemplary  blow  should  be  in- 
flicted upon  the  hostiles  of  the  Six  Nations,  Schenectady  would 
shortly  become  the  boundary  of  the  Ameiican  settlements  in  that 
direction.  The  enterprise  had,  moreover,  the  sanction  of  the 
Oommander-in-chief ;  while  nothing  could  be  more  humane,  in 
regard  to  a  warlike  expedition,  than  the  instructions  of  General 
Clinton.  But  no  small  degree  of  uneasiness  was  nevertheless 
felt  by  the  Oneidas,  at  the  swift  destruction  which  had  thus 
overtaken  the  principal  town  of  their  next-door  neighbors  ;  and 
it  was  not  long  after  the  return  of  Colonel  Van  Schaick  to  Fort 
Schuyler,  before  he  was  visited  by  a  formal  delegation  from  that 
nation.  At  the  head  of  the  embassage  was  Skenandoah,  an 
important  sachem  of  the  tribe,  accompanied  by  Good  Peter,  the 
orator,  and  Mr.  Deane,  the  interpreter.  The  object  of  this 
mission  was  an  inquiry  into  the  causes  of  the  movement  against 
the  Onondagas,  with  whom,  as  has  been  previously  remarked, 
the  Oneidas  were  closely  connected  by  intermarriages.  Hav- 
ing been  introduced.  Good  Peter  spoke  as  follows  : — 

"  Brother  :  You  see  before  you  some  of  your  friends,  the 
Oneidas ;  they  come  to  see  you. 

"  The  engagements  that  have  been  entered  into  between  us 
and  our  brothers,  the  Americans,  are  well  known  to  you. 

"We  were  much  surprised,  a  few  days  ago,  by  the  news 
which  a  warrior  brought  to  our  Castle  with  a  war-shout,  in 
forming  us  that  our  friends,  the  Onondagas,  were  destroyed. 

**  Colonel  Van  Schaick's  reiMirt— papers  of  General  Clinton. 


lii  mm 

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408 


LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


[1779. 


"  We  were  desirous  to  see  you  on  this  occasion,  as  they 
think  you  might  have  been  mistaken  in  destroying  that  part  of 
the  tribe. 

"  We  suppose  you  cannot  answer  us  upon  this  subject;  as 
the  matter  was  agreed  upon  below.  But  perhaps  you  may 
know  something  of  this  matter. 

"  When  we  heard  of  this  account,  we  sent  back  word  to  our 
friends  remaining  among  them,  telling  them  not  to  be  pale- 
hearted  because  some  of  them  were  destroyed,  but  to  keep  up 
with  their  former  engagements. 

"  We  sent  off  some  of  our  people  to  Canasaraga,  to  invite 
them  to  come  to  our  village ;  but  they  returned  an  answer  that 
they  had  sent  some  of  their  own  runners  to  Onondaga,  to  learn 
the  particulars,  and  they  waited  for  their  return. 

"Our  people  brought  for  answer,  that  they  were  ."^uch 
obliged  to  their  children,  the  Oneidas,  for  attending  to  them  in 
their  distresses,  and  they  would  be  glad  if  they  would  speak 
smoothly  to  their  brethren,  the  Americans,  to  know  .  whether 
all  this  was  done  by  design,  or  by  mistake. 

"  If  it  was  a  mistake,  say  they,  we  hope  to  see  our  brethren 
the  prisoners — if  by  design,  we  still  will  keep  our  engagements 
with  you,  and  no^  join  the  King's  party.  But  if  our  brethren, 
the  Americans,  mean  to  destroy  us  also,  we  will  not  fly — we 
will  wait  here  and  receive  our  death. 

"  Brother  :  This  was  the  answer  of  the  Onondagas.  As  for 
us,  the  Oneidas  and  Tuscaroras,  you  know  our  sentiments. 
We  have  supposed  we  know  yours. 

"  The  Commissioners  promised  us  that  when  they  found  any 
thing  wrong,  they  would  tell  us  and  make  it  right. 

"Brother:  If  we  have  done  anything  wrong,  we  shall 
now  be  glad  if  you  would  now  tell  us  so."* 

At  the  end  of  each  sentence,  the  attending  sachems  uttered 
the  usual  sound  of  approbation,  and  having  concluded,  Good 
Peter  resumed  his  seat.  The  address  was  that  of  a  diploma- 
tist ;  and  it  was  supposed  probable  that  the  Onondagas  were 
themselves  at  the  bottom  of  the  embassay,  with  a  view  of  ob- 
taining information  by  which  to  regulate  their  future  conduct. 


•  The  Sexagenary,  a  collection  of  rerolutionary  papers  connected  with  the  border 
wars,  edited  by  S.  De  Witt  Bloodgood,  Eaq. 


1779.] 


INTERCESSION   OP   THE    ONEIDAS. 


409 


nnected  with  the  border 


Equally  adroit  was  the  reply  of  Colonel  Van  Schaick,  given  in 
the  following  terms  : — 

"  I  am  glad  to  see  my  friends,  the  Oneidas  and  Tuscaroras. 
I  perfectly  remember  the  engagements  the  Five  Nations  entered 
into  four  years  ago,  and  that  they  promised  to  preserve  a  strict 
and  honorable  neutrality  during  the  present  war,  which  was 
all  we  asked  them  to  do  for  us. 

"  But  I  likewise  know  that  all  of  them,  except  our  brethren 
tne  Oneidas  and  Tuscaroras,  broke  their  engagements,  and  flung 
away  the  chain  of  friendship.  But  the  Onondagac  have  been 
great  murderers ;  we  have  found  the  scalps  of  our  brothers  at 
their  Castle. 

"  They  were  cut  off,  not  by  mistake,  but  by  design — I  was 
ordered  to  do  it — and  it  is  done. 

'•  As  for  the  other  matters  of  which  you  speak,  I  recommend 
a  deputation  to  the  Commissioners  at  Albany.  I  am  not  ap- 
pointed to  treat  with  you  on  those  subjects. 

"  I  am  a  warrior.  My  duty  is  to  obey  the  orders  which  they 
send  me." 

No  farther  explanations  appear  to  have  been  interchanged  ; 
and  the  Oneidas  were  perhaps  the  more  readily  pacified,  inas- 
much as  they  were  really  friendly  to  the  Americans,  while  ar  the 
same  time  they  must  have  been  acquainted  with  the  conduct  of 
the  Onondagas,  which  had  justly  incurred  the  chastisement. 
Scalping  ))arties  were  always  hovering  about  the  unprotected 
borders,  especially  in  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Schuyler ;  and 
the  Indians  of  none  of  the  tribes  were  more  frequently  dis- 
covered belonging  to  these  parties,  than  of  that  nation. 

It  is,  perhaps,  a  coincidence  worth  noting,  that  on  the  very 
day  on  which  Colonel  Van  Schaick  departed  from  Fort  Schuy- 
ler for  Onondaga,  the  lower  section  of  the  Mohawk  Valley  was 
thrown  into  alarm  by  the  sudden  appearance  of  an  Indian  force 
simultaneously  on  both  sides  of  the  river,  in  the  vicinity  of  Pa- 
latine. On  the  South  side  a  party  rushed  down  upon  the  set- 
tlement, look  three  prisoners,  together  with  several  horses,  and 
drove  the  inhabitants  into  Fort  Plank.  At  the  very  same  hour 
another  division  of  the  savages  made  a  descent  upon  the  back 
part  of  Stone- Arabia,  where,  in  the  onset,  they  burnt  two  houses 
and  murdered  one  man.  The  next  house  in  their  course  be- 
longed to  Captain  Richer.    The  occupants  were  Richer,  hia 


KI 


410 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1779. 


^m 


m 


f*:^* 


a' 


'A: 


t  ? 

i 

'1  • 

1 

..•f 

wife,  and  two  sons,  and  an  old  man.  The  Captain  and  his 
two  boys  being  armed,  on  the  near  approach  of  the  Indians 
gave  them  a  warm  reception.  A  sharp  action  ensued.  The 
old  man,  being  unarmed,  was  killed  ;  as  also  was  one  of  the 
brave  boys,  a  lad  seventeen  years  of  age.  Captain  Richer  was 
severely  wounded  and  his  arm  was  broken ;  his  other  son  was 
also  wounded  in  the  elbow,  and  his  wife  in  one  of  her  legs. 
And  yet,  notwithstanding  that  the  whole  garrison  was  either 
killed  or  wounded,  the  Indians  retreated  on  the  loss  of  two  of 
their  number. 

On  the  same  day  a  party  of  Senecns  appeared  in  Schoharie, 
made  prisoners  of  Mr.  Lawyer  and  Mr.  Cowley,  and  plundered 
their  houses.  The  panic  was  again  general ;  the  people  flying 
to  the  forts  for  safety,  and  the  Committee  of  Palatine  writing  im- 
mediately to  General  Clinton,  at  Albany,  for  assistance.  The 
General  was  an  officer  of  great  activity,  and  so  rapidly  did  he 
move  in  cases  of  alarm,  that  he  traversed  the  Mohawk  Valley  with 
Colonel  Gansevoort's  regiment  and  the  Schenectady  militia,  and 
was  back  at  Albany  again  on  the  28th.  The  Indians  who  ap- 
peared on  the  south  side  were  from  the  West — those  on  the 
north  side  were  Mohawks  from  Canada.  General  Clinton,  in 
his  despatches  to  the  Governor,  his  brother,  expressed  an  opi- 
nion, that  but  for  his  timely  movement  on  that  occasion,  the 
enemy  would  have  driven  the  settlements  all  in  upon  Schenec- 
tady.* 

On  the  30th  of  April,  Lieutenants  M'Clellan  and  Harden- 
burgJi  returned  to  Fort  Schuyler  from  an  unsuccessful  expe- 
dition at  the  head  of  a  body  of  Indians,  against  the  small  Bri- 
tish garrison  at  Oswegatchie.  It  was  their  intention  to  take 
the  fort  by  surprise ;  but,  falling  in  prematurely  with  some 
straggling  Indians,  several  shots  were  imprudently  exchanged, 
by  reason  of  which  their  approach  became  known  to  the  gar- 
rison. They  then  attempted  by  stratagem  to  draw  the  enemy 
from  the  fort,  and  partly  succeeded,  but  could  not  induce  them 
to  venture  far  enough  from  their  works  to  cut  them  off;  and 
on  approaching  the  fort  themselves,  the  assailants  were  so 
warmly  received  by  cannister  and  grape,  as  to  be  compelled  to 
retreat  without  unnecessary  delay.    The  only  service  performed 

*  MS.  letter  of  Jacob  R.  Cork  and  Peter  Wagner  to  General  Clinton,  and  Gene* 
cal  Ciiaton'B  letter  to  the  Governor. 


i 

ft' t 


1779.] 


VENGEANCE  OP  THE  ONONDAOAS. 


411 


era!  Clinton,  and  Gene* 


was  to  send  a  Caughnawaga  Indian  into  Canada  with  a  lett.  •',  in 
French,  by  "  a  French  General,"  probably  the  Marquis  de  Lafay- 
ette, addressed  to  the  Canadians,  and  written  in  the  preceding 
Autumn.*  This  expedition  was  despatched  from  Fort  Schuyler 
on  the  day  before  Colonel  Van  Schaick  moved  upon  Onondaga ; 
and  from  a  letter  addressed  by  General  Clinton,  six  weeks  after- 
ward, to  General  Sullivan,  there  is  reason  to  believe  one  object 
Avas  to  get  clear  of  the  Oneida  Indians  then  in  the  fort,  until 
Colonel  Van  Schaick  should  have  proceeded  so  far  upon  his  ex- 
pedition, that  they  or  their  peop  would  not  be  able  to  give  tho 
Onondagas  notice  of  his  approach.  il  the  Indians  still  remain- 
ing in  Fort  Schuyler  on  the  .  Mh,  were  detained  expressly  for 
that  object  of  precaution.  General  Clinton  conceded  their  useful- 
ness as  scouts  and  spies  upon  the  British  forces ;  but,  he  observed, 
"  their  attachment  to  one  ar  other  is  too  strong  to  admit  of  their 
"  being  of  any  service  wht  employed  against  their  fellows."  t 
This  testimony  is  certainly  not  discreditable  to  the  Indian  cha- 
racter as  such. 

But  if,  as  has  been  seen,  the  Oneidas  were  disposed  to  send 
a  deputation  to  make  pacific  inquiries  at  Fort  Schuyler,  in  re- 
gard to  Colonel  Van  Schaick's  attack  upon  their  neighbors, 
the  descendants  of  Garanguli  and  Sadakenaghtiet  were  not 
themselves  willing  to  pass  the  matter  over  thus  lightly.  Fired 
with  indignation  at  th.  destruction  of  their  villages  and  castle, 
and  the  putting  out  of  the  great  council-fire  which  they  had  so 
long  kept  burning  at  their  national  altar,  they  resolvtd  upon 
summary  vengeance.  To  this  end,  three  hundred  of  their  war- 
riors were  speedily  upon  the  war-path,  bending  their  steps  to 
the  valley  of  the  Schoharie-kill.  The  settlement  of  Cobleskill,§ 
which  had  suffered  so  severely  the  preceding  year,  situated 
about  ten  miles  west  of  the  Schoharie-k'Ii,  and  yet  comprising 
nineteen  German  families,  was  the  first  object  of  attack.  But 
they  were  prevented  from  taking  the  place  by  surprise,  in  conse- 
quence of  two  of  their  number  straggling  a  considerable  distance 
in  advance  of  the  main  body,  who  were  discovered  by  a  scout  of 

*  M'Clellan'B  letter  to  General  Clinton. 

t  Letter  of  Gen.  Clinton  to  Qen.  Sullivan. 

X  Two  illustrious  Onondaga  warriors  and  orators  of  the  preceding  century.  Vide 
Colden's  Canada. 

§  Usually  thus  written ;  but  the  old  inhabitants  say  it  shoald  be  Cobuskill.^ 
Spqfford, 


lifj'iM,: 


412 


LIFE   OF    BRA^T. 


[1779. 


.■1 


Km  j^^H 

li 

■Ijif 

'•3 

f!l 

:   Lil    ' 


two  of  the  Cobleskill  militia.    One  of  the  Indians  was  shot, 
and  the  other  fled  ;  and  the  scouts  hastened  home  to  give  the 
alarm.    Intelligence  of  the  enemy's  approach  was  immediately 
despatched  to  Schoharie,  with  a  request  for  assistance.    A 
captain  of  the  Continental  army  was  thereupon  sent  to  Cobles- 
kill  with  a  detachment  of  regular  troops.     On  the  followmg 
morning  a  party  of  Indians  sallied  out  of  the  woods,  and  after 
approaching  the  settlement,  suddenly  returned.     They  were 
pursued  by  a  small  detachment  of  troops  to  the  edge  of  the 
forest,  where  their  reception  was  so  sharp  as  to  compel  a  re- 
treat.    The  Captain  himself  immediately  marched  to  the  scene 
of  action  with  the  whole  of  his  little  band,  together  with  fifteen 
volunteers  of  the  militia.      The  Indians  receded  before  the 
whites  for  a  time,  and  continued  the  deception  by  showing 
themselves  at  first  in  small  numbers  on  the  skirt  of  the  forest, 
until  they  had  accomplished  the  identical  purpose  they  had  in 
view.     The  Captain  and  his  men  pursued,  without  any  know- 
ledge of  the  disparity  of  numbers  they  had  to  encoimter,  until 
the  Indians  had  drawn  them  sufllciently  within  their  toils  to 
make  a  stand.     Their  numbers  now  multiplied  rapidly,  and 
the  battle  became  animated.     The  Captain  fell  wounded,  and 
■was  soon  afterward  killed.     Wis  men,  panic-stricken,  instantly 
fled  ;  but  in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye,  a  cloud  of  several  hun- 
dred savages,  until  then  in  concealment,  rose  upon  all  sides  of 
them,  pouring  in  a  deadly  shower  of  rifle  balls,  and  making  the 
forest  ring  with  their  appalling  yells.     The  inhabitants  of  the 
settlement,  on  perceiving  the  disaster  which  had  befallen  the 
troops,  fled  in  the  direction  of  Schoharie  with  a  portion  of  the 
fugitive  soldiers.     Their  flight  was  facilitated,  or  rather  they 
were  prevented  from  being  overtaken,  by  seven  of  the  Captain's 
brave  fellows,  who  took  possession  of  a  deserted  house  and 
made  a  resolute  defence.    Prom  the  windows  of  their  castle 
they  fired  briskly  upon  the  Indians,  and  bringing  them  to  a 
pause,  detained  them  until  the  inhabitants  had  made  good  their 
flight  to  Schoharie.    Unable  to  drive  the  soldiers  from  the 
house,  thp;lridians  at  length  applied  the  brand,  and  the  brave 
fellows  were  burnt  to  death  within  its  walls.    The  whole  set- 
tlement was  then  plundered  and  burnt  by  the  Indians.    But 
they  did  not  proceed  farther  toward  Schoharie.    The  loss  of 
the  whites  was  twenty-two  killed  and  two  taken  prisoners. 


'  t 


1779.1 


INDIAN   OUTRAGES    NEAR   PORT    PITT. 


'413 


The  bodies  of  the  slain  were  found  the  next  day,  sadly  mutilat- 
ed ;  and  in  the  hand  of  one  of  them  the  Indians  had  placed  a 
roll  of  Continental  bills— a  severe  satire  upon  the  dcscrlption'of 
money  for  which  the  soldiers  were  serving.  The  great  fact, 
however,  that  it  was  the  cause,  and  not  the  pay,  which  kept 
the  Americans  in  the  field,  could  scarcely  be  appreciated  by 
the  forest  warriors.  They  were  led  in  this  battle  by  a  Tory, 
who  was  subsequently  killed  by  the  celebrated  Murphy.* 
Their  loss  was  severe,  but  to  what  extent  was  not  known. 
Thus  wos  amply  avenged  the  destruction  of  Onondaga. 

During  the  month  of  April,  the  itihabitants  of  Monongalia, 
on  the  north-western  Virginia  border  and  the  western  part  of 
Pennsylvania,  in  the  vicinity  of  Fort  Pitt,  had  been  severely 
harassed  by  the  Indians.  On  the  9th  of  that  month,  a  party  of 
four  men,  despatched  from  Fort  Pitt,  were  all  killed  and 
scalped  at  the  distance  of  fifteen  miles  from  the  fort.  On  the 
13th,  a  man  named  David  Morgan,  of  Monongalia,  discovered 
two  Indians  creeping  upon  several  children  at  work  in  a  field. 
He  gave  the  alarm  to  the  latter,  and  then  shot  one  of  the  In- 
dians dead.  The  other  rushed  upon  Morgan,  and  grappled 
with  him.  A  severe  contest  ensued  for  the  possession  of  the 
Indian's  knife,  which  Morgan  ultimately  obtained ;  tl:e  Indian, 
by  grasping  the  blade,  having  his  hand  severely  lacerated. 
Morgan  stabbed  the  Indian,  and  ran  for  the  fort,  while  the  In- 
dian took  to  the  woods.  A  party  set  off  immediately  in  pur- 
suit, and  soon  overtook  the  savage,  sitting  against  a  tree.  He 
begged  for  mercy,  and  was  at  first  taken  as  a  prisoner;  but 
during  the  march  back  to  the  fort,  he  became  rather  surly, 
whereupon  his  captors  killed  and  scalped  him — taking,  also, 
the  scalp  from  the  warrior  who  had  been  first  shot  by  Morgan. 
On  the  following  day  another  Indian  scout  was  discovered,  one 

♦  CampbeH'fl  Annalfl.  The  authority  of  Mr.  Campbell  for  most  if  not  all  bis  in- 
formation respecting  the  operations  of  tlie  enemy  in  tlie  Sciioharie  country,, was  tho 
late  Rev.  Mr.  Fenn,  of  IlarpersGeld — a  gentleman  most  intimately  acqnaintttl  with 
the  early  history  of  that  region.  Still,  there  is  ckarly  a  mistake  in  assigning,  as  has 
been  done,  Captain  Patrick  as  the  American  leader  against  tho  Onondagas  on  this 
occasion,  since  that  officer  fell  in  the  same  neighborhood  more  than  a  year  before,  as 
stated  in  a  letter  written  at  the  time  by  Colonel  Varick.  [See  chap.  xvi.  text,  and  also 
0  note.]  Who  led  the  Americans  on  this  last  occasion,  the  author  has  not  a^  rtained. 
But  the  accounts  just  referred  to,  that  it  was  Captain.  Patrick,  are  certainly  incor- 
rect—unless, indeed,  there  were  t«ro  Patricks,  both  captains,  and  both  killed  in  the 
aame  neigl^borhood. 


llv.  'I 

•I' 


IS  lUi' 


i"  Hi 

Ml  l< 


Pi.,. 
i|iiii:.S:!liit' 


B 


414 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1779. 


I'.ki 


r^ 


Ik 


dl^ 


''t'vJii 


of  whom  was  killed  and  scalped.  Two  days  afterward  the 
Indians  killed  and  scalped  David  Maxwell  and  his  wife.  Se- 
veral families  were  carried  into  captivity.  Among  the  prison- 
ers was  one  resolute  woman,  who  killed  one  of  her  ffiiard.s, 
wounded  another,  and  effected  lier  escape.*  These  individual 
murders  were  the  more  cruel,  inasmuch  as  they  could  have  no 
effect  upon  the  result  of  the  pending  contest.  The  snatching 
away  of  prisoners  hy  these  petty  expeditj  ns  was  a  different 
affair ;  and  often  served  a  twofold  purpose— enabling  the  enemy 
frequently  to  extort  information,  and,  by  a  silent  operation,  con- 
tinually increasing  the  number  of  prisoners  in  their  hands  for 
exchange.  But,  whether  murdered  outright  or  carried  into  cap- 
tivity, the  trials  of  the  inhabitants  upon  a  frontier,  thus  hourly 
exposed  to  dangers  of  the  most  appalling  description,  can  scarce^ 
ly  be  appreciated  by  those  who  have  not  been  placed  in  similar 
peril. 

The  frontier  towns  of  the  County  of  Ulster  were  likewise 
not  a  little  annoyed,  in  the  early  part  of  May,  by  a  detachment 
of  thirty  or  forty  of  Rutler's  rangers,  who,  from  their  knowledge 
of  the  country,  were  supposed  to  have  fled  to  the  royal  standard 
from  that  neighborhood.  On  the  4th  of  May,  four  dwelling- 
houses  and  five  barns  were  burnt  by  them  in  Fantine-kill. 
Six  of  the  inhabitants  were  murdered,  besides  three  or  four 
more  who  were  supposed  to  be  burnt  in  their  houses.  Colonel 
Philip  Van  Courtlandt,  stationed  at  that  time  with  one  of  the 
New- York  regiments  at  Warwasing,  went  in  pursuit  of  the 
traitors ;  but  although  he  twice  came  in  sight  of  them  upon  the 
crest  of  a  mountain,  they  were  too  dexterous  in  threading  the 
forests  to  allow  him  to  overtake  them ;  and  the  Colonel  had 
scarcely  turned  back  from  the  pursuit,  before  they  fell  upon  the 
town  of  Woodstock,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Kingston,  where 
they  burnt  several  houses  and  committed  other  depredations 
They  made  a  few  prisoners,  some  of  whom  were  carried  away ; 
while  others  were  compelled,  by  the  up-raised  hatchet,  to  take 
an  oath  not  to  serve  in  arms  against  the  King.t 

In  order  to  preserve,  unbroken,  a  narrative  of  the  principal 
Indian  campaign  of  the  present  year,  it  is  necessary  somewhat 
to  anticipate  the  progress  of  events,  by  recording  in  this  place 

*  Almon's  Remembrancer— letter  from  Fort  Pitt. 

]  Idem — Article  from  Warwasing,  published  first  in  Poughkeepsie. 


1779.J 


INVASION   OF   MINI8INK. 


410 


the  particulars  of  the  celebrated  invasion  of  Minisink,  and  the 
bloody  battle  that  immediately  ensued  near  the  Delaware* 
The  bravo  Count  Pulaski,  with  his  battalion  of  cavalry,  had 
been  stationed  at  Minisink  during  the  preceding  winter ;  but  in 
the  month  of  February  he  was  ordered  to  South  Carolina,  to 
ioin  the  army  of  General  Lincoln.!  Left  thus  wholly  unpro- 
tected, save  by  its  own  people,  Captain  Brant  determined  to 
make  a  descent  upon  it,  for  the  purpose  of  taking  both  plunder 
and  prisoners.  Accordingly,  on  the  Q^^lh  of  July,  or  rather 
during  the  night  of  the  19th,  the  crafty  Mohawk  stole  upon  the 
slumbering  town,  at  the  head  of  iixty  Indians  and  twenty- 
seven  Tory  warriors,  disguised  as  Indians — which  was  a  very 
common  practice  with  the  loyalists  when  acting  with  the 
savages.  Such  was  the  silence  of  their  approach,  that  several 
houses  were  already  in  flames  when  the  inhabitants  awoke  to 
their  situation.  Thus  surprised,  and  wholly  unprepared,  all 
who  could  escape  fled  in  consternation,  leaving  the  invaders  to 
riot  upon  the  spoil.  Ten  houses  and  twelve  barns  were  burnt, 
together  with  a  small  stockade  fort  and  two  mills.  Several 
persons  were  killed,  and  others  taken  prisoners.  The  farms 
of  the  settlement  were  laid  waste,  the  cattle  driven  away, 
and  all  the  booty  carried  off"  which  the  invaders  could  remove. 
Having  thus  succeeded  in  his  immediate  object,  Brant  lost  no 
time  in  leading  his  party  back  to  the  main  body  of  his  war- 
riors, whom  he  had  left  at  Grassy  Brook. 

No  sooner  had  the  fugitives  from  Minisink  arrived  at  Goshen 
with  the  intelligence,  than  Dr.  Tusten,  the  Colonel  of  the  local 
militia,  issued  orders  to  the  oflicers  of  his  command  to  meet 
him  at  Minisink  on  the  following  day,  with  as  many  volunteers 
as  they  could  raise.  The  order  was  promptly  obeyed,  and  a 
body  of  one  hundred  and  forty-nine  men  met  their  colonel  at 
the  designated  rendezvous,  at  the  time  appointed — including 
many  of  the  principal  gentlemen  of  the  county.    A  council  of 

*  Minisink,  Tor  an  inland  American  town,  is  very  ancient  It  is  situated  about 
ten  miles  west  of  Goshen,  in  the  County  of  Orange,  (N.  Y.)  on  the  I  .  nsink  river, 
and  among  what  are  called  the  Shawangunk  Mountains.  It  is  b  .  wed  on  the 
south-west  by  both  the  States  of  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania.  Tne  Wallkill 
also  rises  in  this  town.  Its  history,  previous  to  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  is  full  of 
interest  A  severe  battle  was  fought  with  the  Indians  in  Minisink,  July  22, 1669, 
the  bloody  horrors  of  which  yet  live  in  the  traditions  of  that  neighborhood. 

t  Letter  of  Washington. 


'1 


I  I 


m 


,'  I     -  I. 


4u 


lii' 


i:  .  'I 


416 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1779 


war  was  held,  to  determine  upon  the  expediency  of  a  pursuit. 
Colonel  Tusten  was  himself  opposed  to  the  proposition,  with 
so  feeble  a  command,  and  with  the  certainty,  if  they  overtook 
the  enemy,  of  being  obliged  to  encounter  an  officer  combining, 
with  his  acknowledged  prowess,  so  much  of  subtlety  as  charac- 
terized the  movements  of  the  Mohawk  chief.  His  force,  more- 
over, was  believed  to  be  greatly  superior  to  their's  in  numbers, 
and  to  include  many  Tories  as  well  acquainted  with  the  coun- 
try as  themselves.  The  Colonel,  therefore,  preferred  waiting 
for  the  reinforcements  which  would  be  sure  soon  to  arrive,  the 
more  especially  as  the  volunteers  already  with  him  were  but 
ill  provided  with  arms  and  ammunition.  Others,  however,  were 
for  immediate  pursuit.  They  affected  to  hold  the  Indi-ans  in 
contempt,  insisted  that  they  would  not  fight,  and  maint.  't- 
that  a  re-capture  of  the  plunder  they  had  taken  would  b;.  ?.» 
easy  achievement.  Town-meeting  counsels,  in  the  conduct  of 
war,  are  not  usually  the  wisest,  as  will  appear  in  the  i^equel. 
Tiie  majority  of  Tusten's  command  were  evidently  determined 
to  pursue  the  enemy ;  but  their  deliberations  were  cut  short 
by  Major  Meeker,  who  mounted  his  horse,  flourished  his  sword, 
and  vauntingly  called  out — "  Let  the  brave  men  follow  me, 
the  cowards  may  stay  behind  !"  it  may  readily  be  supposed 
that,  such  an  appeal  to  an  excited  multitude  would  decide  the 
question,  ns  it  did.  The  line  of  march  was  immediately  taken 
up,  and  afler  proceeding  seventeen  miles  the  same  evening,  they 
encamped  for  the  night.  On  the  morning  of  the  22d  they 
were  joined  by  a  small  reinforcement  under  Colonel  Hathorn, 
of  the  Wai  wick  regiment,  who,  as  the  senior  of  Colonel  Tusten, 
took  the  command.  When  they  had  advanced  a  few  miles,  to 
Halfway  Brook,  they  came  upon  the  Indian  encampment  of 
the  preceding  night,  and  another  council  was  held  there. 
Colonels  Hathorn,  Tusten,  and  others,  whose  valor  was  go- 
verned by  prudence,  were  opposed  to  advancing  farther,  as  the 
number  of  Indian  fires,  and  the  extent  of  ground  they  had  oc- 
cupied, removed  all  doubt  as  to  the  superiority  of  their  numbers. 
A  scene  similar  to  that  which  had  broken  up  the  former  coun- 
cil was  acted  at  this  place^  and  with  the  same  result.  The 
voice  of  prudence  was  compelled  to  yield  to  that  of  bravado. 

Captain  Tyler,  who  had  some  knowledge  of  the  woods,  was 
sent  forward  at  the  head  of  a  small  scouting  party,  to  follow  the 


1779.] 


INVASION   OF   MINISINK. 


417 


trail  of  the  Indians,  and  to  ascertain,  if  possible,  their  movements; 
since  it  was  evident  that  they  could  not  be  far  in  advance. 
The  Captain  had  proceeded  but  a  short  distance  before  he  fell 
from  the  fire  of  an  unseen  enemy.  This  circumstance  occa- 
sioned considerable  alarm  ;  but  the  volunteers,  nevertheless, 
pressed  eagerly  forward,  and  it  was  not  lon^  before  they 
emerged  upon  the  hills  of  the  Delaware,  in  full  view  of  that 
river,  upon  the  eastern  bank  of  which,  at  the  dista'nce  of  three- 
fourths  of  a  mile,  the  Indians  were  seen  deliberately  marchinfr 
in  the  direction  of  a  fording-place  near  the  mouth  of  the  Lack- 
awaxen.  This  discovery  was  made  at  about  9  o'clock  in 
the  morning.  The  intention  of  Brant  to  cross  at  the  fording- 
place  was  evident ;  and  it  was  afterward  ascertained  that  his 
booty  had  already  been  sent  thither  in  advance. 

The  determination  was  immediately  formed  by  Colonel  Ha- 
thorn,  to  intercept  the  enemy  at  the  fording-place,  for  which 
purpose  instant  dispositions  were  made.  But,  owing  to  in- 
tervening woods  and  hills,  the  opposing  bodies  soon  lost  sight 
of  each  other,  and  an  adroit  movement  on  the  part  of  Brant 
gave  him  an  advantage  which  it  was  impossible  for  the  Ameri- 
cans to  regain.  Anticipating  the  design  of  Hathorn,  the  moment 
the  Americans  were  out  of  sight  Brant  wheeled  to  the  right,  and 
by  threading  a  ravine  across  which  Hathorn  had  passed,  threw 
himself  into  his  rear,  by  which  means  he  was  enabled  delibe- 
rately to  select  his  ground  for  a  battle  and  form  an  ambuscade. 
Disappointed  in  not  finding  the  enemy,  the  Americans  were 
brought  to  a  stand,  when  the  enemy  disclosed  himself  partially, 
in  a  quarter  altogether  unexpected.  According  to  the  Ameri- 
can account,  the  first  shot  was  fired  upon  an  Indian,  who  was 
known,  and  who  was  mounted  upon  a  horse  stolen  at  Minisink. 
The  Indian  fell,  and  the  firing  soon  became  general— the  enemy 
contriving,  in  the  early  part  of  the  engagement,  to  cut  off  from 
the  main  body  of  Hathorn's  troops  a  detachment  comprising 
one  third  of  his  whole  number.  The  conflict  was  long  and 
obstinate.  The  number  of  the  enemy  being  several  times 
greater  than  that  of  the  Goshen  militia,  the  latter  were  sur- 
rounded, and  ultimately  hemmed  within  the  circumference  of 
an  acre  of  ground.  Being  short  of  ammunition,  Hathorn's  or- 
ders, in  imitation  of  those  of  Putnam  at  Bunker  Hill,  were 

strict  that  no  man  should  fire  until  very  sure  that  his  powder 

29 


i 


m  • 


liilil 


418 


LIFE   OF   BRANT. 


[1779 


would  not  be  lost*  The  battle  commenced  about  11  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  and  was  maintained  until  the  going  down  of 
the  sun ;  both  parties  lighting  after  the  Indian  fashion,  every 
man  for  himself,  and  the  whole  keeping  up  an  irregular  fire 
from  behind  rocks  and  trees  as  best  they  could.  About  sunset 
the  ammunition  of  the  militia  was  expended,  and  the  survivors 
attempted  to  retreat,  but  many  of  them  were  cut  down.  Doc- 
tor Tusten  was  engaged  behind  a  cliff  of  rocks  in  dressing  the 
wounded  when  the  retreat  commenced.  There  were  seven- 
teen disabled  men  under  his  care  at  the  moment,  whose  cries 
for  protection  and  mercy  were  of  the  most  moving  description. 
The  Indians  fell  upon  them,  however,  and  they  all,  together 
with  the  Doctor,  perished  under  the  tomahawk.  Among  the 
slain  were  many  of  the  first  citizens  of  Goshen ;  and  of  the 
whole  number  that  went  forth,  only  about  thirty  returned  to 
tell  the  melancholy  story .t  Several  of  the  fugitives  were  shot 
while  attempting  to  escape  by  swimming  the  Delaware. 

Brant  has  been  severely  censured  for  the  cruelties  perpe- 
trated, or  alleged  to  have  been  perpe  rated,  in  this  battle.  He 
always  maintained  that  he  had  been  unjustly  blamed,  and  that 
his  conduct  had  been  the  subject  of  unjust  reproach.  He 
stated  that,  having  ascertained  that  the  Goshen  militia  were  in 
pursuit  of  him,  determined  to  give  him  battle,  he  of  cour?') 
prepared  himself  for  their  reception.  Still,  having  obtained 
the  supplies  he  needed,  his  own  object  was  accomplished.  He 
also  stated,  that  on  the  near  approach  of  the  Americans,  he 
rose,  and  presenting  himself  openly  and  fairly  to  their  view,  ad- 
dressed himself  to  their  commanding  officer,  and  demanded  their 
surrender — promising  at  the  same  time  to  treat  them  kindly  as 
prisoners  of  war.  He  assured  them,  frankly,  that  his  force  in 
ambush  was  sufficient  to  overpower  and  destroy  them;  that 
then,  before  any  blood  had  been  shed,  he  could  control  his 
warriors ;  but  should  the  battle  commence,  he  could  not  an- 

•  Putnam's  order  was — "  Don't  fire,  boys,  till  you  see  the  white  of  their  eyes." 
t  Among  the  slain  v/ere  Jones,  Little,  Duncan,  Wisner,  Vail,  Townsend,  and 
Knapp.  In  1822  the  people  of  Orange  County  collected  the  bonea,  which  until  then 
had  been  left  to  bleach  on  the  battle-field,  and  caused  them  to  be  buried.  The  fune- 
ral procession  numbered  twelve  thousand  people,  among  whom  was  Major  Poppino, 
one  of  the  survivors  of  the  battle — then  nearly  one  hundred  years  old.  The  autlior 
baa  to  some  extent  drawn  upon  the  discourse  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Wilson,  delivered  un 
that  occasion,  in  writing  this  account  of  the  battle. 


1779.] 


HIS   ACCOUNT   OF   THE   BATTLE. 


419 


swer  for  the  consequences.  But,  he  said,  while  he  was  thus  par- 
leying with  them,  he  was  fired  upon,  and  narrowly  escaped  be- 
ing shot  down — the  ball  piercing  the  outer  fold  of  his  belt. 
Immediately  upon  receiving  the  shot,  he  retired,  and  se- 
creted himself  among  his  warriors.  The  militia,  emboldened 
by  his  disappearance,  seeing  no  other  enemy,  and  disbelieving 
what  he  had  told  them,  rushed  forward  heedlessly  until  they 
were  completely  within  his  power.  In  crossing  a  creek  they 
had  broken  their  order,  jand  before  they  could  form  again  on 
the  other  side,  Brant  gave  the  well-known  signal  of  the  war- 
whoop.  Quick  as  the  lightning's  flash,  his  dark  cloud  of  war- 
riors were  upon  their  feet.  Having  fired  once,  they  sprang 
forward,  tomahawk  in  hand.  The  conflict  was  fierce  and 
bloody.  Few  escaped,  and  several  of  the  prisoners  were 
killed.  There  was  one  who  during  the  battle  saved  himself 
by  means  which  Brant  said  were  dishonorable.  By  some  pro- 
cess or  other,  though  not  a  freemason,  he  had  acquired  a  know 
ledge  of  the  master  mason's  grand  hailing  signal  of  distress ; 
a.id  having  been  informed  that  Brant  was  a  member  of  the 
brotherhood,  he  gave  the  mystic  sign.  Faithful  to  his  pledge, 
the  chieftain  interposed  and  saved  his  life.  Discovering  the 
imposture  afterward,  he  was  very  indignant.  Still,  he  spared 
his  life,  and  the  prisoner  ultimately  returned  to  his  friends  af- 
ter a  long  captivity.* 

*  This  version  of  the  battle,  09  given  hy  Brant,  has  been  derived  by  the  author 
from  the  notes  of  conversations  with  the  old  chief,  by  Samuel  WoodruffJ  Esq.  here- 
tofore cited.  The  prisoner  referred  to  as  having  been  saved  by  the  erroneous  8up> 
position  of  Brant  that  he  was  a  freemason,  was  the  late  Major  Wood  of  Orange 
County.  The  Rev,  Doctor  Wilson  gives  the  following  account  of  this  incident : — 
"Major  Wood  of  Orange  County,  (N.  Y.)  was  made  a  prisoner  at  the  battle  ot 
Minisink,  because  Brant,  from  an  accidental  sign,  mistook  him  for  a  Freemason.  On 
the  evening  after  the  battle,  when  the  'monster'  was  about  to  tie  him,  he  remon- 
strated, said  he  was  a  gentleman,  and  promised  not  to  escape.  He  was  not  tied,  but 
laid  between  two  Indians ;  and  told,  that  should  he  attempt  to  escape  he  should  be 
tomahawked.  The  blanket  on  which  ho  lay  took  fire  in  the  night,  and  he  dared  not 
3nove,  lest  the  tomahawk  might  sink  into  his  head,  until  the  fire  reached  his  feet, 
when  he  kicked  it  out.    It  was  Brant's  blanket.    Brant  treated  him  very  harshly  ever 

after;  and  when  Major  Wood  asked  him  the  reason,  he  replied,  'D n  you,  you 

burnt  my  blanket'  Major  Wood  was,  for  many  years  after  the  peace,  a  resident  ot 
Orange  County,  and  one  of  its  most  respectable  citizens."  Dr.  Wilson  supposes 
that  the  Masonic  signal  was  made  by  mere  accident.  It  may  have  been  so ;  but  the 
author  has  been  told  otherwise,  and  that  one  of  the  first  acts  of  his  life,  after  his  re- 
turn, was  to  become  a  freemason.    This  he  considered  himself  in  honor  bound  to  d» 


:i-::r:i 


420 


LIFE   OF    BRANT. 


1' 


fi 


'    fi    ' 


!?t 


,    ! 


1^  ' 


[1779. 


There  was  another  occurrence  of  deep  and  thrilling  interest 
connected  with  this  battle,  the  particulars  of  which  were  related 
in  after-years  by  Btant  himself,  while  on  a  visit  to  the  city  of 
New- York.*  Among  those  wh'^  were  grievously  wounded  was 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Gabriel  Wisncr,  a  gentleman  of  great  re- 
spectability, a  magistrate,  serving  among  the  Goshen  volun- 
teers. In  surveying  the  battle-field,  the  situation  of  Wisner  ar- 
rested the  attenli'''n  ti  the  Indian  commander,  who  exammec 
his  condition .  The  chief  saw  that  he  was  wounded  past  hope 
of  recovery,  but  he  was.  nevertheless,  in  the  full  possession  of  his 
faculties,  and  was  even  able  to  converse.  Believing  his  case 
to  be  altogether  beyon(^.  the  power  of  medical  and  surgical 
skill,  and  having  no  means  of  carrying  him  awiy.  Brant  re- 
flected a  moment  upon  1  '^  .>wn  course  of  duty.  He  was  dis- 
posed to  save  his  life  it  lie  could,  and  yet  felt  that  it  was 
impossible.  To  have  him  thus  helpless  and  alone  upon  the 
field,  in  the  possession  of  his  senses  to  a  degree  enabling  hnn 
to  appreciate  all  the  horrors  of  his  situation,  would  be  the 
height  of  cruelty.  Added  to  which  was  the  moral  certainty, 
that  the  wolves  abounduig  in  the  forest,  guided  by  the  »wnt  of 
blood,  wou ■•  I  soon  be  gorging  themselves  alike  upon  the  wounded 
"id  the  dead.  The  thought,  therefore,  that  Wisner  might  be  lorn 
ii;  pieces  while  yet  alive,  seemed  to  him  even  more  than  savage 
cruelty.  Under  these  distressing  circumstances  and  consider- 
ations, the  chief  argued  with  himself  that  true  humanity  re- 
quired a  speedy  termination  of  his  sufferings.  Having  formed 
this  conclusion,  the  next  point  was  to  compass  his  death  with- 
out inflicting  additional  torture  upon  his  feelings.  With  this 
view  he  engaged  Wisner  in  conversation,  and  while  diverting 
his  attention,  struck  him  dead  in  an  instant,  and  unperceived, 
with  his  hatchet.  It  was  but  a  savage  exhibition  of  humanity  ; 
but  there  was  benevolence  in  the  intention,  however  stransrelr 
reasoned  ;  and  the  motive  of  the  final  blow  is  to  be  applauded, 
notwithstanding  the  shudder  caused  by  its  contemplation.! 

He  also  stated  that  he  had  always  felt  n'orlified  at  the  deception  bo  had  practise*!, 
and  that  nothinjj;  could  hive  been  more  with';ring  than  the  acorn  with  which  Brant 
ever  looked  upon  him  afterward. 

*  Conversations  of  Brant  with  General  Morgan  Lowi?,  relaJfl  hy  >.)■'  iiuter  to 
the  author. 

t  The  British  account  of  this  battle,  published  iis  N^w- York  on  J-x,  (8th  of  Au- 
gust, 1779,  as  received  from  "  a  person  just  arrived  from  Jotep'i  Braat  aMJaw 


4^'mm 


ci?,  relei«»df>y  ♦''  in  iter  to 


1779.] 


INDIAN   IRRUPTIONS. 


i2l 


t,  .1' 


From  Minisink,  by  a  rapid  movement,  Brant  fell  upon  a  & :■ - 
tlement  on  the  south  side  of  the  Mohawk,  where,  on  the  2d  oi 
August,  he  made  a  few  prisoners — the  name  of  one  of  whom 
was  House.  This  man,  with  his  companions,  was  carried  back 
into  the  woods,  and  left  in  charge  of  the  Indians,  while  Brant, 
with  four  of  his  warriors,  went  off  upon  some  secret  enterprise. 
On  the  fourth  day  after  his  absence,  he  returned,  attended  by 
his  four  warriors,  but  on  horseback  himself,  having  been 
wounded  in  the  foot  by  a  musket  shot.  The  wound,  however, 
was  not  like  that  of  Achilles,  in  the  heel,  but  by  a  buck-shot  in 
the  ball  of  the  great  toe — andtlu^reforein  a  place  less  equivocal 
for  a  soldier's  honor.  They  then  commenced  their  march  in 
the  direction  of  Tiojfa :  but  as  House  became  too  lame  bv 
walking  to  continue  the  journey  on  foot,  the  Indians  proposed 
killing  him.  To  this  Brant  objected ;  and  having  been  ac- 
quainted with  House  before  the  war,  he  released  him  on  condi- 
tion of  his  taking  an  oath  of  neutrality,  which  was  written  by 


the  chief  in  the  Indian  language. 


House  signed  the  oath,  and 


Brant  witnessed  it.     He  was  then  released,  and  being  som*. 
where  in  the  vicinity  of  Otsego  Lake,  where  General  Clinton 
was  then  making  preparations  for  his  celebrated  de;  .v'nt  ct  tl.o 
Susquehanna,  House  came  into  Clinton's  camp  on   '.  ^  8th  of 
August — the  day  previous  to  his  embarkation.* 

Contemporaneously  with  these  occurrences,  anJ  while,  as 
will  subsequently  appear,  the  attention  of  the  Ameri  •  la  oilicers 
was  directed  to  more  important  movements,  the  India;;  uid 
Tories  once  more  broke  in  upon  the  Pennsylvania  jordei-,  in 
Northampton,  Lyconia,  and  the  neighborhood  of  Sun'oury. 
In  a  succession  of  petty  affairs  between  the  1st  and  2ist  of 
July,  several  neighborhoods  were  destroyed  and  mills  burnt. 

brethren,"  stated  that  Brant  had  with  him  only  sixty  Indinna  and  twenty  white  men. 
Among  the  principal  inhabitants  killed,  the  same  account  gave  the  followin'r  retirn  : 
"Colonel  Benjamin  Tustan,  Jr.,  Captain  Samuel  Jones,  Captain  John  Little,  Cap- 
tain John  Wood,  Captain  Duncan,  Captain  Benjamin  Vail,  Captain  Reat  Tyler, 
Adjutant  Nathaniel  Frink,  Lieutenant  Benjamin  Dunning,  Lieutenant  Samuel 
Knapp,  Lieutenant  John  Wood,  Lieutenant  Abraham  Shepherd,  Justice  Gabrie! 
Weisner,  Justice  Gilbert  Vail,  Justice  Rog;er  Townsend,  Justice  William  Barker, 
Commissioner  James  Knapp,  Commissioner  James  Mashier,  Wounded,  Major 
Hans  Decker.  Major  Samuel  Meeker,  of  the  Minisink  militia.  Out  of  one  hun- 
dred and  forty-nine  that  went  out,  thirty  returned — missing  one  hundred  and  nine- 
teen."— Vide  Almonds  Rtmtmbranttr,  vol.  vi.  p.  276. 
*  MS.  letter  of  General  James  Clinton  to  Governor  Clinton,  his  brother. 


I  '■  m 


lllill:; 


•^':l 


m 


.V:Ml'»; 


.,|i:, 


11 


'I:  I? ; 


J;I1 


422 


LIFE   OP   BRANT. 


[1779. 


'^*y 


I 


:-  S.^  ■ 


■]► 


On  the  17th,  all  the  principal  houses  in  the  township  of  Miin- 
sey  were  burnt.    Two  persons  were  killed  on  that  day,  and 
four  had  been  killed  a  few  days   previous,  besides   several 
taken  prisoners.    On  the  20th,  three  men  were  killed  by  a 
small  party  hovering  about  Freeland's  Fort,  situated  on  the 
West  branch  of  the  Susquehanna,  seventeen  miles  from  Sun- 
bury.    On  the  28th,  five  days  after  the  afRiir  of  Minisink,  this 
little  defence,  which  was  garrisoned  by  only  thirty  men,  and 
about  fifty  women  and  children  who  had  sought  refuge  within 
its  walls,  was  invested  by  one  of  the  M'Donalds,  at  the  head  of 
two  hundred  Indians,  and  one  hundred  troops  calling  them- 
selves regulars.     But,  although  wearing  the  British  uniform,  it 
was  believed  that  they  were  American  loyalists.     The  enemy 
met  with  less  resistance  during  this  irruption  than  would  have 
been  the  case,  but  for  the  circumstance  that  the  greater  part  of 
the  men  had  been  drafted  for  the  boat  service  of  General  Sulli- 
van, who  was  then  at  Wyoming,  preparing  to  enter  the  Seneca 
country.     Fort  F^reeland  was  too  weak  of  itself,  and  too  weakly 
garrisoned,  to  hold  out  long  against  such  a  disparity  of  force. 
Captain  Hawkins  Boone,  a  brave  officer,  stationed  with  thirty 
men  at  a  distance  of  some  miles,  marched  to  the  relief  of  the 
fort  immediately  on  hearing  of  the  investment.     The  garrison 
had  surrendered  before  his  arrival.  Boone  nevertheless  gave  bat- 
tle to  the  enemy ;  but,  overpowered  by  numbers,  he  was  slain, 
together  with  eighteen  of  his  men,  whose  scalps  were  carried 
as  trophies  into  the  fort.     Two  other  officers.  Captains  Dough- 
erty and  Hamilton,  were  also  killed.     By  the  terms  of  capitu- 
lation, M'Donald  stipulated  to  spare  the  women  and  children, 
and  allow  them  to  depart.     The  fort,  and  the  hojises  in  its  vi- 
cinity, were  then  burnt.* 
Meantime  the  Shawanese  were  continuing  their  depredations 
^>fepon  the  Ohio  border  of  Virginia,  with  results  certainly  not 
unfavorable  to  the  former.    Colonel  Boon  being  absent  in  North 
Carolina,  Colonel  Bowman  led  an  expedition  of  one  hundred 
and  sixty  men,  in  July,  against  the  Shawanese  of  Old  Chilicothe. 
Although  Bowman  fell  upon  the  Indians  suddenly,  and  with- 
out knowledge  on  their  part  of  his  approach,  they  nevertheless 
fought  him  bravely  for  several  hours,  and  compelled  him  to 

*  Almon    Remembrancer — article  from  Philadelphia. 


1779.] 


AN   IMPORTANT   NOTE. 


423 


'nship  of  Mun- 
that  day,  and 
besides   several 
ere  killed  by  a 
situated  on  the 
niles  from  Sun- 
f  Minisink,  this 
thirty  men,  and 
lit  refuge  within 
s,  at  the  head  of 
)s  caUing  them- 
ritish  uniform,  it 
ts.    The  enemy 
han  would  have 
e  greater  part  of 
of  General  Sulli- 
enter  the  Seneca 
if,  and  too  weakly 
iisparity  of  force, 
ioned  with  thirty 
the  relief  of  the 
The  garrison 
srtheless  gave  bat- 
lers,  he  was  slain, 
alps  were  carried 
Captains  Dough- 
terms  of  capitu- 
len  and  children, 
e  houses  in  its  vi- 

their  depredations 
iults  certainly  not 
ng  absent  in  North 
,n  of  one  hundred 
of  Old  Chilicothe. 
iddenly,  and  with- 
they  nevertheless 
compelled  him  to 

lladelphia. 


retreat.  Falling  back  thirty  miles,  Bowman  mado  a  stand,  and 
was  shortly  overtaken  by  the  Indians  with  augmented  num- 
bers. Another  engagement  ensued,  which,  during  the  first  two 
hours,  promised  no  advantage  to  the  forces  of  Bowman.  Co- 
lonel Harrod  then  proposed  to  mount  a  number  of  men  upon 
horses  and  make  a  cavalry  charge.  The  suggestion  was 
adopted,  and  the  expedient  succeeded.  The  Indians  fought 
with  remarkable  fury,  but  were,  nevertheless,  broken,  and  com- 
pelled to  fly  in  all  directions.* 

With  these  incidents  closes  the  present  volume.  The  se- 
cond will  open  with  a  narrative  of  the  most  formidable  Indian 
campaign  undertaken  during  the  contest  for  American  Inde- 
pendence. 


NOTE. 


It  is  desirable  that  the  present  note  should  be  read  in  connec- 
tion with  the  sixth  chapter  of  this  volume,  containing  the  ac 
count  of  General  Schuyler's  expedition  to  Johnstown  in  Fe- 
bruary, 1776,  for  the  purpose  of  disarming  the  Tories  of  Tryon 
County,  and  of  arresting  Sir  John  Johnson.  1  he  imn^^ediate 
causes  of  that  expedition,  aside  from  the  information  of  a  wretch 
named  Cormell,  do  not  appear  with  sufficient  distinctness  to  di- 
vest the  proceedings  of  General  Schuyler  of  a  character  almost 
of  harshness.  But  while  the  author  has  entertained  little,  if  any, 
doubt,  that  Congress  had  good  ana  sufficient  reasons  for  diicct- 
ing  the  expedition,  and  Schuyler  for  his  energetic  execution  of 
his  oTtters,  the  reasons  for  the  urgency  of  the  movement  have 
never  transpired.  Since  the  preceding  sheets  were  fi-om  the 
press,  however,  the  author  has  received  copies  .of  certain  docu- 
ments fifom  the  archives  of  the  British  Government,  which  re- 
flect all  the  light  upon  the  subject  that  can  be  desired.  After 
the  perasal  of  these  papers,  the  propriety  of  the  measure  if  it 
ever  has  been,  can  no  longer  be  questioned : — 

*  Adventures  of  Colonel  Daniel  Boon. 


W  i'ji 


rm^m 


itij 


m 


■NiNliii  l| 


iu;u' 


424 


LIFE    OP   BRANT. 


[1779 


m 


Governor  Tryon  to  Lord  George  Germaine. 

"  On  board  H.  B.  M.  Ship,  Dutchess  of  Gordon,  ) 
"NeiP-York  Harbor,  3d  Jan.  1776.  \ 
"  My  Lord, 

"  The  gentleman  who  delivered  me  the  enclosed  letter  from 
Sir  John  Johnson,  assured  me  that  by  Government's  complying 
with  its  contents.  Sir  John  could  muster  five  hundred  Indians 
to  support  the  cause  of  government,  and  that  these,  with  a  body 
of  regulars,  might  retake  the  forts.  If  Sir  John  had  the  title  of 
Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs,  it  would  give  the  greatest 
weight  to  his  Majesty's  Indian  affairs — the  Indians  having  the 
greatest  affection  for  the  son  of  their  late  benefactor.  I  wish 
your  Lordship  may  think  as  favorably  of  Sir  John's  proposals 
as  I  do,"  &c.  <fcc. 

[enclosure  in  the  above.] 

Sir  John  Johnson  to  Governor  Tryon. 
"  Sir — I  hope  the  occasion  and  intention  of  this  letter  may 
plead  my  excuse  for  the  liberty  I  take,  in  introducing  to  youi 
Excellency  the  bearer  hereof,  Captain  Allan  M'Donnell,  who 
will  inform  you  of  many  particulars  which  cannot  at  this  time 
be  safely  communicated  in  writing.  The  distracted  and  con- 
vulsed stat^  that  this  unhappy  county  is  now  worked  up  to, 
and  the  situation  tliait  I  am  in  here,  together  with  the  many  obli- 
gations our  family  owe  to  the  best  of  sovereigns,  induce  me  to 
fall  upon  a  plan  that  may,  I  hope,  be  of  service  to  the  country, 
the  propriety  of  which  I  entirely  submit  to  your  Excellency's 
better  judgment,  depending  on  that  friendship  which  you  have 
been  pleased  to  honor  me  with,  for  your  advice  on,  and  repre- 
sentation to  His  Majesty,  of  what  I  propose.  Having  consulted 
with  all  my  friends  in  this  quarter,  among  whom  are  many  old 
and  good  officers,  I  have  come  to  the  resolution  of  forming  a 
battalion,  and  have  named  all  the  officers,  most  of  whom  have 
a  good  deal  of  interest  in  their  respective  neighborhoods,  and 
havo  seen  a  great  number  of  men  ready  to  complete  the  plan.  We 
must,  however,  not  think  of  stirring,  until  support  and  supplies  of 
many  necessaries  to  enable  us  to  carry  our  design  into  execution 
are  received — all  which  Mr.  M'Donnell  will  inform  your  Excel- 
lency of.  I  make  not  the  least  doubt  of  the  success  of  this  plan, 
should  we  be  supported  in  time.    As  to  news,  I  must  beg  leave 


"     W':  Ml 


SRMAINE. 


1779.] 


IMPORTANT   NOTE. 


425 


to  refer  you  to  Mr.  M'Donnell,  who  will  inform  you  of  every 
thing  that  has  been  done  in  Canada,  that  has  come  to  our  know- 
ledge. As  I  find  by  the  papers  you  are  soon  to  sail  for  England, 
I  despair  of  having  the  pleasure  to  pay  my  respects  to  you,  but 
most  sincerely  wish  you  an  agreeable  voyage,  and  a  happy  sight 
of  your  family  and  friends. 

"  I  am,  your  Excellency's 

"  Most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

'John  Johnson." 

It  was  beycrid  doubt  the  organization  and  other  preparations 
indicated  in  the  preceding  letter,  some  knowledge  of  which 
must  have  transpired,  that  induced  Congress  to  direct  the  expe- 
dition into  Tryon  County,  referred  to  above,  which  was  so  vigo- 
rously executed  by  General  Schuyler,  as  narrated  in  the  sixth 
chapter  of  the  present  volume.  And  the  same  Allan  M'Donnell, 
who,  with  Sir  John  Johnson,  was  one  of  the  negotiators  with 
Oeneral  Schuyler  on  that  occasion,  was  the  secret  emissary  sent 
by  Sir  John,  one  month  before,  to  negotiate  with  Governor  Try- 
on.  Thus  the  whole  matter  in  respect  to  that  expedition  is  ex- 
plained. 


;•!'> 


W'iii' 


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APPENDIX. 


xNo.  I. 


[Reference  from  the  Introduction.] 

[The  following  is  the  article  referred  to  in  the  text.  It  is  cx- 
triicted  from  Almon's  American  Remembrancer,  (a  work  purporting 
to  he  an  authentic  collection  of  facts,  published  in  London  during  the 
Re"olutionary  War,)  for  the  year  1782,  Vol.  14,  page  185.  It  was 
lonq  supposed  to  be  authentic,  but  has  since  been  ascertained  to 
be  ?.  publication  from  the  pen  of  Doctor  Franklin,  written  for  poli- 
tical purposes.] 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  Captain  Gerrish,  of  the  New-England  tnu 
'    litia,  dated  Albany,  March  7th,  1782. 

The  peltry  takpn  in  the  expedition  will,  as  you  see,  amount  to  u 
good  deal  of  money.  The  possession  of  this  booty  at  first  gave  us 
pleasure ;  but  we  were  struck  with  horror  to  find  among  the  pack- 
ages eight  large  ones,  containing  scalps  of  our  unhappy  folks  taken 
in  the  three  last  years  by  the  Seneca  Indians,  from  the  inhabitants 
of  the  frontiers  of  New-York,  New-Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  and  Vir- 
ginia,  and  sent  by  them  as  a  present  to  Col.  Haldiman,  Governor 
of  Canada,  in  order  to  be  by  him  transmitted  to  England.  They 
were  accompanied  by  the  following  curious  letter  to  that  gentle- 
man:— 

««  Tioga,  January  3rf,  1782. 
♦*  May  it  please  your  Excellency, 

At  the  request  of  the  Seneca  chiefs,  I  send  herewith  to  your 
Excellency,  under  the  care  of  James  Boyd,  eight  packs  of  scalps, 
cured,  dried,  hooped,  and  painted  with  all  the  Indian  triumphal 
marks,  of  which  the  following  is  invoice  and  explanation. 
No.  1.  Containing  43  scalps  of  Congress  soldiers,  killed  in  different 
skirmishes ;  these  are  stretched  on  black  hoops,  four  inch  dia- 
meter ;  the  inside  of  the  skin  painted  red,  with  a  small  black  spot 


i|.,i! 


11 


AFFENDIX. 


9 

m ' 


to  note  their  being  killed  with  bullets.  Also  62  of  farmers,  killed 
in  their  houses ;  the  hoops  red  ;  the  skin  painted  brown,  and 
marked  with  a  hoe  ;  a  black  circle  all  round  to  denote  their  be- 
ing surprised  in  the  night ;  and  a  blnck  hatchet  in  the  middle, 
signifying  their  being  killed  with  that  weapon. 

No.  2.  Containing  98  of  farmers,  killed  in  their  houses ;  hoops  red ; 
figure  of  a  hoe,  to  mark  their  profession  ;  great  white  circle 
and  sun,  to  show  they  were  surprised  in  the  day-time ;  a  little 
red  foot,  to  show  they  stood  upon  their  defence,  and  died  fight- 
ing for  their  lives  and  families. 

No.  3.  Containing  07  of  farmers  ;  hoops  green,  to  show  they  were 
killed  in  their  fields ;  a  large  white  circle  with  a  little  round 
mark  on  it  for  the  sun,  to  show  that  it  was  in  the  daytime ; 
black  bullet  mark  on  some — hatchet  on  others. 

No  4.  Containing  102  of  farmers,  mixed  of  the  several  marm 
above ;  only  18  marked  with  a  little  yellow  flume,  to  denote 
their  being  of  prisoners  burnt  alive,  after  being  scalped,  their 
nails  pulled  out  by  the  roots,  and  other  torments ;  one  of  these 
latter  supposed  to  be  of  a  rebel  clergyman,  his  band  being  fi.xea 
to  the  hoop  of  his  scalp.  Most  of  the  farmers  appear  by  the 
hair  to  have  been  young  or  middle  aged  men  ;  their  being  but 
67  very  gray  heads  among  them  all ;  which  makes  the  service 
more  essential. 

No.  5.  Containing  88  scalps  of  women  ;  hair  long,  braided  in  the 
Indian  fashion,  to  show  they  were  mothers  ;  hoops  blue  ;  skin 
yellow  ground,  with  little  red  tadpoles,  to  represent,  by  way  of 
triumph,  the  tears  of  grief  occasioned  to  their  relations ;  a 
black  scalping-knife  or  hatchet  at  the  bottom,  to  mark  their 
being  killed  with  those  instruments  ;  17  others,  hair  very  gray ; 
black  hoops ;  plain  brown  colour,  no  mark  but  the  short  club 
or  cassetetc,  to  show  they  were  knocked  do^"n  dead,  or  had 
their  brains  beat  out. 

No.  6.  Containing  193  boys'  scalps,  of  various  ages  ;  small  green 
hoops ;  whitish  ground  on  the  skin,  with  red  tears  in  the  mid. 
die,  and  black  bullet  marks,  knife,  hatchet,  or  club,  as  their 
deaths  happened. 

No.  7.  211  girls  scalped,  big  and  little;  small  yellow  hoops  ;  while 
ground ;  tears,  hatchet,  club,  scalping<knite,  dz;c. 

No.  8.  This  package  is  a  mixture  of  all  the  varieties  above-meti' 
tioned,  to  the  number  of  122 ;  with  a  box  of  birch  bark,  con. 
taining  29  little  infants'  scalps  of  various  sizes ;  small  white 
hoops ;  white  ground. 


APPENDIX. 


iii 


With  these  packs  the  Chiefs  send  to  your  Excellency  the  follow, 
ing  speech,  delivered  by  Coneiogatchic,  in  council,  interpreted  by 
the  elder  Moore,  the  trader,  and  taken  down  by  me  in  writing. 

**  Father,' — We  send  you  herewith  many  scalps,  that  you  may 
see  that  we  arc  not  idle  friends.    A  blue  belt. 

•♦  Father  f — We  wish  you  to  send  these  scalps  over  the  water  to 
the  Great  King,  that  he  may  regard  them  and  be  refreshed  ;  and 
that  he  may  see  our  faithfulness  in  destroying  his  enemies,  and  be 
convinced  that  his  presents  have  not  been  made  to  ungrateful  people. 
A  blue  and  white  belt  with  red  tassels. 

"  Father ! — Attend  to  what  I  am  now  going  to  say ;  it  is  a  mat« 
ter  of  much  weight.  The  great  King's  enemies  are  many,  and  they 
grow  fast  in  number.  They  were  formerly  like  young  panthers ; 
they  could  neither  bite  nor  scratch ;  we  could  play  with  them  safely ; 
we  feared  nothing  they  could  do  to  us.  But  now  their  bodies  are 
become  big  as  the  elk,  and  strong  as  the  buffalo ,  they  have  also  got 
great  and  sharp  claws.  They  have  driven  us  out  of  our  country 
by  taking  i  xrt  in  your  quarrel.  We  expect  the  great  King  will 
give  us  another  country,  that  our  children  may  live  after  us,  and  be 
his  friends  and  children  as  we  are. — Say  this  for  us  to  the  great 
King.  To  enforce  it,  we  give  this  belt.  A  great  white  belt  with 
blue  tassels. 

"  Father  ! — We  have  only  to  say  further,  that  your  traders  exact 
more  that  ever  for  their  goods ;  and  our  L  iug  is  lessened  by  the 
war,  so  that  we  have  fewer  skins  to  give  for  them.  This  ruins  us. 
Think  of  some  remedy.  We  are  poor,  and  you  have  plenty  of  every 
thing.  We  know  you  will  send  us  powder  and  guns,  and  knives, 
and  hatchets ;  but  we  also  want  ehirts  and  blankets.  A  little  white 
belt.»' 

I  do  not  doubt  but  that  your  Excellency  will  think  it  proper  to 
give  some  further  encouragement  to  thr<»e  honest  people.  The 
high  prices  they  complain  of,  are  the  necessary  eflfect  of  the  war. 
Whatever  presents  may  be  sent  for  them  through  my  hands  shall  bo 
distributed  with  prudence  and  fidelity.  I  have  the  honour  of  be- 
ing 

Your  Excellency's  most  obedient, 

And  most  humble  servant, 

JAMES  CRAUFDRH. 


Ill 


#» 


iv 


APPENDIX. 


No.  II. 
[Reference  from  Page  104.] 

Account  of  the  treaty  held  at  Albany,  in  August  1775,  with  ths 
Six  Nations,  by  the  Commissioners  of  the  Twelve  United  Colonies, 
met  at  General  Congress  at  Philadelphia. 

The  Commissioners  on  the  part  of  the  Colonies,  were  Major  Ge. 
neral  Philip  Schuyler,  Major  Joseph  Hawley,  Mr.  Turbot  Francis, 
Mr.  Oliver  Wolcott,  and  Mr.  Volkcrt  P.  Douw.  After  the  ad. 
journment  from  German  Flatts,  and  the  arrival  of  the  Indians  at 
Albany,  as  stated  in  the  text,  the  following  proceedings  were  had. 

At  a  meeting  of  tha  Commissioners  for  transacting  Indian  affairs 
in  the  northern  department,  held  at  Albany  on  Wednesday,  the  23d 
August,  1775.     Present, 

Gen.  Schuyler,  Col.  Franch,  Mr.  Dovw. 

Resolved,  unanimously,  that  the  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations  be 
invited  to  receive  our  congratulations  on  their  safe  arrival  here  ; 
tht.t  it  be  at  five  o'clock  this  afternoon  ;  that  the  committee  of  tlie 
city  of  Albany  and  the  principal  gentlemen  of  the  place  be  requested 
to  accompany  the  Commissioners;  and  that  the  following  letters  be 
wrote  for  that  purpose  to  the  chairman  of  the  committee. 

I 

Albany,  23(2  Augiut,  1775. 
Gentlemen. — ^Your  generous  exertions  to  support  the  American 
cause  against  the  nefarious  schemes  of  a  wicked  and  profligate  mi. 
nistry,  the  propriety  with  which  you  have  conducted  those  Indian 
affairs  that  have  become  the  subject  of  your  consideration,  a  con- 
sciousness that  without  your  aid,  and  that  of  gentlemen  of  the  town 
conversant  in  those  matters,  the  important  business  of  the  ensuing 
conference  cannot  be  so  properly  conducted  as  our  zeal  for  the  ser. 
vice  makes  us  wish,  are  so  many  motives  which  point  out  to  us  the 
necessity  of  calling  on  you  and  those  gentlemen  for  your  aid  and 
advice ;  which  we  entreat  you  will  give  us  without  reserve ;  and 
be  assured  that  it  will  be  attended  to  with  all  that  deference  that  is 
due  to  your  respeciable  body  and  to  their  good  judgment.  We 
propose  to  pay  a  visit  this  afternoon  at  five  o'clock  to  the  Indians. 
We  beg  the  favor  of  the  committee  to  honor  us  with  their  com- 
pany, as  so  respectable  a  body  will  greatly  add  to  the  complimentary 
visit  we  mean  to  pay  them.     We  shall  go  from  Cartwright's,  and 


rust  1775,  with  th« 

0  United  Coloniei, 

B9,  were  Major  Ge. 
[r.  Turbot  Francis, 
V.      After   the  ad. 

1  of  the  Indians  at 
iedings  were  had. 
cting  Indian  affairs 
Vednesday, the  23d 

Douw. 

the  Six  Nations  be 
safe  arrival  here ; 

le  committee  of  tlie 

le  place  be  requested 
following  letters  be 

tmmittee. 

3d  August,  1775. 
pport  the  American 

and  profligate  mi- 
ucted  those  Indian 
onsideration,  a  con- 
ntlemen  of  the  town 
mess  of  the  ensuing 
our  zeal  for  the  ser- 

point  out  to  us  the 
en  for  your  aid  and 
thout  reserve ;  and 
lat  deference  that  is 
ood  judgment.  We 
ock  to  the  Indians. 

us  with  their  com. 
o  the  complimentary 
n  Cartwright's,  and 


APPBNDIX.  y 

shall  take  it  as  a  favor  if  the  gentlemen  of  the  town,  who  are  not 
of  the  committee,  would  be  pleased  to  go  with  us. 
We  are,  gentlemen,  with  great  respect. 

Your  most  humble  servants, 

P.  Schuyler, 

VoLKERT  P.  DOUW, 

Turbot  Francis. 

To  which  the  committee  returned  the  following  answer : — 

Gentlemen, — ^Your  polite  invitatio.i  for  us  to  join  in  paying  a 
complimentary  visit  to  the  Indians  thL  afternoon  at  five  o'clock,  we 
accept  of,  and  shall  for  that  purpose  attend  at  Cartwright's  at  the 
hour  appointed. 

We  are,  gentlemen,  your  most  humble  servants. 
By  order  of  the  committee, 

Abraham  Yates,  Jr.  Chairman. 

,  The  sachems  and  warriors  of  thu  Six  Nations  being  assembled, 
the  Commissioners,  attended  by  the  committee  and  principal  gen. 
tlemen  of  the  city  of  Albany,  met  them,  and  addressed  them  as  fol. 
lows : — 

Brethren  of  the  Six  Nations, — We,  the  deputies  appointed 
by  the  Twelve  United  Colonies,  the  decendunts  of  Quedar,*  and  the 
gentlemen  of  the  city  of  Albany,  congratulate  you  on  your  arrival 
here.  They  are  glad  to  see  you  well,  and  thank  the  great  God  that 
he  suffers  us  to  meet. 


At  a  meeting  of  the  Commissioners  for  transacting  Indian  affairs 
for  the  northern  department  held  at  the  city  of  Albany,  on  Tuesday, 
25th  of  August,  1775.         Present, 

Gkn.  Schuyler,  Col.  Wolcott,  Col.  Francis,  Mr.  Douw. 

The  following  message  was  sent  to  the  committee  of  the  citizens  of 
Albany : — 

Albany,  '25th  August,  1775. 

Gentlemen, — The  Commissioners  of  Indian  affairs  are  to  open 
the  treaty  with  the  Six  Nations  this  morning,  about  eleven,  at  the 
Dutch  church.  They  request  the  favor  of  your  attendance,  and 
that  of  the  principal  gentlemen  of  the  town,  and  would  wish,  previ* 

*  "  Q.uedar,"  tho  name  which  the  Indians  had  given  Governor  Stay  vesant — being 
probably,  the  result  of  their  ofibrt  to  pronounce  the  name  "  Peter>" 

30 


VI 


AFPRNDIX. 


1 

11 

i 

ous  to  the  meeting,  to  ho  honorod  with  your  company  at  Cart. 
Wright's. 

To  Abraham  Yates,  Jr.  Esq.  Chairman  of  the  committee  of 
Albany. 

The  chairman  and  committee  attended  agreeable  to  invitation. 

In  the  course  of  their  interview  with  the  Commissioners  this  day, 
t!io  Indians  stated  that  they  had  sume  business  to  transact  with  the 
people  of  Albany,  with  whom  they  were  desirous  of  having  an  inter, 
view  before  proceeding  with  che  main  object  for  which  the  Council 
had  been  convened.  They  therefore  requested  a  day  for  that  pur. 
pose.  The  request  was  granted — a  meeting  of  the  citizens  of  AU 
bany  was  held  immediately,  at  which  Walter  Livingstoij,  Jere. 
MiAH  Van  Renselaer,  and  Dr.  Samvel  Stringer  were  appointed 
a  committee  to  hold  the  pi"eliminary  council  with  the  Indians. 
The  interview  took  place  on  the  same  evening,  when  Seaghnagerat, 
an  Oneida  sachem,  opened  the  proceedings  by  the  following 
speech : — 

"  Brothers  op  Albany  : — We  beg  you  will  acquaint  us  when 
your  body  is  complete. 

"  Broteiirs  of  Albany  : — The  day  is  now  come  that  we  have 
arrived  in  consequence  of  your  invitation.  When  you  saw  four  of 
the  Oneida  Nations,  you  said  you  was  glad  to  see  them  at  your 
Council  Chamber.  We  are  now  here  in  consequence  thereof. 
You  told  us  you  would  be  g'ad  to  see  us  again — that  you  rejoiced 
to  see  th^m,  and  that  you  would  open  the  ashes,  and  rekindle  the 
old  council-fire  at  Albany.  We  are  glad  to  see  that  some  of  the 
sparks  of  that  old  counciUfire  yet  remain.  Wo  rejoice,  e  ven  to 
excess,  to  find  it  so. 

"  Brothers  attend  ! — I  have  one  addition  to  make  to  what 
passed  between  four  of  the  Oneida  Nation  and  you,  when  last  at 
your  Council  Chamber.  When  you  found  from  our  conference 
with  your  brothers  at  tho  German  Flatts,  that  our  sentiments  of 
public  aflfairs  so  much  coincided  with  yours,  you  farther  told  us  that 
all  the  governments  of  Americi  on  the  sea-coasts  were  anxious  to 
know  whether  we  were  disposed  to  peace,  and  that  you,  the  Twelve 
United  Colonics,  were  resolved  to  support  your  civil  constitution 
and  liberties,  and  you  rejoiced  to  find  that  we  all  so  firmly  re. 
solved  to  maintain  peace. 

"  Brothers  op  Albany  : — ^You  farther  observed,  in  the  intercourse 
you  had  with  four  of  the  Oneida  Nation,  that  you  greatly  rejoiced 
at  the  conference  you  had  at  the  German  Flatts.  You  farther  sa"'l 
that  you  was  surprised  about  a  letter  Guy  Johnson  had  received 


APPKNUl.T. 


vll 


company  at  Cart. 

the  committee  of 

>le  to  invitation, 
nissionera  this  day, 

0  transact  with  Ihe 
of  having  an  inter- 
which  the  Council 
a  day  for  that  pur- 
the  citizens  of  Al- 
LiviNGSTon,  Jeke- 
3EK  were  appointed 

with  the  Indians. 

vhen  Seaghnagerat, 

by   the    following 

1  acquaint  us  when 

come  that  we  have 
hen  you  saw  four  of 
[o  see  them  at  your 
onsequence  thereof. 
— that  you  rejoiced 
es,  and  rekindle  the 
that  some  of  the 
Vo  rejoice,  e  ven  to 

n  to  make  to  what 
you,  when  last  at 
rom  our  conference 
at  our  sentiments  of 
)u  farther  told  us  that 
asts  were  anxious  to 
that  you,  the  Twelve 
ur  civil  constitution 
we  all  so  firmly  re. 

^ed,  in  the  intercourse 
you  greatly  rejoiced 
You  farther  sa'd 
Dhnson  had  received 


from  the  chief  warrior,  Greneral  Gage,  about  removing  the  mi- 
nistcrs  from  among  us.  That  you  rejoiced  that  the  Indians  were  in- 
structed in  the  Christian  religion,  and  that  the  ministers  that  were 
among  us  might  continue. 

"  Brothers  of  Albany,  attend  ! — We  have  something  further 
yet  to  relate  of  your  speech.  You  desired,  at  tiio  intercourse  you 
had  with  the  four  messengers,  that  we  should  ac  quaint  the  Six  Na- 
tions with  your  speech,  and  that  thereafter  three  or  four  of  each 
Nation  s'aould  come  down.  You  further  said  that  you  would  have 
been  glad  to  have  attended  at  the  council-fire  at  Guy  Johnson's  to 
hear  what  he  should  say  to  the  Indians,  and  see  if  h"s  sentiments 
and  yours  should  coincide.  But  you  then  soon  heard  that  he  had 
removed  from  there  to  Fort  Stanwix,  from  there  to  Oswego ;  that 
you  despaired  of  hearing  any  thing  from  him,  and  therefore  desired 
us  that  we  would  let  you  know  uhat  was  done  at  that  fire. 

"  Brothers,  attend  ! — ^You  made  another  pro^  jsal  at  the  inter- 
course you  had  with  four  of  our  Nation,  which  was  this  : — tliat  you 
had  heard  thnt  there  wnstobe  a  council  of  the  whole  of  our  Nation 
at  the  German  Flatts,  you  desired  our  people  that  they  would  let 
you  know  what  passed  between  us  and  iheni.  Our  delegates,  in 
our  names,  then  told  you  that  it  would  be.  more  agreeable  that  two 
or  more  of  your  members  should  attend,  and  hear  themselves  what 
passed  there.  This,  brethren,  is  the  substance  of  what  passed  be- 
tween you  and  the  four  of  the  Oneida  Nation. 

"  Brothers  of  Albany,  attend  ! — We  now,  upon  this  day,  go- 
ing through  with  what  passed  between  some  of  your  members  and 
us,  when  the  conference  ended  at  German  Flatts.  You  said — Bro- 
thers,  let  us  both  enueavor  to  keep  peace,  that  we  may  continue  to 
enjoy  its  blessings.  We  desire  not  that  you  £>hould  trouble  your- 
selves in  the  least  with  these  disputes  between  us  and  those  over  the 
great  waters ;  only  exert  yourselves  in  maintaining  the  covenant 
that  was  made  between  your  and  our  forefathers,  at  this  place  of 
our  council.fire.  Your  delegates  told  us  at  the  German  Flatts,  that, 
although  you  should  be  drove  back  from  the  sea-coast  by  your 
enemies,  yet  you  would  not  ask  our  aid. 

"  Brothbrs  of  Albany,  farther  attend  \ — Two  things  more 
you  delivered  at  the  German  Flatts.  The  first  was  this ; — That  we, 
the  Oneida  Nation,  should  give  a  kind  ear  to  your  speech ;  you 
then  produced  two  ancient  belts  of  wa  iipum, — one  of  twenty  rows, 
which  was  the  old  covenant  between  the  whole  Oneida  Nation  and 
Quedar-Gorah ;  another  that  was  given  by  the  Six  Nations,  by  the 
Indian  called  Kayinguaraghtoh,  of  the  Seneca  Nation ;  you  also 


via 


APPENDIX. 


said  that  these  helts  should  again  be  produced  for  tho  inspection  of 
the  whole  Six  Nations  at  the  intended  council-fire  to  be  re-kindlcd 
at  Albany. 

"  Brotiiebs  of  Albany  : — We  have  now  finished  the  principal 
subjects  that  passed  between  you  and  us,  the  Oneida  Nation ;  and 
we,  all  of  us,  the  Six  Nations,  are  hero  now  present,  to  hear  what 
has  passed,  and  to  prevent  any  false  reports  that  may  be  propa. 
gated  by  news  carriers. 

<*  Bbothbbs  or  Albany,  now  attend  ! — You,  also,  tHe  commis. 
sioners  who  are  here  present,  lend  your  ears  and  hear  our  voice. 
You,  our  brothers  of  Albany,  have  desired  the  sentiments  of  the  Six 
Nations.  We,  the  Six  Nations  and  our  allies,  which  extend  to  Detroit, 
Ohio,  and  Caughnawaga,  upon  our  first  hearing  the  bad  news  that 
circulated  along  the  eastern  shore  of  this  island,  assembled  and  resolv. 
ed  upon  a  union  amongst  us,  Indians,  and  to  maintain  peace  ;  and  we 
rejoice  that  nothing  more  has  been  asked  of  us.  There  is  nothing  dif. 
ferent  in  our  minds  than  what  we  have  now  told.  We  shall  not  take 
notice  of  any  hostile  propositions  that  may  be  made  to  us,  for  we 
bear  an  equal  proportion  of  love  to  you  and  the  others  over  the 
great  waters  in  the  present  dispute  ;  and  we  shall  remain  at  peace 
and  smoke  our  pipes ;  and  the  Six  Nations  will  always  keep  the 
path  open,  and  we  call  God  to  witness  to  the  truth  of  what  we  now 
say,  and  it  proceeds  from  our  hearts.  [A  belt  of  eight  rows.] 

«  Bbothers  of  Albany,  now  attend,  and  incline  your  ears  to 
what  we  have  now  to  say  :— 

"  We,  the  Six  Nations,  have  heard  the  voice  of  a  bird  called 
Tskleleli,  a  news  carrier,  that  came  among  us.  It  has  told  us  that 
the  path  at  the  western  communication,  by  Fort  Stanwix,  would 
be  shut  up,  either  by  the  one  party  or  the  other.  B^'others,  let  it 
not  be ;  and  let  the  communication  be  open  for  passing  and  re- 
passing, and  let  not  our  country  be  stained  with  blood,  and  be  al- 
ways compassionate  to  the  old  women,  and  let  the  young  ones  grow 
up  and  enjoy  the  blessings  of  peace.  Brothers,  let  not  that  passage 
be  shut  up  by  you,  but  confine  yourselves  to  the  dispute  to  the  east- 
ward ;  for  this  western  communication  lays  near  our  council-fire, 
and  the  consequence  might  be  fatal.  Indeed,  Brothers,  your  lan- 
guage and  Col.  Guy  Johnson's  coincides,  in  some  things,  with  one 
another ;  and  the  party  that  applies  to  us  to  shut  up  that  passage 
we  will  look  upon  as  deceivers  and  transgressors  ;  and  we  despise 
%  double-dealer  from  our  hearts,  and  whom  we  look  upon  God  Al- 
mighty will  hereafter  punish  as  such.     And  we  hope  that  when  you 


If '1 1! 


I  for  tlic  inspection  of 
iUfire  to  be  rc-kindled 

finished  the  principal 
Oneida  Nation ;  and 
present,  to  hear  what 

3  that  may  be  propa. 

bu,  also,  tHe  commis. 

and  hear  our  voice. 

sentiments  of  the  Six 
hich  extend  to  Detroit, 
ring  the  bad  news  that 
,  assembled  and  resolv. 
nintain  peace  ;  and  we 
J.  There  is  nothing  dif. 
)Id.  We  shall  not  take 
be  made  to  us,  for  we 
d  the  others  over  the 
)  shall  remain  at  peace 
IS  will  always  keep  the 
;  truth  of  what  we  now 

4  belt  of  eight  rotos.] 

incline  your  ears  to 

voice  of  a  bird  called 
lis.     It  has  told  us  that 
y  Fort  Stanwix,  would 
other.     Brothers,  let  it 
;n  for  passing  and  re- 
with  blood,  and  be  al- 
st  the  young  ones  grow 
era,  let  not  that  passage 
the  dispute  to  the  east- 
I  near  our  council-fire, 
id,  Brothers,  your  Ian- 
some  things,  with  one 
o  shut  up  that  passage 
essors  ;  and  we  despise 
we  look  upon  God  Al- 
we  hope  that  when  you 


APPENDIX. 


1% 


give  your  answer,  you  will  speak  from  the  integrity  of  your  hearts, 
as  we  now  have  done.     [A  belt  of  fifteen  rotos,] 

«  BuoTiiBRs  OF  AtBANY,  ATTEND! — The  Five  Nations  just  now 
said  they  would  open  thoir  minds  in  full  to  you, — they  would  tell 
you  every  thing  they  brought  with  them.  This  Belt  respects  the 
letter  Guy  Johnson  received  from  General  Gage,  concerning  the 
removal  of  the  ministers  from  among  us.  Our  father,  the  minister 
who  stands  here,  we  love,'"  wo  love  him  exceedingly  Perhaps,  in  a 
little  time,  he  may  be  wrested  from  us,  carried  off  like  a  prisoner. 
Our  hearts  tremble  fur  him — we  tremble  greatly.  He  has  been 
threat'med  ;  and  should  he  l)e  taken,  it  might  overthrow  the  whole 
Five  Nations.  Our  brothers,  the  white  people,  would,  perhaps,  say 
that  the  Oneidu  Nation  had  delivered  up  their  minister,  and  that 
the  Six  Nations  did  not  regard  their  missionaries.  But,  truly,  we 
regard  our  father,  the  minister,  and  missionaries ;  tb?refore,  we 
propose  to  your  consideration,  whether  it  bo  not  wise  that  the  mis* 
sionaries  retire  for  a  little  while  ;  particularly  our  father,  the  mi- 
nister, Mr.  Kirkland,  should  reside  a  short  space  with  his  family,  as 
we  hope  this  quarrel  cannot  subsist  long,  because  you  are  brothers, 
both  of  one  nation  and  blood,  and  we  hope  it  will  soon  be  settled  ; 
and  when  n  reconciliation  takes  place,  let  our  missionaries  imme- 
diately return  to  us  ;  this,  however,  we  refer  to  your  consideration, 
and  leave  at  your  pleasure.  Now,  Brethren,  we  have  unburthened 
^ur  minds,  and  opened  our  bosoms,  and  delivered  what  we  had  to  say." 

To  which  the  Albanian  Committee  made  the  following  reply  : — 

"  Brothers  of  the  Six  Nations  ! — We  thank  you  for  your 
speech.  The  Commissioners  appointed  by  the  Twelve  United  Colo- 
nies, and  with  our  consent,  will  first  transact  business  with  you  ; 
after  they  have  done,  we  will  answer  your  speech." 

At  a  treaty  began  and  held  with  the  Indians  of  the  Six  United 
Nations  at  the  city  of  Albany,  on  Friday,  the  25th  of  August, 
1775_Present— 

Gen.  Schuyler,  Col.  Oliver  Wolcott,  Col.  Turbot  Francis,  Volkert 
P.  Douw,  Commissoners ;  the  Chairman  and  Committee,  and  prin- 
cipal inhabitants  of  the  city  of  Albany.  The  proceedings  were  open- 
ed by  the  Oneida  sachem,  Seaghnagerat,  by  the  following  speech  : — 

"  Brothers  : — We  acquainted  you  yesterday  evening,  that  we 
should  first  speak  to  our  brethren,  the  Committee  of  Albany.  We 
have  done  so,  and  have  opened  our  whole  minds  to  them. 

"  Brothers  : — When  we  met  two  of  your  body  at  the  German 
Flatts,  they  presented  these  strings  to  us,  and  invited  us  to  come 

*  Rev.  Mr.  Kirkland. 


li 


I  APPENDIX. 

6own  to  Albany,  and  kindle  up  n  great  council-firo  of  peace,  un. 
der  the  auspices  of  the  Twelve  United  Colonicg.  Now,  a.s  these 
strings  have  never  been  changed,  we  return  them  to  you  again,  and 
desire  that  the  great  counciUfire  of  peace  may  be  kindled  up. 

*'  Brothrrs  : — You  desired  us  to  shut  our  ears,  and  fortify  our 
minds  against  any  evil  reports  that  we  might  hear  on  our  way  down, 
nnd  to  pay  no  regard  to  what  any  liars  and  ilUdisposed  persons 
might  say  to  us,  as  they  would  only  mean  to  sow  dissention  between 
us  and  our  brothers  of  the  Twelve  United  Colonies. 

•«  Brothbrs  : — Our  minds  are  proof  against  the  attempts  of  such 
wicked  persons.  Now,  Brothers,  let  us  give  you  a  little  advice  on 
our  paits.  There  are  liars  and  mischief-makers  among  the  Indians, 
as  well  as  amongst  the  white  people.  Therefore  pay  no  regard  to 
this  or  that  that  any  single  Indian  may  say,  but  attend  to  what 
you  may  hear  from  the  mouth  of  our  great  rouncil ;  for  that  will  bo 
the  truth,  and  the  sense  of  n.U  the  Six  United  Nations." 

The  Commissioners  then  replied  in  the  following  words : — 

"  Brothbrs,  Sachems,  and  Wakriors  of  the  Six  Nations  ! — 
We  return  thanks  to  the  Great  God  that  has  suflfered  us  to  meet 
together  this  day,  in  love,  peace,  and  friendship.  In  token  of 
which  we  will  now  sit  down  and  smoke  the  pipe  of  peace  together." 

[Here  the  great  calumet  was  lighted  up,  and  went  round  ;  after 
which  the  Commissioners  proceeded  : — ] 

"  Brothers  : — We,  the  deputies  appointed  by  and  in  the  name  ol 
the  Twelve  United  Colonies,  assisted  by  the  descendants  of  your 
ancient  friend  Quedar,  and  your  Albany  brethren,  embrace  this 
opportunity  to  rekindle  the  ancient  council-fire,  which  formerly 
burnt  as  bright  as  the  sun  in  this  place,  and  to  heap  on  it  so  much 
fuel  that  it  may  never  be  extinguished ;  and  also  to  renew  the  an- 
cient covenant  chain  with  you,  which  you  know  has  always  been 
kept  bright  and  clean,  without  any  stain  or  rust ;  and  which  by  this 
belt  we  now  strengthen,  that  for  ever  hereafter  you  and  we  may 
have  but  one  heart,  one  head,  one  eye,  and  one  hand.      [A  belt.'] 

"  Brethren  :-Our  business  with  you,  besides  kindling  the  ancient 
council-fire,  and  renewing  the  covenant  and  brightening  up  every 
link  of  the  chain,  is,  in  the  first  place,  to  inform  you  of  the  advice 
that  was  given,  about  thirty  years  ago,  by  your  wise  forefathers,  in 
a  great  council  which  they  held  at  Lancaster  in  Pennsylvania, 
when  Cannassateego  spoke  to  us  in  these  very  words.*    ♦  Brethren, 

*  See  Colden's  History  of  the  Five  Nations,  and  Massachusetts  Historical  Col- 
lection, for  an  account  of  the  treaty  referred  t0'-1744. 


APPENDIX. 


XI 


ichusettfl  Historical  Col- 


'  we,  tho  Six  Nations,  heartily  rucoinmund  unison  and  a  good  agree* 

*  mcnt  between  you,  our  brethren.  Never  disagree,  but  preserve  u 
'strict  friendship  for  one  another  ;  and  thereby  you,  as  well  as  we, 
'will  become  the  stronger.  Our  wise  forefathers  established  unison 
'and  amity  between  the  Five  Nations.  This  hus  made  us  formid. 
'  able :  this  hus  given  us  great  weight  and  authority  with  our 
'  neighboring  nations.  We  are  a  powerful  confederacy  ;  and  if 
'  you  observe  the  same  methods  our  wise  forefathers  have  taken,  you 
'  will  acquire  fresh  strength  and  power.  Therefore,  whatever  be- 
'  fnlU  you,  never  fall  out  with  one  another.'  These  were  the  words 
of  Cunnassateego. 

"  Brothurs  : — Our  forefathers  rejoiced  to  hear  Cannassatcego 
speak  these  words.  They  sunk  deep  into  their  hearts.  The  ad- 
vice was  good.  It  was  kind.  They  said  to  one  another,  'The 
'  Six  nations  are  a  wise  people.  Let  us  hearken  to  then.,  and  take 
'  their  counsel,  and  teach  our  children  to  follow  it.     Oui  old  men 

*  have  done  so.'  They  have  frequently  taken  a  single  arrow,  and  said 
— '  Children,  see  how  easy  it  is  broken.'  Then  they  have  taken  and 
tied  twelve  arrows  together  with  a  strong  string,  and  our  strongest 
men  could  not  break  them.  '  Sec,'  said  they, '  this  is  what  the  Six 
'  Nations  mean.  Divided,  a  single  man  may  destroy  you.  United, 
'you  are  a  match  for  the  whole  world.'  We  thank  the  Great  God 
that  we  are  all  united  :  that  we  have  a  strong  confederacy,  com- 
posed of  twelve  provinces.*  These  provinces  have  lighted  a  great 
council-fire  at  Philadelphia,  and  have  sent  sixty.five  counsellors  to 
speak  and  act  in  the  name  of  the  whole,  and  consult  for  the  com- 
mon good  of  the  people,  and  of  you,  our  brethren  of  the  Six  Na. 
tions,  and  your  allies  :  the  talk  of  this  great  council  wc  shall  de- 
liver to  you  to-morrow." 

The  Coimcil  having  resumed  business  on  the  26th,  the  proceed- 
ingfj  were  opened  by  the  Commissioners  in  the  following  manner : — 

"  Brothers,  Sachems,  a^d  Warriors  ! — Let  t'ais  string  open 
your  ears  to  hear,  and  incline  your  hearts  to  accept,  the  talk  of  the 
Twelve  United  Colonies,  which  they  have  sent  to  you  by  their 
deputies.     They  speak  as  follows : — 

" '  Brothers  Sachems,  and  Warriors  : — We,  the  delegates  from 
the  Twelve  United  Provinces,  viz.,  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts 
Bay,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  the 
three  lower  counties  of  Newcastle,  Kent,  and  Sussex,  on  Delaware. 
Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina  and  South  Carolina,  now  sit- 
ting in  general  congress  at  Philadelphia,  send  this  talk  to  you,  our 

*  Whidi  were  enumerated. 


xu 


APPENDIX. 


n.i 


brothers.  We  are  sixty-five  in  number,  chosen  and  appointed  by 
the  people  throughout  all  these  provinces  and  colonies,  to  meet  and 
sit  together  in  one  great  council,  to  consult  together  for  the  com- 
mon good  of  the  land,  and  speak  and  act  for  them. 

" '  Brotrbrs  : — In  our  consultation  we  have  judged  it  proper  and 
necessary  to  send  you  this  talk,  as  we  are  upon  the  same  island, 
that  you  may  be  informed  of  the  reasons  of  this  great  council,  the 
situation  of  our  civil  constitution,  and  our  disposition  toward  you, 
our  Indian  brothers  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  their  i>llies.  [Three 
strings,  or  a  small  belt.l 

"  *  Brotiiurs  and  Friends,  now  attfnd  ! — When  our  fathers 
crossed  the  great  waters  and  came  over  to  this  land,  the  King  of 
England  gave  them  a  talk  ;  assuring  them  that  they  and  their  chil- 
dren  should  be  his  children,  and  that  if  they  would  leave  (heir  na- 
tive country  and  make  settlements,  and  live  here,  and  buy  and  sell, 
and  trade  with  their  brethren  beyond  the  water,  they  should  still 
keep  hold  of  the  same  covenant  chain  and  enjoy  peace.  And  it 
was  covenanted  that  the  fields,  houses,  goods,  and  possessions,  which 
our  fathers  should  acquire,  should  remain  to  them  as  their  own,  and 
be  their  children's  for  ever,  and  at  their  sole  disposal. 

"  *  Trusting  that  this  covenant  should  never  bo  broken,  our  fa- 
thers came  a  great  distance  beyond  the  water,  laid  out  their  money 
here,  built  houses,  cleared  fields,  raised  crops,  and  through  their  own 
labor  and  industry  grew  tall  and  strong. 

*' '  They  have  bought,  sold,  and  traded  with  England,  according  to 
agreement ;  sending  to  them  such  things  as  they  wanted,  and  taking 
in  exchange  such  things  as  are  wanted  here.  The  King  of  Eng 
land  and  his  people  kept  the  way  open  for  more  than  one  hundred 
years,  and  by  our  trade  became  ricl.sr,  and  by  a  union  with  us, 
greater  and  stronger  than  the  other  kings  and  people  who  live  be- 
yond  the  water. 

'• '  All  this  time  they  lived  in  great  friendship  with  us,  and  we 
with  tliem  ;  for  we  arc  brothers — one  blood. 

«•  •  Whenever  they  were  siruck,  we  instantly  felt  as  though  the 
blow  had  been  given  to  us — their  enemies  were  our  enemies. 

"  •  Whenever  they  went  to  war,  we  sent  our  men  to  stand  by 
their  side  and  fight  for  them,  and  our  money  to  help  them  and  make 
them  strong.  That  we  have  done  this.  Brothers,  you  have  boon  all 
witnesses  to  in  the  last  war.  You  know  we  assisted  them  in  taking 
Niagara,  Cataroqui,  Ticonderoga,  Crjvvn  Point,  and  Canada  ;  and 
lastly,  when  they  had  no  more  enemies  upon  this  island,  we  went 
to  fight,  and  helped  them  to  take  many  large  islands  that  lay  in 


APPENDIX. 


XIII 


and  appointed  by 
nies,  to  meet  and 
ither  for  the  com- 

• 

Iged  it  proper  and 
the  same  island, 
great  council,  the 
ition  toward  you, 
111-  uUies.     [Three 

When  our  fathers 
land,  the  King  of 
ley  and  their  chil- 
Id  leave  their  na- 
,  and  buy  and  sell, 
p,  they  should  still 
)y  peace.  And  it 
possessions,  which 
I  as  their  own,  and 
osal. 

be  broken,  our  fa- 

^id  out  their  money 

through  their  own 

gland,  according  to 
vanted,  and  taking 
The  King  of  Eng 
than  one  hundrec* 
a  union  with  us, 
)eople  who  live  be- 

with  us,  and  we 

felt  as  though  the 
ur  enemies. 

men  to  stand  by 
elp  them  and  make 
,  you  have  bjen  all 
3tcd  them  in  taking 
and  Canada;  and 
lis  island,  we  went 
slands  that  lay  in 


the  hot  countries,  where  they  got  more  than  thirt}  .-.art-loads  of 
silver.  They  thanked  us  for  our  love,  and  sent  us  good  tokens,  and 
renewed  their  promise  to  be  our  people  for  ever ;  and  when  the 
war  was  over,  they  said,  children,  we  thank  yu  that  you  have 
helped  to  make  us  great.  We  know  that  it  has  cost  you  a  great 
deal  of  money  ;  and  therefore,  children,  we  give  you  a  present,  that 
you  may  maintain  your  warriors. 

«•  Brothers  and  Frii:is-js,open  a  kind  EAii. — We  will  now  tell 
you  of  the  quarrel  betwixt  tlie  counsellors  of  King  George  and  the 
habitants  und  colonies  of  America. 

" '  Many  of  his  counsellors  are  proud  and  wicked  men.  They 
persuade  the  King  to  break  the  covenant  chain,  and  not  to  send  us 
any  more  good  talks.  A  considerable  number  have  prevailed  upon 
him  to  enter  into  a  new  covenant  against  us,  and  have  torn  asun> 
der  and  cast  behind  their  backs  the  good  old  covenant  which  their 
ancestors  and  ours  entered  into  and  took  strong  hold  of. 

" '  They  now  tell  us,  they  will  slip  their  hands  into  our  pocket 
without  asking,  as  though  it  were  their  own  :  and  at  their  plea- 
sure they  will  take  from  us  our  charters  or  written  civil  constitu- 
tion,  which  we  love  as  our  lives  ;  also  our  plantations,  our  houses, 
and  goods,  whenever  they  please,  without  asking  our  leave.  That 
our  vessels  may  go  to  this  island  in  the  sea,  but  to  this  or  that  par< 
ticular  island  we  shall  not  trade  any  more.  And,  in  case  of  our 
non-compliance  with  these  new  orders,  they  shut  up  our  bar- 
bors. 

" '  Brothers  : — This  is  our  present  situation — thus  have  many  of 
the  King's  counsellors  and  servants  dealt  with  us.  If  we  subn-.It, 
or  comply  with  their  demands,  you  can  easily  perceive  to  what 
a  state  we  will  be  reduced.  If  our  people  labor  on  the  field,  they 
will  not  know  who  shall  enjoy  the  crop  ;  if  they  hunt  in  the 
woods,  it  will  be  uncertain  who  shall  taste  of  the  meat  or  have 
the  skins ;  if  they  build  houses,  they  will  not  know  whether  they 
may  sit  round  the  fire  with  their  wives  and  children ;  they  can- 
not be  sure  whether  they  shall  be  permitted  to  eat,  drink,  and  wear 
the  fruits  of  their  own  labor  and  industry. 

"  «  Brothers  and  Friends  of  the  Six  Nations,  attend  ! — We 
upon  this  island  have  often  spoke  and  intreated  the  King,  and  his  ser- 
vants the  counsellors,  that  peace  and  harmony  might  still  continue 
between  us  ;  that  we  cannot  part  with,  or  lose  our  hold  of,  tiie  old 
covenant  chain,  which  unit  d  our  fathers  and  theirs ;  that  we  want 
to  brighten  this  chain,  and  keep  the  way  open  as  our  fathers  did ; 
tbat  we  want  to  live  with  them  as  brothers ;  labor,  trade,  travel 


ziv 


AFFEliDIX. 


mm 


abroad,  eat  and  drink  in  peace.  We  have  often  asked  them  to  love 
us,  and  live  in  such  friendship  with  us  as  their  fathers  did  with  ours. 

"•  We  told  them  again,  that  we  judged  we  were  exceedingly  in. 
jured,  that  they  might  as  well  kill  us  as  take  away  our  property 
and  the  necessaries  of  life.  We  have  asked  why  they  treat  us 
thus  ?  What  has  become  of  our  repeated  addresses  and  supplica< 
tions  to  them  ?  Who  hath  shut  the  ears  of  the  King  to  the  cries  of 
his  children  in  America  ?  No  soft  answer — no  pleasant  voice  from 
beyond  the  waters  has  yet  sounded  in  our  ears. 

" '  BROTHrns, — Thus  stands  the  matter  betwixt  Old  England  and 
America.  You,  Indians,  know  how  things  are  proportioned  in  a 
family  between  tlie  father  and  the  son — England  we  regard  as 
the  father,  this  island  may  be  compared  as  the  son. 

"'  The  father  has  a  numerous  family,  both  at  home  and  upon  this 
island  ;  he  appoints  a  great  number  of  servants  to  assist  him  in  the 
government  of  his  family  ;  in  process  of  time,  some  of  his  servants 
grow  proud  and  ill-uatured — they  were  displeased  to  see  the  boy  so 
alert,  and  walk  on  so  nimbly  with  his  pack ;  they  tell  the  father, 
and  advise  him  to  enlarge  this  child's  pack — they  prevail ;  the  pack 
is  increased,  the  child  takes  it  up  again  ;  as  he  thought  it  might  be 
the  father's  pleasure,  speaks  but  few  words,  'hose  very  small,  for  he 
was  loth  to  offend  the  father.  Those  p'-oud  and  wicked  servants, 
finding  they  had  prevailed,  laughed  to  see  the  boy  sweat  and  stag> 
ger  under  his  increased  load.  By  and  by  they  apply  to  the  father 
to  double  the  boy's  pack,  because  they  heard  him  complain ;  and 
without  any  reason  said  they,  he  is  a  cross  child,  correct  him  if  he 
complains  any  more.  The  boy  intreats  the  father,  and  addresses 
the  great  servants  in  a  decent  manner  that  the  pack  might  be  light- 
cned  ;  he  could  not  go  any  farther ;  humbly  asks  if  the  old  fathers, 
in  any  of  their  records,  had  described  such  a  pack  for  the  child  ; 
after  all  the  tears  and  intreaties  of  the  child,  the  pack  is  redoubled ; 
the  child  stands  a  little  while  staggering  under  the  weight,  ready  to 
fall  every  moment ;  however,  he  intreats  the  father  once  more, 
though  so  faint  he  could  only  lisp  out  his  last  humble  supplicatiou — 
waits  awhile — no  voice  returns.  The  child  concludes  the  father 
could  not  hear — those  proud  servants  had  intercepted  his  supplica- 
tions or  stopped  the  ears  of  the  father.  He  therefore  gives  one 
struggle  and  throws  off  the  pack,  and  says  he  cannot  take  it  up 
again,  such  a  weight  will  crush  him  down  and  kill  him,  and  he 
can  but  die  if  he  refuses. 

" '  Upon  this,  those  servants  are  very  wroth,  and  tell  the  father 
many  false  things  re^ [><  cting  the  child  ;  they  bring  a  great  cudgel 


APPENDIX. 


XV 


to  the  father,  asking  him  to  take  it  in  his  hand  and  strike  the 
child. 

"  '  This  may  serve  to  illustrate  the  present  condition  of  the  King's 
American  subjects  or  children. 

♦•  'Amidst  these  oppressions,  we  now  and  then  heard  a  mollifying 
and  reviving  voice  from  some  of  the  King's  wise  counsellors,  who 
are  our  friends  and  feel  our  distresses  ;  when  they  heard  our  com> 
plaints  and  our  cries,  they  applied  to  the  King  ;  they  also  told  those 
wicked  servants  that  this  child  in  America  was  not  a  cross  boy  ;  it 
had  sufHcient  reason  for  crying  ;  and  if  the  cause  of  its  complaint 
was  neglected,  it  would  so'^n  assume  the  voice  of  a  man,  plead  for 
justice  like  a  miiu,  defend  its  rights,  and  support  the  old  covenant 
chain  of  their  fathers. 

" '  Bkotheus,  listen  ! — Notwithstanding  all  our  intreaties,  we 
have  but  little  hope  the  King  will  send  us  any  more  good  talks  by 
reason  of  his  evil  counsellors  ;  they  have  persuaded  him  to  send  an 
army  of  soldiers,  and  many  ships  of  war,  to  rob  and  destroy  us. 
They  have  shut  up  many  of  our  harbors,  seized  and  taken  into  pos- 
session many  of  our  vessels :  tlie  soldiers  have  struck  the  blow» 
killed  some  of  our  people ;  the  blood  now  runs  of  the  American 
children  ;  they  have  also  burned  our  houses  and  towns,  and  taken 
much  of  our  goods.     [A  black  belt.^ 

•♦ '  Brotiikrs  ! — We  are  now  necessitated  to  rise,  and  forced  to 
fight,  or  give  up  our  civil  constitution,  and  run  away  and  leave  our 
farms  and  houses  behind  us.  This  must  not  be.  Since  the  King's 
wicked  counsellors  will  not  open  their  ears,  and  consider  our  just 
complaints  and  the  cause  of  our  weeping,  and  have  given  the  blow, 
we  are  determined  to  drive  away  the  King's  soldiers,  and  to  kill 
and  destroy  all  those  wicked  men  we  find  in  arms  against  the  peace 
of  the  Twelve  United  Colonies  upon  this  island.  We  think  our 
cause  is  just ;  therefore  we  hope  God  will  be  on  our  side.  We  do  not 
take  up  the  hatchet  and  struggle  for  honor  and  conquest,  but  to  main- 
tain our  civil  constitution  and  religious  privileges,  the  very  same 
for  which  our  forefathers  left  their  native  land  and  came  to  this 
country.     [A  black  belt,'] 

*• '  Brothers  and  Friends  ! — We  desire  you  will  hear  and  receive 
what  we  have  now  told  you,  and  that  you  will  open  a  good  ear  and 
listen  to  what  we  are  now  going  to  say.  This  is  a  family  quarrel 
between  us  and  Old  England.  You,  Indians,  are  not  concerned  in 
it.  We  don't  wish  you  to  take  up  the  hatchet  against  the  King's 
troops.  We  desire  you  to  remain  at  home,  and  not  join  either  side ; 
but  keep  the  hatchet  buried  deep.    In  the  name  and  behalf  of  all 


"ii!il; 


xvi 


APPENDIX. 


our  people,  we  ask  and  desire  you  to  love  peace  and  maintain  itf 
and  love  and  sympathize  with  us  in  our  troubles ;  that  the  path  may 
be  kept  open  with  all  our  people  and  yours,  to  pass  and  re-pass  with- 
out molestation. 

"  «  Brotheks  ! — We  live  on  the  same  ground  with  you.     The 
same  island  is  our  common  birthplace.     We  desire  to  sit  down 
under  the  same  tree  of  peace  with  you  ;  let  us  water  its  roots  and 
cherish  its  growth,  till  the  large  leaves  and  nourishing  branches 
shall  extend  to  the  setting  sun,  and  reach  the  skies. 

"  •  Brothers,  observe  well  ! — What  is  it  we  have  asked  of  you  ? 
Nothing  but  peace,  notwithstanding  our  present  disturbed  situation  ; 
and  if  iippliciition  should  be  made  to  you  by  any  of  the  King's 
unwise  and  wicked  ministers  to  join  on  their  side,  we  only  advise 
you  to  deliberate  with  great  caution,  and  in  your  wisdom  look  for- 
ward  to  the  consequences  of  a  c  >mpliance.  For  if  the  King's 
troops  take  away  our  property,  and  destroy  us  who  are  of  the  same 
blood  with  themselves,  what  can  you,  who  are  Indians,  expect  from 
them  afterwards  ?     [A  white  belt.] 

"*  Brothers  OF  thk  Six  Nations! — When  we  perceived  this 
island  began  to  shake  and  tremble  along  the  Eastern  shore,  and  the 
sun  darkened  by  a  black  cloud  which  arose  from  beyond  the  great 
water,  we  kindled  up  a  great  council-fire  at  Philadelphia ;  and  wo 
sat  around  it  until  it  burnt  clear,  and  so  high  that  it  illuminated 
this  whole  island.  We  renewed  our  hold  upon  the  old  covenant 
chain,  which  united  and  strengthened  our  ancestors,  and  which 
was  near  slipping  out  of  our  hands  before  we  had  kindled  this 
great  council-fire  at  Philadelphia.  We  have  now  taken  fast  hold, 
nor  will  we  let  it  go  without  a  mighty  struggle,  even  unto  death. 

" '  Brothers  : — We  are  now  Twelve  Colonies,  united  as  one 
man.  We  have  but  one  heart  and  one  hand.  Brothers,  this  is  our 
Union  Belt.  By  this  belt,  we,  the  Twelve  United  Colonies,  renew 
the  old  covenant  chain  by  which  our  forefathers,  in  their  great  wis- 
dom,  thought  proper  to  bind  us  and  you,  our  brothers  of  the  Six 
Nations,  together,  when  they  first  landed  at  this  place ;  and  if  any 
of  the  links  of  this  great  <:hain  should  have  received  any  rust,  we 
now  brighten  it,  and  make  it  shine  like  silver.  As  God  has  put  it 
into  our  hearts  to  love  the  Six  Nations  and  their  allies,  we  now 
make  the  chain  of  friendship  so  strong,  that  nothing  but  an  evil 
spirit  can  or  will  attempt  to  break  it.  But  we  hope,  through  the  favor 
and  mercy  of  the  Good  Spirit,  that  it  will  remain  strong  and  bright 
while  the  sun  shines  and  the  water  runs.     [Delivered  the  Union  belt.] 

"  ♦  Brothers  :— It  is  necessary,  in  order  for  the  preservation  of 


APPENDIX. 


XVll 


friendship  between  us  and  our  brothers  of  the  Six  Nations,  and 
their  allies,  that  i.  free  and  mutual  intercourse  be  kept  up  betwixt 
us.  Therefore  the  Twelve  United  Colonies,  by  this  belt,  remove 
every  ditRuulty  that  may  lie  in  the  great  road  that  runs  through 
the  middle  of  our  country  ;  and  we  will  also  clear  up  and  open  all 
the  small  roads  that  lead  into  the  great  one.  We  will  take  out 
every  thorn,  briar,  and  stone,  so  that  when  any  of  our  brothers  of 
the  Six  Nations,  or  their  allies,  have  an  inclination  to  see  and  talk 
with  any  of  their  bretliren  of  the  Twelve  United  Colonies,  they 
may  pass  safely  without  being  scratciicd  or  bruised.  Brothers,  the 
road  is  now  open  for  our  brethren  of  the  Six  Nations  and  their 
allies,  and  they  may  now  pass  nnd  repass  as  safely  and  freely  as  the 
Twelve  United  Colonies  themselves  ;  and  we  are  further  determined, 
by  the  assistance  of  God,  to  keep  our  roads  open  and  free  for  the 
Six  Nations  and  their  allies,  as  long  as  this  earth  remains.  [Path 
belt.] 

•' '  Bkotiiers  ! — We  have  said  we  wish  you  Indians  may  continue 
in  peace  with  one  another,  and  with  us  the  white  people.  Let  us 
be  cautious  in  our  behavior  toward  each  other  at  this  critical  state 
of  affairs.  This  island  now  trembles,  the  wind  whistles  from  almost 
every  quarter  ;  let  us  fortify  our  minds,  and  shut  our  cars  against 
false  rumors ;  let  us  be  cautious  what  we  receive  for  truth,  unless 
spoken  by  wise  and  good  men.  If  any  thing  disagreeable  should 
ever  fall  out  between  us  the  Twelve  United  Colonies,  and  you  the" 
Six  Nations,  to  wound  our  peace,  let  us  immediately  seek  measures 
for  iiealing  the  breach.  From  the  present  situation  of  our  affairs, 
we  judge  it  wise  and  expedient  to  kindle  up  a-  small  council-fire  at 
Albany,  where  we  may  hear  each  other's  voice,  and  disclose  our 
minds  more  fully  to  one  another."    [A  small  belt.] 

'♦  •  Therefore  we  say,  Brothers,  take  care — hold  fast  to  your  cove- 
nani  chain.  You  know  our  disposition  towards  you,  the  Six  Na> 
tions  of  Indians,  and  your  allies.  Let  this  our  good  talk  remain  at 
Onondaga,  your  central  counciUhouse.  We  depend  upon  you  to 
send  and  acquaint  your  allies  to  the  northward,  the  seven  tribes  on 
the  river  St.  Lawrence,  that  you  have  this  talk  of  ours  at  the  great 
counciUfire  of  the  Six  Nations.  And  when  you  return,  we  invite 
your  great  men  to  come  and  converse  farther  witii  us  at  Albany, 
where  we  intend  to  re-kindle  the  council-fire,  which  your  and  our 
ancestors  sat  around  in  great  friendship.     Brotlwrs  and  friends  ! 

"  *  We  greet  you  all, 

"'FAREWELL.'" 
[The  large  belt  of  intelligence  and  declaration.] 


I 


I 


ill 


1 1 


I, 


ii 


f ! 


XVIU 


APPENDIX. 


Such  was  the  talk  transmitted  to  the  Six  Nations  by  the  Commis- 
sioners from  Congress.  The  process  of  communication  to  the  In- 
dians,  through  interpreters,  is  very  slow.  Every  thing  must  bo  per. 
formed  .with  great  deliberation,  and  the  Indian  language  is  composed 
of  such  lengthened  compounds,  that  the  labor  of  delivering  and 
translating  a  speech  is  exceedingly  tedious.  The  delivery  of  tiiis  tulk 
from  Congress  occupied  the  business  ,Sours  of  two  days.  At  the 
close,  Kunaghquaesu,  one  of  the  Chiefs,  replied  : — 

"  BiiOTiiKRs, — We  have  sat  round,  and  smoked  our  pipes  at  this 
our  ancient  place  of  kindling  up  our  council-fires.  We  have  heard 
all  you  iiave  said,  and  have  heard  nothing  but  what  is  pleasant 
and  good.  As  you  have  communicated  matters  of  great  impur> 
tance  to  us,  we  will  sit  down  to-morrow  and  deliberate  coolly  upon 
them ;  and  the  day  fo".owing  will  give  you  answers  to  every  thing 
you  have  laid  before  uy." 

Having  convened  again  on  the  31st  of  August,  Little  Abraham, 
the  Mohawk  Sachem,  spoke,  in  answer  to  the  C^nimissioners,  as 
follows : — 

"  Brothers,  Great  Men  deputed  bv  the  Twelve  United  Co- 
lonies, ATTEND  ! — We  are  this  day  called  to  meet  you  in  coancil, 
in  order  to  reply  to  what  you  said  to  us.  We  hope  we  need  not 
recapitulate  the  whole  of  your  discourse.  We  shall  only  touch 
upon  each  head.  A^  our  last  conference  in  tliis  house,  we  promis- 
ed to  return  you  our  answer  the  day  but  one  following.  We  did 
not  do  it,  and  we  mean  to  make  you  an  apology.  We  hope  you 
have  taken  no  offence.  We  were  not  prepared  by  that  time,  and 
that  was  our  reason.  Brothers,  you  infort.ned  us  that  there  was  a 
great  council  of  sixty-five  members  convened  at  Philadelphia,  and 
laat  you  were  appointed  by  them  to  deliver  a  talk  to  the  Six  Na- 
tions. It  seems  you,  our  brothers,  having  a  desire  to  rekinc!le  a 
council-fire,  took  to  your  assistance  the  descendants  of  Quedar, 
and  have  kindled  up  a  council-fire  that  shall  never  bo  extinj^^ulshed. 
To  which  the  Six  Nations  reply  :  This  you  have  done  by  order  of 
the  great  Council  at  Philadelphia.  We  are  glad  to  hear  the  news. 
It  rejoices  our  hearts,  and  it  gives  exceeding  joy  through  all  the 
Six  Nations. 

"  Brothers, — As  you  desired  your  bo'ts  might  not  be  returned, 
but  be  deposited  at  our  central  Council  House,  we  shall  only  make 
use  of  them  to  refresh  our  memories,  and  speak  upon  them  as  we  go 
on  with  our  answers.  Brother^-  we  shall  not  recite  every  particular, 
as  we  before  mentioned.  You  observed,  when  these  commotions 
first  began,  a  council  of  sixty-five  members  convened  together  at 


APPENDIX. 


xix 


Philadelphia  ;  and  you  put  us  in  mind  of  what  Cannassateego  for* 
ki'.erly  said  at  Lancaster  respecting  the  necessity  of  a  union  among 
you.  An  old  sachem,  a  brother  of  Cannassateego,  is  here  present, 
and  remembers  the  words  of  his  brother.  You  illustrated  the  neces- 
sity and  use  af  a  union  by  one  and  twelve  arrows.  You  said  your 
grandfathers  had  inculcated  this  doctrine  into  their  children.  You 
said,  that  as  the  tree  of  peace  was  formerly  planted  at  this  place, 
you  desired  that  the  Six  Nations  might  come  down,  and  sit  under 
it,  and  water  its  roots,  till  the  branches  should  flourish  and  reach 
to  heaven.  This  the  Six  Nations  say  shall  be  done.  Brothers, 
we  heed  only  remind  you  of  a  few  of  the  things  you  said  to  us,  as 
you  have  them  all  written  down.  You  informed  us,  that  by  an  an. 
cient  covenant  with  the  King  of  England,  you  were  to  enjoy  the 
same  privileges  with  the  people  on  the  other  sido  of  the  great  wa- 
ters, tha^  for  a  long  time  you  did  enjoy  the  same  privileges,  by 
which  means  you  and  your  brethren  over  the  water  both  became  a 
great  people ;  that  lately,  by  advice  of  evil  counsellors,  you  are 
much  oppressed,  and  had  hea;  '^r  packs  put  upon  you  than  you  could 
bear ;  that  you  have  frequently  applied  to  be  eased  of  your  burthen, 
but  could  obtain  no  redress ;  that  finding  this  the  case,  you  had 
thrown  off  the  packs.  The  Six  Nations  thank  you  for  acquainting 
them  witii  your  grievances,  and  the  methods  taken  to  obtain  redress. 
You  likewise  informed  them  of  what  resolutions  you  had  formed  in 
consequence  of  these  matters. 

"  Brotiieus, — After  stating  your  grievances,  and  telling  us  you 
had  not  been  able  to  obtain  redress,  you  desired  us  to  take  no  part, 
but  bury  the  hatchet.  You  told  us  it  was  a  family  quarrel ;  and 
therefore  said,  '  You  Indians,  sit  still,  and  mind  nothing  but  peace.' 
Our  great  man,  Col.  Johnson,  did  the  same  thing  at  Oswego  :  he 
desired  us  to  sit  still  likewise.  You  likewise  desired  us,  that  if  ap- 
plication should  be  made  to  us  by  any  of  the  King's  officers,  we 
would  not  join  them.  Now,  therefore  attend,  and  apply  your  ears 
closely.  We  have  fully  considered  this  matter.  The  resolutions 
of  the  Six  Nations  are  not  to  be  broken  or  altered.  When  they 
resolve,  the  matter  is  fixed.  This,  then,  is  the  determination  of  the 
Six  Nations,  not  to  take  any  part ;  but  as  it  is  a  family  affair,  to  sit 
still  and  see  you  fight  it  out.  We  beg  you  will  receive  this  as  infal. 
lible,  it  being  our  full  resolution ;  for  we  bear  as  much  affection 
for  the  King  of  England's  subjects  on  the  other  side  the  water,  as 
we  do  for  you,  born  upon  this  island.  One  thing  more  we  request, 
which  is,  that  you  represent  this  in  a  true  light  to  the  delegates 
from  all  the  Colonies,  and  not  vary ;  and  that  you  observe  the  same 


i 


i!i.ll/'i  1 


XX 


APPENDIX. 


regard  for  truth  when  yovi  write  to  the  King  about  these  matters 
for  wc  have  ears,  and  shall  hear,  if  you  represout  any  thing  in  a 
wrong  point  of  light.     We  likewise  desire  you  would  inform  our 
brothers  at  Boston  of  oar  determination. 

"  Brotii?:rs, — It  is  a  long  time  since  we  came  to  this  resolution. 
It  is  the  result  of  mature  deliberation.  It  was  our  declaration  to 
Col.  Johnson.  We  told  him  we  should  take  no  part  in  the  quar-el, 
and  hoped  neither  side  would  desire  it.  Whoever  applies  first,  wo 
shall  think  in  the  wrong.  The  resolutions  of  the  Six  Nation?  are 
not  to  be  broken.  Of  the  truth  of  this  you  have  a  late  instance. 
You  know  what  the  Shawanese  hav«?  lately  been  engaged  in.  They 
applied  to  us  for  assistance,  but  we  refused  them.*  Our  love  for 
you  has  induced  us  not  to  meddle.  If  we  loved  you  less,  we  should 
have  been  less  resolute. 

"  Brothers, — ^You  likewise  informed  us,  that  when  you  perceived 
this  island  began  to  tremble,  and  black  clouds  to  arise  beyond  the 
great  water,  you  kindled  up  a  great  fire  at  Philadelphia,  a  fire  which 
shone  bright  and  clear  to  your  utmost  settlements ;  that  you  sat 
round  that  fire,  deliberating  what  measures  to  pursue  for  the  common 
good,;  that  while  sitting  round  it  you  recollected  an  ancient  cove, 
nant  made  between  your  fathers  and  ours  when  they  first  crossed 
the  great  water  and  settled  here,  which  covenant  they  first  likened 
to  a  chain  of  iron.  But  when  they  considered  that  iron  would 
rust,  they  made  a  silver  chain,  which  they  were  always  to  rub  and 
keep  bright,  and  clear  of  spots.  This  they  made  so  strong,  that  an 
evil  spirit  could  not  break  it.  This  friendship-chain  you  have  now 
renewed.  This  covenant  is  to  continue  to  future  generations.  We 
are  glad  you  have  thought  proper  to  renew  this  coveno^nt,  and  the 
whole  Six  Nations  now  thank  you.  This  covenant-belt  you  desire 
us  to  deposit  at  our  central  council-house,  that  future  generations 
may  call  to  mind  the  covenant  now  made  between  us.  You  may 
depend  we  shall  send  and  inform  all  our  neighi  vring  council-fires 
of  the  matters  now  transacted.  We  close,  with  the  whole  Six  Na- 
tions repeating  their  thanks  that  you  have  renewed  the  covenant 
made  between  their  forefathers  and  yours. 

«  Brothers,  attend  ! — As  you  had  renewed  the  ancient  cove- 
nant,  you  th'^ught  proper  to  open  the  path,  and  have  a  free  com- 
munication  with  this  place.  As  the  fire  had  for  some  time  been 
put  out,  the  path  had  got  stopped  up.     You  removed  all  obstruc 


*  In  the  afiair  of  Col.  Crosap  and  Logan,  and  the  Indian  war  that  followed,  the 
Mohawks  were  not  engaged.    The  Cayugas  and  Ssnecas  were. 


Cam 


Al'FENDIX. 


XXI 


tions  oui  of  the  great  roads  and  paths,  all  stones  and  briars ;  so  that 
if  any  of  us  chose  to  travel  the  road,  wo  should  neither  meet  with 
any  obstruction,  or  hurt  ourselves.  Brothers,  we  thank  you  fcr 
opening  the  road.  You  likewise  informed  us  you  were  determined 
to  drive  away,  destroy,  and  kill  all  who  appeared  in  arms  against 
tiie  peace  of  the  Twelve  United  Colonies.  Brothers,  attend.  Wo 
l)eg  of  you  to  take  care  of  what  you  do.  You  have  just  now 
made  a  good  path  ;  do  not  so  soon  dcfilo  it  with  blood.  There  aru 
many  round  us.  Caghnawagas,  who  are  fri  ^da  to  the  king.  Our 
path  of  peace  reaches  quite  there.  We  beg  all  that  distance  may 
not  be  defiled  with  blood-  As  for  your  quarrels  to  the  Eastward, 
along  the  sca-coasts,  do  as  you  please.  But  it  would  hurt  us  to  see 
those  brought  up  in  our  own  bosoms  ill-used.  In  particular,  we 
would  mention  the  son  of  Sir  William  Johnson.  He  is  born  among 
us,  uiid  is  of  Dutch  extraction  by  his  mother.  He  minds  his  own 
affairs,  and  does  not  intermeddle  in  public  disputes.  We  would 
likewise  mention  our  father,  the  minister,  who  resides  among  the 
Mohawks,  and  was  sent  them  by  the  King.  He  does  not  meddle  in 
civil  affairs,  b  it  instructs  thr.m  in  the  way  to  heaven.  He  abso* 
lutely  refuses  to  attend  to  any  political  matters,  and  says  they  do 
not  belong  to  him.  They  beg  he  may  continue  in  peace  among 
them.  The  Mohawks  are  frequently  alarmed  with  reports  that 
their  minister  is  to  be  torn  away  from  them.  It  would  occasion 
great  disturbance  was  he  to  be  taken  away.  The  King  sent  him 
to  them,  and  they  would  look  upon  it  as  taking  away  one  of  their 
own  body.  Tiierefore  they  again  request  that  he  may  continue  to 
live  in  peace  among  tliem.* 

"  Brothkrs, — After  having  informed  us  of  the  situation  of  affairs, 
and  having  finished  your  business,  you  advised  us  to  shut  our  ears 
against  false  reports,  and  that  we  should  not  attend  to  flying 
stories,  imt  to  what  wise  and  good  men  should  say  ;  for  which  rea- 
son you  had  kindled  up  a  counciUfire  at  this  place,  that  we  might 
always  converse  together,  and  know  the  truth  of  things.  Your  bro. 
thersof  the  Six  Nations  say, '  Let  it  be  so  ;  it  shall  be  as  you  desire.' 
They  thank  you  for  this  advice,  and  desire  you  would  use  the  same 
precautions  ;  that  you  would  shut  your  ears  to  flying  stories,  but 
keep  your  eye  upon  the  chief  council,  such  as  you  see  now  con> 
Vcned.  The  Six  Nations  desire  you  would  always  inform  them 
fully  of  what  respects  them.     We  have,  for  this  purpose,  opened  our 


U  f 


•  This  Missionary  was  the  Rev.  Mr.  Stewart,  who  afterward  remoTed  to  Upper 
Canada. 


^    . 


xxii 


APPENDIX. 


ears  and  purified  our  minds,  that  we  may  -'•      -  hear  and  receive 
what  you  have  to  say  with  gocd  and  cl  .uds ;  and  whenever 

we  receive  any  important  intelligence,  we  shall  always  bring  it  to 
this  council-fire. 

"  Brothers  : — You  delivered  us  this  pipe ;  on  one  side  the  tree  of 
peace,  on  the  other  a  counciUfire  ;  we  Indians  sitting  on  one  side 
of  the  fire,  and  the  representatives  of  the  twelve  United  Colonies 
upon  the  other.  You  have  desired  that  tliis  pipe  may  be  left  at 
our  central  counciUhousc,  and  that  the  tree  of  peace  may  bo  planted, 
and  thut  the  branches  may  bo  so  high  as  to  be  visible  to  all  our 
allies.  Brothers,  we  thank  you,  and  shall  take  care  to  deposit  this 
where  you  desire,  and  when  we  nicet  to  deliberate  upon  business, 
shall  always  use  this  us  our  council-pipe. 

"  Brothers,  attend  ! — In  the  course  of  your  speech  you  ob- 
served,  we  of  the  Six  Nations  were  a  wise  people,  and  saw  a  great 
way  before  us:  and  you  asked  us,  if  you  upon  this  island  were  con. 
quercd,  what  would  become  of  the  Indians  ?  You  say  you  are  un- 
certain  of  holding  your  possessions,  and  that  you  do  not  know  who 
may  enjoy  the  product  of  your  labor.  Now,  therefore,  Brothers, 
attend  ;  you  particularly,  our  Brothers  of  Albany  ;  we  address  our- 
selves particularly  to  you.  Our  Brothers  of  Albany  have  taken  two 
pieces  of  land  from  us  without  any  reward,  nut  so  much  as  a  single 
pipe.  We  therefore  desire  you  will  restore  them,  and  put  us  into 
peaceable  possession  again.  If  you  refuse  to  do  this,  we  shall  look 
upon  the  prospect  as  bad  ;  for  if  you  conquer,  you  will  take  us  by 
the  arm,  and  pull  us  all  off.  Now,  therefore,  as  the  twelve  United 
Colonics  have  renewed  this  covenant  of  peace,  we  beg  timt  there 
may  be  no  obstruction  upon  your  part,  but  that  you  would  restore 
our  lands  to  us ;  for  which,  as  we  said  before,  you  never  paid  us 
even  a  single  pipe. 

"  Brothkrs  : — You  have  now  finished  your  business,  and  we 
have  made  short  replies.  You  have  kindled  up  a  council-lire  of 
peace,  and  have  planted  a  tree  of  peace,  according  to  ancient  cus- 
tom. We  find  that  you  have  omitted  one  thing,  which  is  this  : — Ac 
cording  to  our  ancient  custom,  whenever  a  council-fire  was  kindled 
up,  and  a  tree  of  peace  planted,  there  was  some  person  appointed  to 
watch  it.  Now,  as  there  is  no  person  appomted  to  watch  this  tree, 
we  of  tue  Six  Nations  take  it  upon  us  to  appoint  one.  Let  it  be 
the  descendant  of  our  ancient  friend,  Quedar.  He  has  to  consider 
whether  he  will  take  the  charge  of  it,  and  communicate  to  us  what, 
ever  may  respect  it.  He  that  watches  this  council-fire  is  to  be 
provided  with  a  wing,  that  he  may  brush  off  all  insects  that  comt. 


APPKITDIX. 


XXIll 


near  it,  and  keep  it  cicnr.     That  in  the  custom  at  our  central  coun- 
ciUhouse.     We  have  one  appointed  for  that  purpose. 

"  Brothrrs  : — As  you  have  this  day  renewed  the  ancient  cove- 
nant  of  friendship,  and  have  again  brightened  the  ancient  chain, 
renew  likewise  another  ancient  custom  respecting  the  regulation  of 
trade.  Lot  us  hiive  a  trade  at  this  place,  and  likewise  at  Schenec- 
tady, as  it  was  in  former  times  when  wo  had  hold  of  the  old  covenant. 
For  then,  Brothers,  if  our  people  came  down  with  only  a  few 
musquasli  skins,  we  wont  home  with  glad  hearts.  Brothers,  let  it 
be  so  again.  Let  the  twelve  United  Colonies  take  tliis  into  consi- 
deration."        [A  belt  of  ten  rows  of  wampum.'] 

Abraham,  the  Mohawk,  having  concluded,  Tiakogwando,  an  Onci. 
da  sachem,  succeeded  him  as  follows  : — 

"  Brothers  : — This  is  all  the  Six  Nations  have  to  say  at  present. 
They  would  just  mention  one  thing  more  before  they  break  up.  The 
Six  Nations  look  upon  this  as  a  very  good  tirne  to  speak  their  minds, 
as  here  are  the  representatives  of  the  twelve  United  Colonies.  The 
dispute  between  the  people  of  New-England  and  Penn  seems  to  us  to 
become  a  serious  affair,  and  therefore  the  Six  Nations  take  upon 
them  to  speak  their  minds  freely,  as  they  address  the  inhabitants  ol 
the  whole  continent.*  Many  years  ago,  at  a  council  held  in  Penn- 
sylvania,  when  Cannassatecgo,  that  has  been  before  mentioned,  was 
present,  Penn  desired  the  Six  Nations  would  sell  him  that  piece  ot 
land  known  by  the  name  of  Scanandanani,  or  Susquehannah.  The 
Indians  of  the  Six  Nations  refused  to  sell  it,  saying,  the  great  God 
would  not  permit  them.  Therefore  they  made  him  a  present  ot 
that  land,  known  by  the  name  of  Scanandanani.  Penn  received  it, 
and  made  them  valuable  presents.  After  this.  Colonel  Lydius,  a 
gentleman  employed  by  the  people  of  Boston,  treated  with  some  of 
the  Indians  to  get  that  land  from  them.  But  he  never  kindled  up  a 
council-firo  upon  the  occasion.  He  spoke  to  them  whenever  ho 
met  them  ;  never  with  more  than  ten.  From  these  hi :  pretended  to 
make  a  purchase  of  that  tract.  Gov.  Penn,  also,  at  t'le  great  treaty 
at  Fort  Stanwix,  in  the  year  1768,  desired  that  the  land  might  be 
his,  and  distributed  among  the  Six  Nations,  Shawanese  and  Caugh- 
nawagas,  ten  thousand  dollars,  for  which  they  gave  him  a  writing. 
This  is  an  affair  with  which  all  the  Six  Nations  are  acquainted,  and 
any  one  would  lie  who  said  they  knew  nothing  about  it.  We  have 
taken  an  opportunity  to  speak  of  this  matter  now,  as  the  mind  of 
the  w'lole  continent  is  now  here."        *        ♦         *         ♦        ♦ 


*  Referring  to  the  long  and  bitter  controversy  between  Connecticut  and  Penn- 
sylvania respecting  the  territory  of  Wyoming,  of  which  more  hereafter. 


XXIV 


APPBNDIX. 


P 


Ml' 


D  , 


At  this  point  the  proceedingii  were  adjourned  over  to  the  next 
day,  being  the  lit  of  September,  when  the  Commisiionera  made  the 
following  reply  :— 

"  BROTiiBRa  or  the  Six  Nationb,  attend  ! — We  ycnterduy 
heard  with  plensiiro  your  answer  to  the  twelve  United  Colonics,  and 
we  return  thanks  to  the  great  Governor  of  the  universe  tliat  he  hns 
inclined  your  hearts  to  approve  and  accept  the  brotherly  love  offered 
to  you  by  the  twelve  United  Colonies.  It  makes  us  hoppy  to  hear 
so  wise  and  brave  a  people  as  our  brothers  <»f  the  Six  Nations  nre, 
publicly  declare  their  unaltcrnblo  resolution  to  maintain  and  support 
peace  und  friendship  with  the  twelve  United  Colonics.  This,  Bro. 
thers,  you  have  said,  and  we  sincerely  believe  you.  Brothers,  we 
requested  of  you  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations  not  to  interfere  in  our 
quarrels.  Wo  are  not  in  the  least  doubtful  of  success,  as  our 
cause  is  just.  We  will  live  or  die  like  men.  We  can  raise  an 
army  of  three  hundred  thousand  fighting  men,  who  are  brave,  and 
are  determined  not  to  part  with  their  civil  and  religious  privileges. 
Therefore  we  now  repeat  to  you,  Brothers  of  the  Six  Nations,  take 
great  care  of  the  strong  friendship  you  have  now  made  with  the 
twelve  United  Colonies.  Let  that  be  your  care,  and  that  only. 
Peace  is  what  we  wish  to  establish. 

"  Brothers  of  thk  Six  Nations  : — You  yesterday  told  us,  that 
as  the  roads  in  your  country  were  opened  for  you  and  your  brothers 
of  the  twelve  United  Colonies  to  pass  and  repass,  you  desired  at  the 
same  time  that  we  would  not  stain  the  road  with  blood.  Brothers, 
be  assured  we  have  no  intention  at  present  to  spill  blood  in  your 
country,  and  we  hope  it  never  may  happen  ;  and  it  never  can,  pro. 
vided  those  wicked  men,  who  are  come  so  far  from  home  in  order  to 
disturb  the  peace  of  the  twelve  Unit?d  Colonies,  do  not  appear  in 
your  country.  But  us  we  are  determined  to  be  free  or  die,  we  must 
pursue  them  until  we  drive  them  from  off  this  island,  or  until  they 
confirm  our  ancient  privileges.  Therefore,  Brothers,  rest  assured, 
whatever  may  happen  between  us  anc*  our  enemies,  we  never  will 
injure  or  disturb  the  peace  of  the  Six  Nations,  but  preserve  invaria- 
ble the  friendship  that  is  now  established,  even  unto  death. 

«•  Brothers  : — You  also  desired  yesterday  that  some  of  your 
friends  of  our  blood  should  remain  in  peace,  and  particularly  the 
missionary  at  Fort  Hunter,  who  did  not  concern  himself  with  the 
affairs  of  this  world,  but  was  earnestly  engaged  in  conducting  you 
to  happiness,  and  instructing  you  in  the  reverence  due  to  the  great 
God  who  governs  the  universe.  Brothers,  such  a  man  we  love,  and 
we  are  desirous  of  his  remaining  quiet  and  happy  with  you.    We 


1j! 

>E  'ir    II  5,1 


APPBNDIX. 


xxr 


arc  also  desirous  that  all  the  other  missionaries,  that  have  been  en- 
gaged in  the  same  good  caii.sc,  may  safely  continue  among  you,  and 
instruct  you  in  t!ie  Gospel,  which  will  bo  the  means  of  your  bappi. 
ness  in  this  world  and  the  one  to  come. 

'*  RitoTiiEns  : — As  we  always  looked  upon  you,  Brothers  of  the 
Six  Nations,  to  be  a  wise  and  capable  people  in  conducting  business 
of  every  kind,  wo  were  a  little  surprised  to  hear  you  say  that  no  ono 
was  appointed  by  ihe  twelve  United  Colonies  to  attend  and  watch 
the  fire  that  they  have  kindled  up  at  this  place ;  when  wo  have  re- 
|)«atedly  told  you  that  thoy  had  appointed  five  persons,  whose  buui- 
ni'ss  it  was  to  attend  and  preserve  it  bright  and  clear,  and  that  two 
of  those  five  live  in  this  town,  who  would  take  particular  care,  and 
who  had  full  authority  from  the  twelve  United  Colonies,  to  keep  the 
(larnu  bright  and  clear,  nrothers,  for  fear  you  should  not  have  un- 
derstood  ns  fully,  wo  again  acquaint  you  that  the  twelve  United 
Colonies  have  authorized  General  Schuyler  and  Mr.  Douw,  both  of 
this  town,  to  keep  the  fire  burning,  that  it  may  illuminate  the  whole 
country  of  the  Six  Nations,  who  may  always  see  the  way  dowa  to 
it,  and  sit  in  peace  around  it. 

"  nitoTiiRKS  : — You  yesterday  desired  that  the  trade  may  be 
opened  at  this  place  and  at  Schenectady.  \Vc  also  wish  it,  and  it 
will  be  done ;  so  that  you  may  trade  as  you  formerly  did,  and  be 
able  to  return  homo  with  your  goods  to  your  entire  satisfaction. 

•*  Rrothkks  : — You  yesterday  mentioned  some  matters  concern- 
ing  land  claimed  by  the  people  of  Albany,  and  also  the  land  in  dis- 
pute between  Connecticut  and  Gov.  Penn.  We  now  inform  you 
that  we  arc  not  authorized  to  transact  any  business  of  that  kind  ut 
pr(!scnt,  but  will  represent  the  matter  at  the  Grand  Congress  ut 
Philadelphia. 

"  Brothers  : — We  have  now  finished,  and  let  you  know  the 
present  that  we  have  from  the  twelve  United  Colonies  is  preparing 
for  you,  and  when  it  is  ready  we  will  acquaint  you.  Wagons  shall 
be  provided  for  you  whenever  you  are  ready  to  set  ofT  for  Sche- 
nectady." 

Thus  ended  the  business  of  the  Commissioners  with  the  Indians, 
more  amicably,  to  all  appearance,  than  could  reasonably  have  been 
anticipated,  when  all  the  circumstances  preceding  and  attending  the 
negotiations  are  taken  into  consideration.  There  was,  however, 
the  *'  unfinished  business  "  between  the  Indians  and  the  municipality 
of  Albany  yet  to  be  completed.  For  this  purpose  a  council  was 
arranged  for  the  day  following,  ^September  2d,  and  the  Commission- 
ers, on  the  part  of  the  United  Colonies,  were  again  invited  to  attend. 


i:, 


mi} 


XXVI 


APPBNMX. 


tH  '  „  • 


in ;    , 
i  1.    'i 


m 


i 


\'  <n 


The  council  was  held  in  the  Presbyterian  mceting<house.  The  pre- 
liminaries of  form  having  been  adjusted,  the  Committee  of  the 
Common  Council  and  citizens  of  Albany,  delivered  the  following 
reply  to  the  speech  of  the  Oneida  sachem,  on  the  25th  of  August : — 

"  Brothers  of  the  Six  Nations  : — We  suppose  it  will  not  be 
insisted  upon  to  repeat  the  whole  of  your  speech,  as  we  conceive  it 
unnecessary,  and  therefore  shall  only  take  notice  of  the  material 
parts. 

"  Brothers  : — ^You  said  that  you  was  glad  to  see  us  at  this  place 
on  the  25th  August,  in  consequence  of  our  invitation ;  and  that  you 
was  glad  to  see  that  some  sparks  of  the  old  council-fire  yet  remain, 
ed,  and  that  you  rejoiced,  even  to  excess,  to  find  it  so. 

"  Brothers  : — We  thank  you  for  your  kind  congratulations  and 
salutations  at  meeting  us  here,  and  rejoice  in  the  opportunity  you 
have  given  us  at  this  time,  of  meeting  one  another  in  friendship  and 
peace,  to  talk  of  old  times  and  renew  our  ancient  treaty. 

'*  Brothers  : — We  are  happy  to  find  that  you  so  readily  accepted 
our  request  to  come  and  see  us,  and  that  you  have  had  so  much  pa 
tience,  and  behaved  so  orderly  during  your  short  stay  among  us. 

"  Brothers  : — At  the  conference  of  our  deputies  with  you  at  the 
German  Flatts,  they  showed  you  some  old  belts  of  wampum,  which 
you  expressed  a  desire  to  see.  Here  are  those  belts,  and  we  hope 
even  Time  will  not  wear  them  out.  This  is  the  Belt  given  by  the 
Oneida  Nation,  and  is  the  old  covenant  between  the  whole  Oneida 
Nation  and  Gorah  Quedar.  This  is  the  belt  that  was  given  by  the 
Indian  Kayinguaraghtoh  in  behalf  of  the  Six  Nations. 

"Brothers  attend  : — In  your  speech, yon  farther  observed  that 
you  had  long  since  taken  a  resolution  to  take  no  active  part  in  the 
present  contest  for  liberty.  We  do  not  offer  to  censure  you  for 
your  conduct ;  but  admire  your  wisdom,  praise  your  pacific  disposi- 
tion, and  hope  you  will  have  fortitude  to  maintain  and  persevere  in 
it.     \A  belt.] 

"  Brothers  : — You  further  said  that  the  road  to  the  westward, 
you  heard  by  the  bird,  was  to  be  stopped  up  ;  this  matter  is  beyond 
our  limits.  The  commissioners  of  the  twelve  United  Colonies  hav- 
ing spoken  to  you  at  large  about  the  roads,  that  they  shall  be  left 
open,  we  entirely  agree  with  them  in  this  ;  and  therefore  shall  add 
nothing  on  this  point,  and  return  the  belt. 

"  Brothers  : — You  said  further,  and  delivered  us  this  belt ;  that 
you  was  anxious  about  and  concerned  for  your  minister,  Mr.  Kirk- 
land  ;  and  asked  our  advice  about  his  remaining  among  you,  who 
we  do  not  see  you  should  be  deprived  of  without  your  consent,  any 


b) 


APPENDIX. 


XXVU 


more  than  the  Mohawk  tribe  should  be  deprived  of  their  missionary. 
We  highly  approve  of  your  concern  for  the  ministers  of  the  Gospel, 
and  your  attachment  for  the  pure  precepts  and  doctrine  of  Christia- 
nity. But  if  your  minister  is  removed,  we  should  fear  the  conse- 
quence. It  would  certainly  give  occasion  of  jealousy  to  your 
Brethren,  the  white  people,  that  you  Indians  were  not  well  disposed 
Therefore  it  is  our  ardent  wish  that  they  may  all  remain  among 
you,  as  your  teachers  and  instructors  in  virtue,  piety,  and  true  re- 
ligion ;  and  we  hope  you  may  benefit  and  profit  by  their  instruc- 
tion.    [A  belt.'] 

"  BuoTHERs  : — Before  any  commissioners  were  appointed  by  the 
twelve  United  Colonies — from  the  disagreeable  condition  of  our 
country,  and  the  ancient  friendship  and  alliance  subsisting  between 
us,  commenced  in  the  days  of  your  ancestors  and  our  forefathers, 
we  took  upon  us,  as  the  representatives  of  the  people  of  the  city  and 
county  of  Albany,  to  give  you  an  invitation  to  pay  us  a  friendly 
visit,  that  we  might  have  an  opportunity  of  seeing  you  here,  at  the 
place  where  the  first  fire  was  kindled,  that  we  might  rake  up  the 
old  ashes,  and  not  suffer  it  to  be  extinguished,  but  renew  the  old  cove- 
nant chain,  and  make  it  shine  with  brighter  lustre. 

"  Brothers  : — We  are  happy  to  find  from  your  speech,  that  you 
still  retain  that  affection  for  us  which  a  well-founded  friendship 
will  naturally  produce,  and  which  we  hope,  from  our  conduct  toward 
you,  is  not  unmerited  ;  and  we  rejoice  to  find  that  you  feel  for  our 
distresses,  and  lament  the  unnatural  quarrel  of  brethren,  which  you 
express  so  warmly  by  a  desire  of  an  amicable  settlement. 

'*  Brothers  : — Time  will  not  permit  us,  at  present,  to  mention 
to  you,  how,  and  on  what  occasion,  the  first  covenant  was  made  be- 
twpen  you  and  our  forefathers.  They  had  never  deserted  you, 
but  kept  their  covenants  and  agreements  v/ith  you,  nor  do  wc  mean 
to  act  otherwise  on  our  part. 

«<  Brothers  : — This  covenant,  afterwards  improved  upon,  was 
confirmed  between  you  and  us  in  the  year  1665,  one  year  after  this 
country  went  over  to  the  crown  of  England.  SiiJ  :e  this,  you  have 
from  time  to  time  admitted  into  your  chain,  the  Tuscaroras,  and 
most,  if  not  all,  the  twelve  United  Colonies. 

"  Brothers  : — There  are  five  gentlemen  commissioners,  appointed 
by  the  twelve  United  Colonies,  at  the  grand  council  in  Philadelphia  ; 
and  the  management  of  public  affairs  in  the  Indian  department  now 
belongs  to  them.  These  gentlemen  have  informed  you  of  the  nature 
of  the  dispute  between  Great  Britain  and  this  country  ;  and  test!* 
fied  their  desire  of  keeping  up  the  council  fire  between  u». 


'nj 


mm 


XXVIU 


APPENDIX. 


IS 


,  i 


1  M 


"  Brothers  : — We  know  it  is  customary,  at  the  renewd  of  any 
covenants  between  us,  that  a  present  should  follow  ;  we  now  make 
it  known  to  you,  that  the  goods  you  will  receive  of  the  commission, 
ers  of  the  twelve  United  Colonies  are  pa'-tly  ours  ;  we  pay  our  pro. 
portionable  part  toward  them,  so  that  what  you  receive  of  them  is 
from  us  also.     We  are  the  same.     There  is  no  distinction. 

"  Brothers  : — If  our  memory  do  not  fail  us,  we  think  that  when 
we  invited  two  or  three  of  each  of  our  brethren  of  the  Six  Nations 
to  come  down  here,  we  also  desired  that  you  would  acquaint  us  of 
what  had  passed  in  the  congress  held ,  at  Oswego  (which  as  yet  we 
know  nothing  of.)  You  say,  indeed,  you  are  glad  we  are  peaceably 
inclined  as  well  as  Col.  Johnson  ;  but  you  have  told  us  nothing  else 
of  what  had  passed  there,  which  wo  had  expected,  and  do  wish  that 
our  brothers  conceal  nothing  from  us,  especially  as  you  called  God 
to  witness  for  the  truth  of  what  you  said. 

"  Brothers  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  vov,  the  Mohawks  in 
PARTICULAR : — Wc  apprehend  the  bird  Tsklelele  has  been  busy 
again.  He  seems  to  be  a  mischievous  bird,  and  ought  not  to  be 
nourished  or  entertained.  In  your  answer  to  the  commissioners 
you  addressed  yourselves  to  the  inhabitants  of  Albany,  complair.Ing 
that  they  had  taken  from  you  two  peices  of  land  without  giving  you 
the  value  of  a  pipe  of  tobacco  for  them  ;  and  that  you  desired  they 
would  restore  you  to  the  peuceable  possession  of  them,  and  that  the 
commissioners  would  look  into  this  matter  and  afford  you  relief. 
The  land  you  speak  of  we  suppose  to  be  Ticonderoga. 

"  Brothbrs  : — This  is  a  matter  foreign  to  tlie  business  we  met 
upon,  (and  we  are  not  authorised  nor  qualified  to  enter  upon  the 
subject,  it  is  a  business  that  belongs  to  the  corporation  of  Albany) 
yet  as  we  may  be  considered  the  representatives  of  the  people  at 
large,  our  entire  silence  may  be  construed  into  guilt  of  the  heavy 
charge  fixed  upon  us.  For  your  satisfaction  as  well  as  of  the  au- 
dience,  we  will  endeavor  to  show  by  a  few  remarks  that  the  accu. 
sation  is  groundless.  The  lands  alluded  to  are  granted  by  the  char- 
ter of  Albany.  We  never  heard  that  any  of  yc  :r  nation  have  been 
dispossessed  or  driven  off  those  lands ;  but  you  hitherto  have  and 
still  enjoy  those  lands  without  the  least  interruption. 

"  Brothers  : — As  we  observed  before,  the  matter  cannot  pro- 
perly  come  before  us,  but  belongs  to  another  body ;  and  therefore 
the  application  to  us  is  improper.  However,  give  us  leave  to  say, 
Ihat,  instead  of  complaining,  we  think  the  Mohawks,  if  they  con< 
tidered  their  own  interest  and  that  of  their  posterity,  and  would  be 
candid,  must  acknowledge  the  truth  of  the  fact,  and  rejoice  at  this 


APPENDIX. 


xxlx 


day,  that  they  have  had  such  faithful  guardians  and  trustees,  for  if 
it  had  not  been  so,  who  wouUl  have  enjoyed  those  lands  now  ?  There 
have  been  complaints  concerning  this  matter  before,  and  inquiries 
into  it  before  proper  tribunals  ;  and  for  your  information,  and  that 
of  the  curious,  we  refer  to  the  proceedings  of  the  House  of  Asseuibly 
of  this  Colony,  and  also  to  the  minutes  taken  on  a  conference  be- 
twccn  the  corporation  of  this  city  and  yourselves,  at  which  Sir 
William  Johnson  was  present,  and  therefore  return  you  the  belt. 

After  consultation,  the  Indians  returned  the  following  answer  by 
Abraham,  chief  of  the  Mohawks  : — 

"  Brothers  of  Albany  : — Wo  return  you  thanks  for  your 
speech,  and  that  you  have  informed  us  that  the  twelve  United  Co- 
lonies  by  their  commissioners,  have  opened  all  the  roiids ;  and  we 
now  take  it  for  granted  that  the  communications  at  Fort  Stanwix  are 
not  to  be  shut  up,  and  that  the  New  England  people  never  will  do 
it.  This,  Brethren,  has  l)een  the  occasion  of  some  anxiety  in  the 
minds  of  the  Six  Nations. 

"  Brotiikhs  of  tiik  Six  Nations,  attend  ;  You  also  the  peoph 
of  Albany,  and  you  the  twelve  Vnittd  Colonies  by  your  rnmmission- 
ers : — Last  spring  Col.  Jolinson  informed  us  that  the  Nt'W  Eng- 
land people  were  near  him  to  take  him  prisoner.  Upon  which  we, 
like  people  intoxicated,  took  up  our  guns  and  ran  to  assist  him,  as 
he  was  our  superintendant.  But,  Brethren,  as  it  happened  in  the 
manner  before  mentioned,  we  hope  you  will  look  upon  it  in  that 
light.  We,  the  Six  Nations,  have  now  made  and  renewed  our  an. 
cient  covenants.  The  proceedings  just  now  mentioned  have 
brought  mc  down.  I  have  made  a  proper  acknowledgment  to  the 
Six  Nations,  and  now  do  the  same  to  you,  and  I  hope  you  will  raise 
me  up  again.  The  news  I  was  just  speaking  of,  came  not  from  a 
bird,  but  from  your  own  people. 

"  Brothers  of  Albany,  farther  attend  : — I  shall  only  make 
a  short  reply  to  your  speech  relating  to  the  lands.  Many  agreeable 
things  arq  therein.  You  farther  say,  that  you  never  heard  that  any 
of  us  were  driven  from  those  lands.  There  is  one  thing  which  is  not 
so  agreeable.  It  is  the  Tskleleli.  You,  Brothers,  know  how  that 
matter  is,  an''  ",ase  I  was  to  answer  that  part  of  your  speech,  it 
might  perhaps  draw  us  into  an  argument ; — and  as  you  are  not,  as 
you  say,  the  proper  body  to  which  we  ought  to  have  applied,  and  as 
you  have  referred  us  to  former  proceedings,  we  shall  close. 

Brothers  of  Albany  : — We  the  Six  Nations  now  tell  you,  that 
it  IS  at  your  pleasure  to  call  n  us,  and  wo  will  inform  you  of  what 
passed  in  the  congress  at  Oswego. 


r  ':■    I 


APrENDIX. 


'I    iL*J»' 


r«#      I 


. 


^  ' 


"  1 


M    ' 


I  i  )k  f I 

4  J 


Taking  the  hint  that  the  Indians  would  say  nothing  except  in 
due  form,  the  chairman  of  the  cotnmittce  immediately  said  : — 

**  Brotiikrs  of  thk  Six  Nations  : — We  are  now  ready  to  hear 
it,  and  should  be  glad  you  would  inform  us." 

The  Mohawk  chief  then  proceeded  : — 

"  Brothers  of  Albany  : — You  sent  for  us  to  inform  you  of 
what  passed  rt  Oswego; — but  you  have  not,  since  we  have  been 
down,  desired  it.  We  have  been  always  ready  ;  and  as  you  have 
now  asked  us,  we  will  now  tell  you,  and  think  it  our  duty,  as  we 
look  upon  it  that  God  will  punish  us  should  wo  conceal  any  thing 
from  you. 

"  Brothers  : — The  transactions  of  that  treaty  were  very  public. 
The  Shawanese  were  there,  and  some  from  Detroit.  Mr.  Jonnson 
told  us,  that  the  fire  kindled  there  was  a  fire  of  peace,  that  all  the 
white  people  were  the  king's  subjects,  and  that  it  seemed  they  were 
intoxicated.  Mr.  Johnson  also  told  us,  that  the  white  people  were 
all  got  drunk,  and  that  God's  judgment  hung  over  them,  but  did  not 
know  on  which  side  it  would  fall.  Mr.  Johnson  farther  told  us, 
that  the  council-fire  was  kindled  on  account  of  the  present  dispute, 
and  desired  us  not  to  interfere,  as  they  were  Brothers,  and  begged  us 
to  sit  still  and  maintain  peace.  This  is  what  Colonel  Johnson  told 
us  at  that  council. fire.  He  also  said  he  had  his  eye  on  Mr. 
Kirkland  ;  that  he  was  gone  to  Philadelphia  and  along  the  sea. 
coast;  that  he  was  become  a  great  soldier  and  a  leader.  Is  this 
your  minister?  says  he.  Do  you  think  your  minister  minds  your 
souls?  No,  by  the  time  he  comes  to  Philadelphia,  he  will  be  a 
great  warrior,  and  when  he  returns  he  will  be  the  chief  of  all  the 
Five  Nations. 

"  Brothers  : — There  were  present  five  people  of  Detroit,  five 
from  Car-jhnawaga,  and  two  of  the  Shawanese.  Col.  Johnson 
told  them,  that  by  the  time  he  returned  from  Canada,  they  should 
have  all  their  men  there,  and  he  would  then  kindle  a  council.fire  ; 
and  he  would  also  desire  them  not  to  take  any  part  ip  this  dispute, 
as  it  was  a  quarrel  between  brothers.  Mr.  Johnson  also  told  them 
that  this  council-fire  was  kindled  upon  peace,  and  that  it  seemed, 
by  reason  of  the  white  people's  intoxication,  that  God's  judgment 
hung  over  them.  He  also  told  us  that  he  was  going  to  the  Go. 
vernor  of  Canada,  who  was  of  a  difierent  opinion  from  him,  but 
would  talk  with  him ;  and  he  farther  said  that  he  would  tell  the 
Caughnawaga  Indians  the  same  he  told  us;  and  for  that  purpose  de. 
sired  that  two  of  each  nation  might  go  along,  and  hear  it.  He 
likewise  desired  us  to  consider  which  way  we  would  have  our  trade, 


I  ■  t 


APPENDIX. 


XXXI 


ling  except  in 

J  said  : — 

•  ready  to  hear 

inform  you  of 
we  have  been 
d  OS  you  have 
lur  duty,  as  we 
ceal  any  thing 

ere  very  public. 
.     Mr.  Jonnson 
ace,  that  all  the 
emcd  they  wore 
lite  people  were 
hem,  but  did  not 
fartlier  told  us, 
present  dispute, 
•s,  and  begged  us 
incl  Johnson  told 
his  eye  on  Mr. 
1  along  the  sea- 

leader.  Is  this 
ister  minds  your 
ia,  he  will  be  a 

chief  of  all  the 

of  Detroit,  five 

Col.    Johnson 

iiada,  they  should 

a  council-fire  ; 
rt  ip  this  dispute, 
on  also  told  them 
d  that  it  seemed, 

God's  judgment 
going  to  the  Go. 
ion  from  him,  but 
le  would  tell  the 

that  purpose  de- 
and  hear  it.  He 
lid  have  our  trade, 


whether  up  this  river,  or  from  Canada.  He  at  the  same  time  as- 
surcd  us,  that  we  should  not  sufTer  for  want  of  goods,  as  we  were 
not  concerned,  nor  had  any  hand  in  the  present  dispute.  He  also 
mentioned  something  about  the  council-fires.  He  said  there  are 
two  fires  which  you  shall  keep  your  eyes  upon,  and  if  ihey  call  you 
down  to  Albany,  do  not  you  go,  for  they  will  deceive  you,  and  tell  you 
a  great  many  fine  stories.  We  are  very  glad  that  your  language 
and  Col.  Johnaon's  so  well  agrees." 

Thus  ended  this  grand  council  with  the  Six  Nations,  and  the 
last  council  ever  held  at  Albany,  with  the  great  aboriginal  confe* 
deracy  which  has  been  denominated  the  Roman  Republic  of  the 
Indian  world. 


No.  HI. 


[Reference  from  Pace  231.] 

By  Barry  St.  Lf.oer,  Esq., 

Commander-in-chief  of  a  chosen  body  of  troops  from  the  grand 
army,  as  well  as  an  extensive  corps  of  Indian  allies  from  all  the  na- 
tions, &C.  &c. 

The  forces  entrusted  to  my  command  are  designed  to  act  in 
concert,  and  upon  a  common  principle,  with  the  numcous  armies 
and  fleets  which  already  display,  in  every  quarter  of  iimerica,  the 
power,  justice,  and,  when  properly  sought,  tho  mercy  of  the  King. 

The  cause  in  which  the  British  arms  are  thus  exerted,  applies  to 
the  most  afTccting  interest  of  the  human  heart,  and  the  military  ser- 
vants of  the  Crown,  at  first  called  forth  for  the  sole  purpose  of  re- 
storing the  rights  of  the  constitution,  now  combine  with  Jove  oi 
their  country  and  duty  to  their  sovereign,  the  other  extensive  in- 
citements  which  spring  from  a  duo  sense  of  the  general  privileges 
of  mankind.  To  the  eyes  and  ears  of  the  temperate  part  of  the 
public,  and  to  the  breast  of  suffering  thousands  in  the  provinces,  be 
the  melancholy  appeal,  whether  the  present  unnatural  rebellion  has 
not  been  made  a  foundation  for  the  completcst  system  of  tyranny 
that  ever  God  in  his  displeasure  sufiered  for  a  time  to  be  exercised 
over  a  froward  and  stubborn  generation.  Arbitrary  imprisonment, 
confiscation  of  property,  persecution  and  torture  unprecedented  in 
the  inquisitions  of  the  Romish  Church,  are  among  the  palpable 
enormities  that  verify  the  affirmative.     These  are  inflicted  by  As« 


'!ii 


iijiji'i 


m\ 


'!%:.  11 


i:  i\.:\\ 


\Vi 


xxxu 


APPBNDIX. 


'  t  I 


i    « 


semblies  and  Committees,  who  dare  to  profess  themselves  friends 
to  liberty,  upon  the  most  quiet  subjects,  witiiout  distinction  of  age 
or  sex,  for  the  sole  crime,  often  for  the  sole  suspicion,  of  having  ad. 
hered  in  principle  to  the  government  under  which  they  were  born, 
and  to  which  by  every  tie,  divine  and  human,  they  owe  allegiance. 
To  consumtniite  these  sliocklng  proceedings,  the  profanation  of  re- 
ligion  is  added  to  the  most  profligate  prostitution  of  common  rea. 
son  ;  the  consciences  of  men  are  set  at  nought ;  and  multitudes  are 
compelled,  not  only  to  bear  arms,  but  also  to  swear  subjection  to  an 
usurpation  they  ubhor. 

Animated  by  these  considerations  ;  at  the  head  of  troops  in  tiie 
full  powers  of  licaltli,  discipline  and  valor,  determined  to  strike 
when  necessary,  nnd  anxious  to  spare  when  possible ;  I  by  tliese  pre- 
sents  invite  and  exhort  all  persons,  in  all  places  where  the  progress 
of  this  army  may  point,  and  by  the  blessing  of  God  I  will  extend  it 
far,  to  maintain  such  a  conduct  as  may  justify  me  in  protecting 
their  lands,  habitations,  and  families.  The  intention  of  this  ad. 
dress  is  to  hold  forth  security,  not  depredation,  to  the  country. 

To  those  whom  spirit  and  principle  may  induce  to  partake  the 
glorious  task  of  redeeming  their  countrymen  from  dungeons,  and  re- 
establishing the  blessings  of  legal  government,  I  ofler  encourage, 
ment  and  employment;  and  upon  the  first  intelligence  of  their  asso- 
ciations, I  will  fmd  means  toassisi  their  undertakings.  The  domes- 
tic, the  industrious,  the  infirm,  and  even  the  timid  inhabitants,  I  ara 
desirous  to  protect,  provided  they  remain  quietly  at  their  houses ; 
that  they  do  not  suffer  their  cattle  to  be  removed,  nor  their  corn  or 
forage  to  be  secreted  or  destroyed  ;  that  they  do  not  break  up  their 
bridges  or  roads ;  nor  by  any  other  acts,  directly  or  indirectly,  en. 
deavor  to  obstruct  the  operations  of  the  king's  troops,  or  supply  or 
assist  those  of  the  enemy. 

Every  species  of  provision  brought  to  my  camp  will  be  paid  for 
at  an  equitable  rate  and  in  solid  coin.  If,  notwithstanding  these 
endeavors  and  sincere  inclinations  to  effect  them,  the  frenzy  of 
hostility  should  remain,  I  trust  I  shall  stand  acquitted  in  the  eyes 
of  God  and  man,  in  denouncing  and  executing  the  vengeance  of  the 
State  against  the  wilful  outcasts.  The  messengers  of  justice  and  of 
wrath  await  them  in  the  field,  and  devastation,  famine,  and  every 
concomitant  horror  that  a  reluctant  but  indispensable  prosecution 
of  military  duty  must  occasion,  will  bar  the  way  to  their  return. 

Barry  St.  Leokr. 

By  order  of  the  Commander-in-chief, 

Will.  Osb.  Hamilton,  Secretary. 


APPENDIX. 


XXXIIl 


No.  IV. 


[Referkjjce  FR05I  Page  241.] 


Ihe  fury  and  cruelty  of  the  Indians  and  Tories  at  and  imn^. 
diately  after  the  battle  of  Oriskany,  is  strongly  set  forth  in  the  fol- 
lowing affidavit,  the  original  of  which  is  now  in  the  office  of  the 
Secretary  of  State,  Albany.  Dr.  Younglove  died  about  fifteen 
years  since  in  the  city  of  Hudson.  He  was  known  to  the  author 
as  a  respectable  man,  though  of  strong  feelings  and  prejudices. 
Any  statement  of  this  kind,  from  a  man  of  his  temperament,  would 
be  likely  to  receive  a  strong  coloring,  without,  however,  any  de- 
signed misstatement  of  facts. 

"  Moses  Younglove,  Surgeon  of  General  Herkimer's  brigade  of  mi- 
litia, deposeth  and  saith,  that  being  in  the  battle  of  said  militia 
above  Oriskany  on  the  6th  of  August  last,  toward  the  close  of  said 
battle  he  surrendered  himself  a  prisoner  to  a  savage,  who  imme- 
diately gave  him  up  to  a  sergeant  of  Sir  John  Johnson's  regiment  ; 
soon  after  which,  a  Lieutenant  in  the  Indian  department  came  up 
in  company  with  several  other  tories,  when  said  Mr.  Grinnis  by 
name,  drew  his  tomahawk  at  this  deponent,  and  with  a  deal  of  per- 
suasion  was  hardly  prevailed  on  to  spare  his  life.  He  then  plun- 
dered  him  of  his  watch,  buckles,  spurs,  &c.  ;  and  other  tories  fol- 
lowing his  example,  stripped  him  almost  naked  with  a  great  many 
threats,  while  they  were  stripping  and  massncreing  prisoners  on 
every  side.  That  this  deponent,  on  being  brought  before  Mr.  But- 
ler, Sen.  who  demanded  of  him  what  he  was  fighting  for  ;  to  which 
this  deponent  answered,  "  he  fought  for  the  liberty  that  God  and 
Nature  gave  him,  and  to  defend  himself  and  dearest  connexions 
from  the  massacre  of  savages."  To  which  Butler  replied,  "you 
are  a  damned  impudent  rebel ;"  and  so  saying,  immediately  turned 
to  the  savages,  encouraging  them  to  kill  him,  and  if  they  did  not, 
the  deponent  and  the  other  prisoners  should  be  hanged  on  a  gal- 
lows then  preparing.  That  several  prisoners  were  then  taken  for- 
ward toward  the  enemy's  head-quarters  with  frequent  scenes  of 
horror  and  massacre,  in  which  tories  were  active  as  well  as  sa- 
vages ;  and  in  particular  one  Davis,  formerly  known  in  Tryon 
County  on  the  Mohawk  river.  That  Lieut.  Singleton,  of  Sir  John 
Johnson's  regiment,  being  wounded,  entreated  the  savages  to  kill 


til!::'!! 


■!  '-k 


XJtXlV 


APPKNDIX. 


f^'r  'ih 


J  « 


the  prisoners,  which  they  accordingly  did,  as  nigh  as  this  deponent 
can  judge,  about  six  or  seven. 

"  That  Isaac  Paris,  Esq.,  was  also  taken  the  same  road,  without 
receiving  from  them  any  remarkable  insult  except  stripping,  until 
some  tories  came  up,  who  kicked  and  abused  him  ;  after  which  the 
savages,  thinking  him  a  notable  offender,  murdered  him  barbarous- 
ly. That  those  of  the  prisoners  who  were  delivered  up  to  the  pro. 
vest  guards,  were  kept  without  victuals  for  many  days,  and  had 
neither  clothes,  blankets,  shelter,  nor  fire ;  while  the  guards  were 
ordered  not  to  use  any  violence  in  protecting  the  prisoners  from 
the  savages,  who  came  every  day  in  large  companies  with  knives, 
feeling  of  the  prisoners,  to  know  who  were  fattest.  That  they 
dragged  one  of  the  prisoners  out  of  the  guard  with  the  most  lament- 
able cries  ;  tortured  him  fur  along  time  ;  and  this  deponent  was  in- 
formed,  by  both  tories  and  Indians,  that  they  ate  him,  as  appears 
they  did  another  on  an  island  in  Lake  Ontario,  by  bones  found 
there  nearly  picked,  just  after  they  had  crossed  the  lake  with  the 
prisoners.  That  the  prisoners  who  were  not  delivered  up,  were 
murdered  in  considerable  numbers  from  day  to  day  round  the  camp, 
some  of  them  so  nigh  that  their  shrieks  were  heard.  That  Capt. 
Martin,  of  the  batteaux-men,  was  delivered  to  the  Indians  at  Oswe- 
go, on  pretence  of  his  having  kept  back  some  useful  intelligence. 
That  this  deponent  during  his  imprisonment,  and  his  fellows,  were 
kept  almost  starved  for  provisions  ;  and  what  they  drew,  were  of  the 
worst  kind,  such  as  spoiled  flour,  biscuit  full  of  maggots,  and  mouldy, 
and  no  soap  allowed,  or  other  method  of  keeping  clean  ;  and  were 
insulted,  struck,  &c.  without  mercy  by  the  guards,  without  any 
provocation  given.  That  this  deponent  Mas  informed  by  several 
sergeants  orderly  on  Gen.  St.  Leger,  that  twenty  dollars  were  of- 
fered in  general  orders  for  every  American  scalp. 

MOSES  YOUNGLOVE. 

JOHN  BARCLAY, 

Chairman  ofdlbany  Commitlet," 


No.  V. 

[Reference  froh  Page  240.] 

The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  letter  addressed  to  Colonel  Ganse- 
voort,  while  under  duress  in  the  camp  of  General  St.  Leger,  by 
Colonel  Bellinger  and  Major  Frey : — 


APPENDIX. 


XXXV 


IS  this  deponent 


fOUNGLOVE. 


"  0  o'cloch  P.  M.- 


"Sni, 


-Camp  before  Fort  Sianwix,  > 
6th  August,  1777.      S 


••  It  is  with  concern  we  ere  to  acquaint  you  that  this  was  the 
fatal  day  in  which  the  succors,  which  were  intended  for  your 
relief,  have  been  attacked  and  defeated,  with  great  loss  of  numbers 
killed,  wounded,  and  taken  prisoners.  Our  regard  for  your  safety 
and  lives,  and  our  sincere  advice  to  you  is,  if  you  will  avoid  inevit- 
table  ruin  and  destruction,  to  surrender  the  fort  you  pretend  to  de- 
fend against  a  formidable  body  of  troops  and  a  good  train  of  artil. 
lery,  which  we  are  witnesses  of:  when,  at  the  same  time,  you  have 
no  farther  support  or  relief  to  expect.  We  are  sorry  to  inform  you 
that  most  of  the  principal  officers  are  killed  ;  to  wit — Gen.  Herki. 
mei,  Colonels  Cox,  Seeber,  Isaac  Paris,  Captain  Graves,  and  many 
others  too  tedious  to  mention.  The  British  army  from  Canada 
being  now  perhaps  before  Albany,  the  possession  of  which  place  of 
course  includes  the  conquest  of  the  Mohawk  river  and  this  fort." 

The  following  endorsement  is  on  the  back  of  this  letter.  "  Gen 
St.  Loger,  on  the  day  of  the  date  of  this  letter,  made  a  verbal  sum. 
mons  of  the  fort  by  his  Adjutant  General  and  Colonel  Butler,  and 
who  then  handed  this  letter  ;  when  Colonel  Gansevoort  refused  any 
answer  to  a  verbal  summons,  unless  r-  le  by  General  St.  Leger 
himself,  but  at  the  mouth  of  his  cannon." 

[In  regard  to  tho  battle  of  Oriskany,  to  which  the  preceding  note  refers,  the  author 
Iia8  received  un  interesting  anecdote  from  Mr.  John  S.  diiaclienboss,  of  Montgomery 
county,  which  would  have  formed  a  page  in  the  chapter  containing  an  account  of 
that  battle  had  it  come  to  hand  in  season.  The  father  of  the  author's  correspondent, 
Abraham  D.  Cluackenboss,  resided  in  the  Mohawk  country  on  the  sout'.i  side  of  the 
river,  at  the  breaking  out  of  the  war.  Living  as  it  were  among  the  Indians,  he  spoke 
their  lang^iage  as  well  as  he  did  his  own.  Among  them  he  had  a  friend,  named 
Bronkahorse — who,  though  an  Indian,  had  been  his  playmate,  and  they  had  served 
in  the  French  war  together  under  Sir  William  Johnson.  When  the  revolutionary 
troubles  came  on,  Bronkahorse  called  upon  duackenboss,  and  endeavored  to  per* 
suade  him  to  espouse  tho  cause  of  the  King — assuring  him  that  their  Great  Father 
could  never  be  connuercd.  duackenboss  refused,  and  they  parted — the  Indian, 
however,  assuring  him  that  they  were  parting  as  friends,  although,  since  they  had 
fought  in  one  war  tog(;ther,  he  had  hoped  they  might  do  so  in  the  other.  Mr.  d.  saw 
no  more  of  his  friend  until  the  battle  of  Orifkany.  During  the  thickest  of  the  fight, 
he  heard  his  name  called,  in  the  well-known  voice  of  Bronkahorse,  from  behind  a 
large  tree  near  by.  He  was  himself  sheltered  by  a  tree ;  but  in  looking  out  for  the 
warrior,  he  saw  his  Indian  friend.  The  latter  now  importuned  duackenboss  to  sur- 
render, assuring  him  of  kind  treatment  and  protection,  but  also  assuring  him  that 
unless  he  did  so,  he  would  inevitably  be  killed,  duackenboss  refused,  and  the  In- 
dian thereupon  attempted  to  kill  him.  For  a  moment  they  watched  each  other,  each 
endeavoring  to  obtain  the  first  and  best  chance  of  a  shot.  The  Indian  at  length  fired, 
and  his  ball  struck  the  tree,  but  had  nearly  been  fatal.  Springing  from  his  covert 
upon  the  Indian,  duackenboss  then  fired,  and  his  friend  BionkaTiorsc  fell  dead  on 
the  spot.  It  was  the  belief  of  Mr.  duackenboss  that  the  loss  of  the  enemy  during 
that  battle  equalled  that  of  Herkimer's  command.  The  latter  suffered  the  most  se- 
verely in  the  early  part  of  the  engagement — the  enemy  in  the  latter  part.] 


f 


M 


fim' 


xxxvi 


APPENDIX. 


No.  VI. 


iiyi  : 


■t-h   .r 


; -1; '  1 


,;l^ 


[Rffbrrnce  from  Paob  252.] 
»'  Camp  before  Fort  Stanwix,  August.  9,  1777 

"  SiK, 

•'  Agroeablc  to  your  wishes,  I  have  the  honor  to  give  you  on  pa- 
per, the  messapo  of  yestonhiy,  though  I  cannot  conceive,  explicit 
and  humane  as  it  was,  how  it  could  admit  of  more  than  one  con. 
struction.  After  the  defeat  of  the  reinforcement  and  the  fate  of 
all  your  principal  leaders,  in  which,  naturally,  you  built  your 
hopes;  and  having  the  strongest  reason  from  verbal  intelligence, 
and  the  matter  contained  in  the  letters  which  fell  into  my  hands, 
and  knowing  thoroughly  the  situation  of  General  Burgoyne's  army, 
to  be  confident  you  are  without  resource — in  my  fears  and  tenderness 
for  your  personal  safety  from  the  hands  of  Indians  enraged  for  the 
loss  of  some  of  their  principal  and  most  favourite  leaders — I  called  to 
council  the  chiefs  of  all  the  nations ;  and  after  having  used  every 
method  that  humanity  could  suggest  to  soften  their  minds,  and  lead 
them  patiently  to  bear  their  own  losses  by  reflecting  on  the  irre- 
trievab.j  misfortune  of  their  enemies,  I  at  last  labored  the  point 
my  humanity  wished  for  ;  which  the  chiefs  assured  me  of  tlie  next 
morning,  after  a  consultation  with  each  nation,  that  evening,  at 
their  fire-places.  Their  answer,  in  its  fullest  extent,  they  insisted 
should  be  carried  by  Col.  Butler,  which  he  has  given  in  the  most 
categorical  manner.  You  are  well  acquainted  that  Indians  never 
send  messoges  without  accompanying  them  with  menaces  on  non. 
compliance,  that  a  civilized  enemy  would  never  think  of  doing ; 
you  may  rest  assured,  therefore,  that  no  insult  was  meant  to  be  of- 
fered  to  your  situation,  by  the  king's  servants,  in  the  message  they 
peremptorily  demanded  to  be  carried  by  Col.  Butler. 

"  I  am  now  to  repeat  what  has  been  told  you  by  my  Adjutant  Ge- 
ncral ;  'That  provided  you  will  deliver  up  your  garrison,  with 
every  thing  as  it  stood  at  the  moment  the  first  message  was  sent, 
your  people  shall  be  treated  with  every  attention  that  a  humane 
and  generous  enemy  can  give.' 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be.  Sir, 

"  Your  most  obedient,  humble  Servant, 
*<  Barry  St,  Leoer, 
"  Brig.  Gen.  of  his  Majesty* s  forces  " 


ArPSNDU. 


XXXVII 


"P.  S. — I  expect  an  immediate  answer,  as  the  Indians  arc  ex- 
tremely impatient ;  and  if  this  proposal  is  rejected,  I  am  afraid  it 
will  be  attended  with  very  fatal  consequences,  not  only  to  you  and 
your  garrison,  but  the  whole  country  down  the  Mohawk  river — 
such  consequences  as  will  bo  very  repugnant  to  my  sentiments  of 
humanity,  but  after  this  entirely  out  of  my  power  to  prevent. 

"  Barky  St.  Lkoer." 
•«CoL.  Gansevooht,  commanding  Fort  Stantnx," 


\  [I 


( 


No.  VII. 


[Reference  from  P\oe  258.] 


"  Camp  before  Fort  Stanwix,  August  13,  1777. 
"  To  tlie  Inhabitants  of  Tryon  County. 

"  Notwithstanding  the  many  and  great  injuries  we  have  re- 
ceived  in  person  and  property  at  your  hands,  and  being  at  the  head 
of  victorious  troops,  we  most  ardently  wish  to  have  peace  restored 
to  this  once  happy  country ;  to  obtain  which,  we  are  willing  and 
desirous,  upon  a  proper  submission  on  your  parts,  to  bury  in  obli. 
vion  all  that  is  past,  and  hope  that  you  are,  or  will  be,  convinced  in 
the  end  that  we  were  your  friends  and  good  advisers,  and  not  such 
wicked,  designing  men,  as  those  who  led  you  into  error,  r  id  almost 
total  ruin.  You  have,  no  doubt,  great  reason  to  dread  the  resent- 
ment of  the  Indians,  on  account  of  the  loss  they  sustained  in  the 
late  action,  and  the  mulish  obstinacy  of  your  troops  in  this  gar- 
rison, who  have  no  resource  but  in  themselves  ;  for  which  reasons 
the  Indians  declare,  that  i'they  do  not  surrender  the  garrison  with- 
out  further  opposition,  they  will  put  every  soul  to  death, — not  only 
the  garrison,  but  the  whole  country, — without  any  regard  to  age,  sex, 
or  friends ;  for  which  reason  it  is  become  your  indispensable  duty, 
as  you  must  answer  the  consequences,  to  send  a  deputation  of 
yuur  principal  people,  to  oblige  them  immediately  to  what,  in  a 
very  little  time,  they  must  be  forced, — the  surrender  of  the  garrison  ; 
in  which  case  we  will  engage,  on  the  faith  of  Christians,  to  protect 
you  from  the  violence  of  the  Indians. 

Surrounded  as  you  are  by  victorious  armies,  one  half  (if  not  the 

greater  part)  of  the  inhabitants  friends  to  government,  without  any 

3« 


i:!  -lil 


ii'^ 


i 


'  ''I 


xxxviii 


APPENDIX. 


resource,  suroly  you  cnnnot  hrsitnto  a  mnmont  to'  accept  the  terms 
proposed  to  you  by  friends  and  woll-wisljcrs  to  the  country. 

Joiix  Johnson,  \ 

D.  W.  Claus,    >  Superintcndcnfa. 

.ToiiN  HuTi-En,   ) 


f 


No.  vii:. 


J,  t 


f  ■ 


I  :f 


[Rhfkuknck  iROM  Pa<;i:  250.] 

"By  the  Hon.   Bkneuict  Aunoi.d,  fJs^.  Major-general  and  Com. 

mamhr.in.chief  of  the  army  of  the  United  States  of  America  on  the 

Mohairk  River. 

"  Wiierkas  a  certain  Riirry  St.  Loger,  a  nrigadipr-gonoral  in 
the  service  of  George  of  Great  Ttritain,  at  the  head  of  a  ban. 
ditti  of  robbers,  murd^rer.^,  and  traitors,  composed  of  savages  of 
America,  and  more  savage  Britons,  (among  whom  is  the  noted  Sir 
.John  .lohnson,  John  Butler,  and  Daniel  Chius,)  have  lately  appeared 
in  the  frontiers  of  this  State,  and  huve  threatened  ruin  and  destruc. 
tion  to  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  United  States.  They  have  also, 
by  artifice  and  misrepresentation,  induced  many  of  the  ignorant  and 
unwary  subjects  of  these  States  to  forfeit  their  allegiance  to  the 
same,  and  join  with  them  in  their  atrocious  crimes,  and  parties  of 
treachery  and  parricide. 

"  Humanity  to  those  poor  deluded  wretches,  who  are  hastening 
blindfold  to  destruction,  induces  me  to  offer  them,  and  all  others 
concerned,  (whether  Savages,  Germans,  Americans,  or  Britons,) 
PAHDON,  provi  'ed  they  do,  within  ten  days  from  the  date  hereof, 
come  in  and  lay  down  their  arms,  sue  for  protection,  and  swear  al- 
legiance to  the  United  States  of  America. 

"But  if,  still  blind  to  their  own  interest  and  safety,  they  obsti. 
nately  persist  in  their  wicked  courses,  determined  to  draw  on  them- 
selves  the  just  vengeance  of  heaven  p.nd  of  this  exasperated  coun- 
try,  they  must  expect  no  mercy  from  either. 

"  B.  Arnold,  M.  G. 

"  Given  under  my  hand,  Head-quarters,  German  Flatts,  'ZOth 
August,  1777." 


nl 


APPENDIX. 


No.  IX. 


XXXIX 


1 


ncncral  ond  Coni' 
!  of  America  on  the 


[Rrfriiencr  from  Pack  274.] 

Extracts  from  Mad.  de  RU'dcsvVn  account  nfhcr  Residence  in  America. 

Whrn  the  nrtny  broke  up,  on  the  11th  of  Septeml)or,  1777,  I  waa 
at  first  told  thnt  I  must  remain  liehind  ;  hut  on  my  repeated  en< 
treaties,  and  as  otlier  lathes  had  hcen  permitted  to  follow  the  army, 
the  same  indulgence  was  extended  to  me.  W(i  advanced  hy  short 
journeys,  and  went  through  many  toils;  yet  I  would  have  pur- 
chased at  any  price  the  privilege  thus  granted  to  me  of  seeing  daily 
my  hushand.  I  had  sent  hack  my  haggnge,  and  only  kept  a  stnall 
bundle  of  suunner  dresses.  In  the  beginning,  all  went  well ;  wo 
th(Higlit  that  there  was  little  douI)t  of  our  being  successful,  and  of 
reaching  "the  promised  land  ;"  and  when,  on  the  passage  across  the 
Hudson,  general  IJurgoyne  exclaimed,  "  Britons  never  retrograde," 
pur  spirits  rose  mightily.  I  ol)serve(l,  however,  with  surprise,  that  the 
wives  of  the  ofl'icers  were  beforehand  informed  of  all  the  military 
plans;  and  I  was  so  much  the  mon;  struck  with  it,  as  I  rememl)erod 
with  how  much  secresy  all  dispositions  were  made  in  the  armies  of 
Duke  Ferdinand  during  the  scven-years'  war.*  Thus  the  Ameri. 
cans  anticipated  our  movements,  and  expected  us  wherever  we  ar- 
rived :  and  this  of  course  injured  our  aflairs.  On  the  lOtli  of 
SeptiMuber,  an  action  took  place,  which  ended  to  our  advantage  ; 
but  we  were,  in  conseqiience,  obliged  to  halt  at  a  place  called  Free- 
man's Farm.  I  witnessed  the  whole  action,  and  knowing  that  my 
husband  was  among  the  combatants,  I  was  full  of  anxiety  and  care, 
and  trembled  at  every  shot — and  nothing  escaped  my  car.  T  saw 
a  great  number  of  wounded,  and,  what  was  still  worse,  three  of  them 
were  brought  into  the  house  where  I  was.  One  of  them  was  a  .Ma- 
jor   Ilarnage,  whose  wife  was   with  us ;  the  second,  a  lieutenant, 

•  Liputcnant  Aiiburey  mndc  a  similar  rrmnrk  when  the  army  «  ns  yet  in  Cana- 
d;::  "  We  have  more  dangerous  enemies  at  home  than  any  we  have  to  encounter 
a[iroad ;  for  all  the  transactions  that  arc  to  take  place,  are  publicly  known  long 
before  ihey  are  officially  given  out  in  orders ;  and  I  make  no  doubt  but  you  will  be 
as  nuicli  surprised  as  the  General  (Burgoyne)  was,  when  I  till  yoii  tiiat  the  whole 
operations  of  tiie  ensuing  campaign  were  canvassed  for  several  days  before  he  ar- 
rived, who,  no  doubt,  supposed,  that  in  giving  out  his  orders,  he  was  communicating 
an  entire  aecret."— [Montreal,  May  20th,  1777.     Vol.  1,  p.  203.1 

Great  secresy,  observes  the  same  writer,  was,  on  the  contrary,  observed  in  the 
American  army. 


.i 


J 


1 


1'  '  ^1 1 


I! 


'H 

if 

1 

J 

i 

li 

i 

1 

i 

f 

m 

.■  I 


ll 


^^ . 


n 


r  .  1 


!) 


f  I  .'^ 


xl 


APPENDIX. 


whose  wife  was  of  our  acquaintance ;  and  the  third,  a  young  Eng. 
lish  officer  called  Young.  The  Major  occupied,  with  his  wife,  a 
room  close  by  to  that  where  I  was.  He  had  received  a  shot  through 
his  body,  and  suffered  exquisite  pains.  A  few  days  after  our  ar- 
rival, I  heard  groans  in  another  room,  and  was  told  that  the  young 
office!',  whom  I  have  just  mentioned,  was  lying  there,  and  that  his 
recovery  was  very  doubtful.  I  took  much  interest  in  him,  as  a  fa- 
mily of  his  name  had  shown  me  great  kindness  during  my  stay  in 
England.  He  expressed  a  great  desire  to  see  his  benefactress,  for 
so  he  called  me.  1  went  into  his  room,  and  found  him  on  a  thin 
bed  of  straw,  for  he  had  lost  his  whole  baggage.  He  was  eighteen 
or  nineteen  years  old,  an  only  son,  and  the  nephew  of  the  same  Mr. 
Young  I  had  known  in  England.  He  lamented  for  his  parents' 
sake,  but  said  nothing  of  his  sufferings.  He  had  lost  much  blood, 
and  the  surgeon  advised  him  to  submit  to  the  amputation  of  his 
wounded  leg;  but  he  would  not  consent  to  it,  though  the  limb  had 
become  gangrenous.  I  sent  him  pillows  and  blankets,  and  my  maids 
gave  him  their  mattress.  I  took  m  .-e  and  more  care  of  him,  and 
visited  him  daily  ;  for  which  he  thanked  me  a  thousand  times.  At 
last  the  amputation  took  place ;  but  it  was  too  late,  and  he  died  a 
few  days  afterwards.  My  room  being  close  to  his,  and  the  walls 
very  thin,  1  heard  his  last  moans. 

I  occupied  a  tolerably  good  house,  and  had  a  large  room.  The 
door  and  the  wainscot  were  of  cedar,  a  sort  (f  wood  which  is  found 
in  abundance  here  :  insects  are  driven  away  by  the  smell  of  it 
when  it  is  burned,  and  it  is  often  used  for  that  purpose  ;  but  some 
people  believe  that  the  smoke  of  it  is  injurious  to  the  nerves,  and 
principally  to  females  in  certain  situations. 

For  our  farther  march,  I  had  caused  a  calash  to  be  made  for  me, 
in  which  I  could  take,  not  only  my  children,  but  also  my  two  fe- 
male attendants :  and  thus  I  followed  the  army  in  the  midst  of  the 
troops,  who  were  in  great  spirits,  and  sang  and  longed  for  victory. 
We  marched  through  endlsss  forests,  and  a  beautiful  district, 
though  deserted  by  the  inhabitants,  who  ran  away  at  our  approach 
to  reinforce  General  Gates's  army.  They  are  naturally  soldiers  and 
excellent  marksmen,  and  the  idea  of  fighting  for  their  country  and 
their  liberty  increased  their  innate  courage.  My  husband  was  en- 
camped  with  the  rest  of  the  army  :  being  myself  an  hour's  ride  be- 
hind  the  army,  I  went  every  morning  to  pay  him  a  visit  in  the 
camp,  and  sometimes  I  dined  there  with  him,  but  generally  ho  took 
his  dinner  in  my  quarters.  There  were  daily  skirmishes  with  the 
enemy,  generally  of  little  importance.     But  my  husband  could  never 


APPENDIX. 


Xli 


•d,  a  young  Eng- 
with  his  wife,  a 
:ed  a  shot  through 
[vyg  after  our  ar- 
Id  that  the  young 
ere,  and  that  his 
it  in  him,  as  a  fa- 
luring  my  stay  in 
I  benefactress,  for 
id  him  on  a  thin 

He  was  eighteen 
;w  of  the  same  Mr. 
d  for  his  parents' 
1  lost  much  blood, 
amputation  of  his 
ough  the  limb  had 
ikcts,  and  my  maids 
I  care  of  him,   and 
housand  times.     At 
late,  and  he  died  a 

his,  and  the  walls 

large  room.  The 
vood  which  is  found 
by  the  smell  of  it 
purpose ;  but  some 
to  the  nerves,  and 

to  be  made  for  me, 

jt  also  my  two  fe- 

n  the  midst  of  the 

onged  for  victory. 

beautiful  district, 
ay  at  our  approach 
aturally  soldiers  and 
r  their  country  and 
Vly  husband  was  en- 
f  an  hour's  ride  be- 
him  a  visit  in  the 
ut  generally  he  took 
skirmishes  with  the 

husband  could  never 


sleep  without  his  clothes.  The  weather  having  already  grown  rough. 
cr,  Colonel  Williams  of  the  artillery  thought  our  mutual  visits  were 
rutlicr  too  fatiguing  for  us,  and  proposed  to  have  a  house  built  for 
me  with  a  chimney,  which  should  not  cost  more  than  five  or  six 
guineas,  and  which  I  could  uninterruptedly  inhabit.  I  accepted  of 
his  otTor  ;  and  the  building,  which  was  to  be  about  twenty  feet 
square,  was  begun.  Such  a  dwelling  is  called  a  block-house,  for 
which  logs  nearly  of  equal  diameter  are  put  together  ;  and  if  the 
intersticed  are  filled  up  with  clay,  it  is  not  only  very  solid,  but  very 
warm.  I  was  to  take  possession  of  it  on  the  next  day  :  and  I  re- 
joiced in  it  the  more,  as  the  nights  were  damp  and  cold,  and  it  being 
close  to  the  camp,  my  husband  would  be  able  to  be  with  me.  But 
all  at  once,  on  the  7th  of  October,  he  marched  away  with  the 
whole  staflT,  and  then  our  misfortunes  began.  VViiile  breakfasting 
with  my  husband,  I  heard  that  something  was  under  contemplation. 
General  Fraser,  and,  I  believe,  Generals  Burgoyne  and  Philips,  were 
to  ditie  with  me  on  that  day.  I  remarked  much  movement  in  the 
camp.  My  husband  told  me  that  it  was  a  mere  reconnoissance ; 
and  as  tliis  was  frequent,  I  was  not  much  alarmed  at  it.  On  my 
way  homeward  I  n»ct  a  number  of  Indians,  armed  with  guns,  and 
clad  in  their  wardresses.  Having  asked  them  where  they  we 
going,  they  replied,  "  War,  war  ;"  by  which  they  meant  that  they  y  ere 
about  to  fight.  This  m.ide  me  very  uneasy,  and  I  liad  scarcely  got 
home  before  I  heard  reports  of  guns ;  and  soon  the  fire  became 
brisker,  till  at  last  the  noise  grew  dreadful,  upon  which  I  was  more 
dead  than  alive.  About  3  o'clock  in  the  afternoi  i,  instead  of 
guests  whom  I  had  expected  to  dine  witli  me,  I  sav,  one  of  them, 
poor  General  Fraser,  brought  upon  a  hand-barrow,  mortally  wound- 
ed. The  table,  which  was  already  prepared  for  dinner,  was  imme- 
diately removed,  and  a  bed  placed  in  its  stead  for  the  General.  I 
sat,  terrified  and  trembling,  in  a  corner.  The  noise  grew  more 
alarming,  and  I  was  in  a  continual  tremor  while  thinking  that  my 
husband  might  soon  also  be  brought  in,  wounded  like  Ges^oral 
Fraser.  That  poor  General  said  to  the  surgeon,  ♦♦  tell  me  the  truth  : 
is  there  no  hope  ?"  His  wound  was  exactly  like  that  of  Major 
Havnage  ;  the  ball  had  passed  through  his  body,  but,  unhappily  for 
the  General,  he  had  that  morning  eaien  a  full  breakfast,  by  which 
the  stomach  was  distended,  and  the  ball,  as  the  surgeon  remarked, 
passed  directly  through  it.  I  heard  often,  amidst  his  groans,  such 
words  as  these,  "  O  bad  ambition !  poor  General  Burgoyne !  poor  Mia- 
tress  Frailer."  Prayerb  were  read,  after  which  he  desired  that  Ge- 
neral Burgoyne  should  be  requested  to  have  him  buried  the  next 


'•^.. 


f-.: 


\ 


'.ni 


lii 


Ui 


r^ti     :■ 


xlii 


APPENDIX 


cik 


./i/S 


day,  at  six  o'clock  in  the  evening,  on  a  hill  where  a  breast-work  had 
been  constructed.  I  knew  not  what  to  do :  the  entrance  and  all 
the  rooms  were  full  of  sick,  in  consequence  of  the  dysentery  which 
prevailed  in  the  camp.  At  length,  toward  evening,  my  husband 
came ;  and  from  that  moment  my  afflictioii  was  much  soothed,  and 
I  breathed  thanks  to  God.  He  dined  with  me  and  the  aids-de-camp 
in  great  haste,  in  an  open  space  in  the  rear  of  the  house.  Wo  poor 
females  had  been  told  that  cur  troops  had  been  victorious  ;  but  I 
well  saw,  by  the  melancholy  countenance  of  my  husband,  that  it 
was  quite  the  contrary.  On  going  away,  ho  took  me  aside  to  tell 
me  every  thing  went  badly,  and  that  I  should  prepare  myself  to  de- 
part, but  without  saying  any  thing  to  any  body.  Under  the  pre- 
tence of  removing  the  next  day  to  my  new  lodgings,  I  ordered  the 
baggage  to  be  packed  up.  Lady  Ackland's  tent  was  near  ours. 
She  slept  there,  and  spent  the  My  in  the  camp.  On  a  sudden  she 
received  news  that  her  husband  was  mortally  wounded  und  taken 
prisoner.  She  was  much  distressed  ;  we  endeavored  to  persuade 
her  that  the  wound  was  not  so  dangerous,  but  advised  her  to  ask 
permission  to  join  her  husband,  to  take  care  of  him  in  his  sickness. 
She  was  much  attached  to  him,  though  he  was  rude  and  intempe- 
rate ;  yet  he  was  a  good  officer.  Slie  was  a  lovely  woman.  I  di- 
vided the  night  between  her  whom  I  wished  to  comfort,  and  my 
children  who  were  asleep,  but  who,  I  feared,  might  disturb  the  poor 
dying  General.  Ho  sent  me  several  messages  to  beg  my  pardon  for 
the  trouble  he  thought  he  gave  me.  About  H  o'clock  I  was  in- 
formed that  he  could  not  live  much  longer,  and  as  I  did  not  wish  to 
be  present  at  his  last  struggle,  I  wrapped  my  children  in  blankets, 
and  retired  into  the  entrance  hall.  At  8  o'clock  in  the  morning  he 
expired. 

Orders  had  already  been  issued  that  the  army  should  break  up 
immediately  aflcr  the  funeral,  and  our  calashes  were  ready.  I  was 
unwilling  to  depart  sooner.  Major  Harnagc,  though  hardly  able 
to  walk  a  step,  left  his  bed,  that  he  might  not  remain  in  the  hos- 
pital,  upon  which  a  flag  of  truce  had  been  erected.  When  he  saw 
me  thus  in  the  midst  of  danger,  he  drove  my  children  and  female 
attendants  into  the  vehicle,  and  told  me  that  I  had  not  a  moment  to 
lose.  I  begged  to  be  permitted  to  remain  a  little  longer.  "  Do 
what  you  please,"  replied  he  ;  "  but  your  children  I  must  at  least 
save."  This  touched  my  most  tender  feelings  :  I  sprang  into  the 
carriage,  and  at  8  o'clock  we  departed. 

Profound  silence  had  been  recommended  to  us ;  large  fires  were 


APPENDIX. 


xliii 


;  large  fires  were 


lighted,  and  many  tents  were  Icfl  untouched,  to  conceal  our  move- 
ment from  the  enemy.  We  proceeded  on  our  way  the  whole  nio-ht. 
Frederica  was  afraid,  and  began  to  cry :  I  was  obliged  to  press  a 
handkerchief  to  her  mouth. 

VVc  were  halted  at  six  o'clock  in  the  morning,  to  our  general 
amazement.  General  Burgoync  ordered  the  artillery  to  be  drawn  up 
in  a  line,  and  to  have  it  counted.  This  gave  much  dissatisfaction, 
as  a  few  marches  more  would  have  ensured  our  safety.  My  hus- 
band was  exhausted  by  fatigue,  and  took  a  seat  in  the  calash,  where 
my  maids  made  room  for  him ;  and  he  slept  for  three  hours  upon 
my  shoulder.  In  the  mean  time  Captain  Willoe  brought  me  his 
pocket-book,  containing  bank  notes,  and  Captain  Geismar,  a  beauti- 
ful  watch,  a  ring,  and  a  well-provided  purse,  requesting  me  to  keep 
them,  which  I  promised  to  do  to  the  last.  At  length  we  recom- 
menced our  march ;  but  scarcely  an  hour  had  elapsed  before  the 
army  was  again  halted,  because  the  enemy  was  in  sight.  They 
were  but  two  hundred  in  number,  who  came  to  reconnoitre,  and 
who  might  easily  have  been  taken  had  not  General  Burgoyne  lost 
all  his  presence  of  mind.  The  rain  fell  in  torrents.  Lady  Ack- 
land  had  caused  her  tent  to  be  fixed  up,  I  again  suggested  to  her 
the  propriety  of  rejoining  her  husband,  to  whom  she  might  be  of 
great  service  in  his  present  situation.  Yielding  to  my  advice,  she 
sent  a  message  to  General  Burgoyne,  through  his  aid-de-camp 
Lord  Petersham,  to  beg  his  permission  to  leave  the  army.  I  told 
Ijer  that  she  need  only  insist  upon  it,  and  she  would  certainly  suc- 
ceed. The  Rev.  Mr.  Brudenel  accompanied  her,  and  they  went 
together  in  a  boat,  with  a  flag  of  truce,  to  the  enemy.  There  is  a 
welUkuown  and  fine  engraving  of  that  event.  I  afterward  met 
with  lady  Ackland  at  Albany,  when  her  husband  was  almost 
entirely  recovered  ;  and  both  thanked  me  for  my  advice.  On  the 
9th,  it  rained  terribly  the  whole  day  ;  nevertheless  we  kept  our- 
selves ready  to  march.  The  savages  had  lost  their  courage,  and 
they  walked  ofl*  in  all  directions.  The  least  untoward  event  made 
them  dispirited,  especially  when  there  was  no  opportunity  for 
plunder. 

We  reached  Saratoga  about  dark,  which  was  but  half  an  hour's 
march  from  the  place  where  we  had  spent  the  day.  I  was  quite 
wet,  and  was  obliged  to  remain  in  that  condition  for  want  of  a 
place  to  change  my  apparel.  I  seated  myself  near  the  fire,  and 
undressed  the  children,  and  we  then  laid  ourselves  upon  some  straw. 
I  asked  General  Phillips,  who  came  to  see  how  I  was,  why  we  did 


■  m,  1 


xliv 


APPENDIX. 


|.( .' 


U'\ 


bi:- 


m  > 


not  continue  our  retreat,  my  husband  having  pledged  himself  to  co. 
ver  the  movement,  and  to  bring  off  the  army  in  safety.  "  My  poor 
lady,"  said  he,  "  you  astonish  me.  Though  quite  wet,  you  have  so 
much  courage  as  to  wish  to  go  farther  in  this  weather.  What  a 
pity  it  is  that  you  are  not  our  commanding  general !  He  com- 
plains  of  fatigue,  and  has  determined  upon  spending  the  night  here, 
and  giving  us  a  supper."  It  is  very  true  that  General  Burgoyne 
liked  to  make  himself  easy,  and  that  he  spent  half  his  nights  in 
singing  and  drinking,  and  diverting  himself  with  the  wife  of  a  com 
missary,  who  was  his  mistress,  and  who  was  as  fond  of  Champaign 
as  himself.  I  refreshed  myself  at  7  o'clock  the  next  morning,  (the 
10th  of  October,)  with  a  cup  of  tea,  and  we  all  expected  that  we 
should  soon  continue  our  march.  General  Burgoyne  had  given 
orders  to  set  fire  to  General  Schuyler's  fine  buildings  and  mills  at 
Saratoga,  for  the  purpose  of  securing  our  retreat.  An  English 
officer  brought  me  some  good  soup,  and  insisted  that  I  should  par- 
take of  it.  After  this,  we  continued  our  march ;  but  only  for  a 
short  time.  There  was  much  misery  and  disorder  in  the  army. 
The  commissaries  had  forgotten  to  distribute  provisions,  though  we 
had  an  abundance  of  cattle.  I  saw  more  than  thirty  officers,  who 
complained  bitterly  of  hunger.  I  gave  them  coffee  and  tea,  and 
every  thing  eatable  that  I  had  in  my  calash. 

Our  calashes  remained  in  readiness  to  depart.  Every  body  ad 
vised  a  retreat,  and  my  husband  pledged  himself  to  effect  that 
movement,  if  no  time  was  lost.  But  General  Burgoyne,  who  bad 
been  promised  an  Order,  if  he  should  effect  his  junction  with  Ge- 
neral Howe,  could  not  be  persuaded  to  it,  and  lost  every  thing  by 
his  dilatoriness.  About  2  o'clock  we  heard  again  a  report  of  mus 
kcts  ana  cannon,  and  there  was  much  alarm  and  bustle  among  our 
troops.  My  husband  sent  me  word  that  I  should  immediately  re 
tire  into  a  house  which  was  not  far  off.  I  got  into  my  calash  with 
my  children  ;  and  when  we  were  near  the  bouse,  I  saw,  on  theoppo- 
site  bank  of  the  Hudson,  five  or  six  men,  who  aimed  at  us  with 
their  guns.  Without  knowing  what  I  did,  I  threw  my  children 
into  the  back  part  of  the  vehicle,  and  laid  myself  upon  them.  At 
the  same  moment  the  fellows  fired,  and  broke  the  arm  of  a  poor 
English  soldier,  who  stood  behind  us,  and  who,  being  already 
wounded,  sought  a  shelter.  Soon  after  our  arrival  a  terrible  can. 
nonade  began,  and  the  fire  was  principally  directed  against  the 
house,  where  we  had  hoped  to  find  a  refuge,  probably  because  the 
enemy  inferred,  from  the  great  number  of  ^eople  who  went  towards  it, 


J '"  t:P 


APPENDIX. 


xlv 


I  ■  i  iJ 


himself  to  co- 
y.  "  My  poor 
it,  vou  have  so 
ther.  What  a 
ral !  He  com- 
the  night  here, 
oral  Burgoyne 
'  his  nights  in 

wife  of  a  com 
1  of  Champaign 
t  morning,  (the 
pected  that  we 
yne  had  given 
rs  and  mills  at 
.  An  English 
t  I  should  par- 

but  only  for  a 
r  in  the  army, 
ions,  though  we 
ty  officers,  who 
le  and  tea,  and 


Every  body  ad 
to  effect  that 
;oyne,  who  had 
iction  with  Ge- 
every  thing  by 
report  of  mus 
stle  among  our 
immediately  re 
my  calash  with 
aw,  on  the  oppo- 
med  at  us  with 
iw  my  children 
)on  them.     At 
arm  of  a  poor 
being   already 
a  terrible  can- 
ted against  the 
>ly  because  the 
went  towards  it, 


thatthis  wasthehend-quartcrsof  the  Generals,  while,  in  reality,  none 
were  tiicrc  except  women  and  crippled  soldiers.  Wo  were  at  last 
obliged  to  descend  into  the  cellar,  where  1  laid  myself  in  a  corner 
near  the  door.  My  children  put  their  heads  upon  my  knees.  An 
abominable  smell,  the  cries  of  the  children,  and  my  own  anguish  of 
mind,  did  not  permit  me  to  close  my  eyes  during  the  whole  night. 
On  the  next  morning  the  cannonade  begun  anew,  but  in  a  different 
direction,  I  advised  my  fellow-sufTcrers  to  withdraw,  for  a  while, 
from  the  cellar,  in  order  to  give  time  to  clean  it,  for  we  should 
otherwise  injure  our  health.  On  '..i  inspection  of  our  letreat,  I 
discovered  that  there  were  three  cellars,  spacious  and  well  vaulted. 
I  suggested  that  one  of  them  should  bo  appropriutod  to  the  use  of 
the  officers  who  were  most  severely  wounded,  tin;  next  to  the  fe- 
males,  and  the  third,  which  was  nearest  to  the  staircase,  to  all  the  rest 
of  the  company.  We  were  just  going  down,  when  a  new  thunder 
of  cannon  threw  us  again  into  alarm.  I\Iany  persons,  who  had  no 
right  to  enter,  threw  thcnjsclves  against  the  door.  My  children 
were  already  at  the  bottoui  of  the  staircase,  and  every  one  of  us 
would  probably  have  been  crushed  to  deatli,  had  I  not  put  myself 
before  the  entrance  and  resisted  the  intruders.  Eleven  cannon- 
balls  passed  through  the  house,  and  made  a  tremendous  noise.  A 
poor  soldier,  who  was  about  to  have  a  leg  amputated,  lost  the  other 
by  one  of  these  balls.  All  his  comrades  ran  away  at  that  moment, 
and  when  they  returned,  they  found  him  in  or  .  corner  of  the  room 
in  the  agonies  of  death.  I  was  myself  in  the  deepest  distress,  not 
so  much  on  account  of  my  own  dangers,  as  of  those  to  which  my 
husband  was  exposed,  who,  however,  frequently  sent  :ne  messages, 
inquiring  after  my  health.  Major  Harnage's  wife,  a  Mrs.  Reynell, 
the  wife  of  the  good  lieutenant  who  had,  on  the  preceding  day, 
shared  his  soup  with  me,  the  wife  of  the  commis-sary,  and  myself, 
were  the  only  officers'  wives  at  present  with  the  army.  We  sat 
together,  deploring  our  situation,  when  somebody  having  entered, 
all  my  companions  exchanged  looks  of  deep  sorrow,  whispering  at 
the  same  time  to  one  another,  I  immediately  suspected  that  my 
husband  had  been  killed.  I  shrieked  aloud  ;  but  was  immediately 
told  that  nothing  had  happened  to  my  husband,  and  was  given  to 
understand,  by  a  sidelong  glance,  that  the  Lieutenant  had  been 
killed.  His  wife  was  soon  called  out,  and  found  that  the  Lieu- 
tenant  was  yet  alive,  though  one  of  his  arms  had  been  shot  off, 
near  the  shoulder,  by  a  cannon-ball.  We  heard  his  groans  and  la- 
mentations during  the  whole  night,  which  were  dreadfully  re-echoed 
through  the  vaulted  cellars ;  and  in  the  morning  he  expired.    My 


'  tU 


lii 


xlvi 


APPENDIX. 


iii 


hi'     i 


husband  came  to  visit  mc  during  the  night,  whicli  served  to  diminish 
my  sadness  and  dejection  in  some  degree.  On  the  next  morning 
we  thoiijrht  of  making  our  cellar  a  more  convenient  residence. 
Major  Harnage  and  his  wife,  and  Mrs.  Reyncll,  toolc  possession  of 
one  corner,  and  transformed  it  into  a  kind  of  closet  by  means  of  a 
curtain.  I  was  also  to  have  a  similar  retreat  ;  hut  I  preferred  to 
remain  near  the  door,  that  I  might  escape  more  easily  in  case  of 
fire.  I  had  straw  put  under  my  mattresses,  and  on  these  I  laid  myself 
with  my  children  :  and  my  female  servants  slept  near  us.  Oppo. 
site  to  us  were  three  officers,  who,  though  wounded,  were  deter- 
mined  not  to  remain  behind  if  tiie  army  retreated.  One  of  them 
was  Captain  Green,  aid-de-camp  to  Ceneral  Phillips,  and  a  very 
amiable  and  worthy  gent'eman.  All  three  swore  they  would  not 
depart  without  mc  in  case  of  a  sudden  retreat,  and  that  each  of 
them  would  take  one  of  my  children  on  his  horse.  One  of  my  bus- 
band's  horses  was  constantly  in  r(>adincss  for  myself.  Mr.  do 
Riedcsel  thought  often  of  sending  mc  to  the  American  camp,  to 
.save  me  from  danger;  but  I  declared  that  nothing  would  be  more 
painful  to  me  than  to  live  on  good  terms  with  those  with  Avhom  he 
wasfigliting;  upon  which  he  consented  that  I  shoald  continue  to 
follow  the  army.  However,  the  apprehension  that  ho  might  have 
marched  away  repeatedly  intruded  itself  into  my  mind ;  and  I 
crept  up  the  staircase,  more  than  once,  to  confirm  or  dispel  my 
fears  ;  and  when  I  saw  our  soldiers  near  their  watch-fires,  I  became 
more  calm,  and  could  even  have  sle|)t. 

The  want  of  water  continuing  to  distress  us,  wo  could  not  but 
be  extremely  glad  to  find  a  soldier's  wife  so  spirited  as  to  fetch 
some  from  the  river,  an  occupation  from  which  the  boldest  might 
have  shrunk,  as  the  Americans  shot  every  one  who  approached  it. 
They  told  us  afterwards  that  they  spared  her  on  account  of  her  sex. 

I  endeavored  to  dispel  my  melancholy,  by  continually  attending 
to  the  wounded.  I  made  them  tea  and  coffee,  for  which  I  received 
their  warmest  acknowledgments.  I  often  shared  my  dinner  with 
them.  One  day  a  Canadian  officer  came  creeping  into  our  cellar, 
and  was  hardly  able  to  say  that  he  was  dying  with  hunger.  I  felt 
happy  to  ofTer  him  my  dinner,  by  eating  which  he  recovered  his 
health  and  I  gained  hi'"  friendship.  On  our  return  to  Canada  I 
became  acquainted  with  his  family. 

I  also  took  care  of  Major  Bloomfield,  who  was  wounded  by  a 
musket-ball,  which  passed  through  both  his  cheeks,  knocked  out  his 
teeth  and  injured  his   tongue.     He  could   retain  nothing  in  his 


APPENDIX. 


xlvii 


mouth,  and  soup  and  liquids  were  his  only  nourishment.  Fortu- 
nately  we  had  some  Rhenisli  wine,  and  in  the  hope  tliat  the  acidity 
would  c<)ntiil)ute  to  heal  his  wound,  I  gave  him  a  bottle,  of  which 
he  took  a  little  now  and  then,  and  with  such  effect  that  he  was 
soon  cured.  I  thus  acquired  a  new  friend,  and  enjoyed  some  hap. 
pincss  in  the  midst  of  cares  and  suff*erings,  which  otherwise  woidd 
have  weigh(!d  heavily  upon  my  spirits.  On  one  of  these  mournful 
days.  General  Pliillips,  wishing  to  pay  me  a  visit,  accompanied  my 
husband,  who  came  once  or  twice  daily,  at  the  risk  of  his  life  ;  and 
seeing  our  situation,  and  observing  the  entreaties  I  made  to  my 
husband  not  to  bo  left  behind,  in  case  the  army  should  suddenly 
break  up,  and  my  reluctance  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  tiic  enemy, 
he  plead  my  cause,  and  said,  on  retiring  "  I  would  not,  for  ten 
thousand  guineas,  sec  this  place  again.  I  am  heart-broken  with 
what  I  have  seen." 

All  our  companions,  however,  did  not  deserve  so  much  commise- 
ration. We  had  some  in  our  collars  who  ouglit  not  to  have  been 
there,  and  who  afterwards,  when  we  were  prisoners,  were  in  per- 
fect health,  and  walked  al)out  quite  erect,  and  strutted  as  much  as 
they  could.  We  remained  six  days  in  this  doleful  retreat.  At  last  a 
capitulation  was  talked  of,  in  consequence  of  having  lost,  by  useless 
delays,  the  opportunity  of  elTecting  our  retreat.  A  cessation  of 
hostilities  took  place,  and  my  husband,  who  was  quite  exhausted  by 
fatigue,  could  now,  for  the  first  time,  sleep  quietly  in  a  little  chani- 
ber,  while  I  retired  with  my  children  and  the  maid-scrvants  into 
the  adjoining  .room.  Towards  one  o'clock  a  person  came  and  asked 
to  speak  with  him.  I  was  very  reluctant  to  awaken  him  at  that 
hour  of  the  night ;  and  I  soon  observed  that  the  errand  did  not 
much  please  him,  for  he  immediately  sent  the  messenger  back  to 
the  head-quarters,  and  laid  himself  down  again,  out  of  humor. 
Soon  after  this  General  Burgoyne  sent  for  all  the  Generals  and 
field-ofliccrs  to  attend  a  council  of  war  early  next  morning,  when 
he  proposed  to  break  the  capitulation,  in  consequence  of  some 
groundless  information  he  had  received.  It  was,  however,  decided 
that  this  step  was  neither  advisable  nor  practicable ;  and  this  deter- 
mination  was  very  fortunate  for  us,  as  the  Americans  told  us  after- 
wards, that,  had  we  broken  the  treaty,  we  should  all  have  been  cut 
to  pieces.  This  they  could  easily  have  done,  as  our  army  was  re- 
duced to  four  or  five  thousand  men,  while  we  had  given  them  time 
to  raise  theirs  to  twenty  thousand.  On  the  morning  of  the  16th, 
however,  my  husband  was  obliged  to  repair  to  his  post,  and  I  to  my 
cellar. 


H 
III 

'is 

ill 


1 1 


1  ■ 


||>  II 

if' 

ill  ^ 


I  P 


'  ^1 
Ml 


xlviii 


APPENDIX. 


On  the  17th  of  October  the  capitulation  was  carried  into  effect. 
The  Generals  waited  upon  the  American  General  Gates,  and  the 
troops  surrendered  themselves  prisoners  of  war,  and  laid  down  their 
arms.  The  time  had  now  come  for  the  good  woman,  who  had  risked 
her  life  to  supply  us  with  water,  to  receive  the  reward  of  her  ser- 
vices. Each  of  us  threw  a  handful  of  money  into  her  apron;  and 
she  thus  received  more  than  twenty  guineas.  At  such  a  moment  at 
least,  if  at  no  other,  the  heart  easily  overflows  with  gratitude. 


A 


u 


» 


'i  '1?  ■ ; 


When  I  drew  near  the  tents,  a  good-looking  man  advanced  to- 
wards  me,  and  helped  the  children  from  the  calash,  and  kissed  and 
caressed  them ;  he  then  offered  me  his  arm,  and  tears  trembled  in 
his  eyes.  "  You  tremble."  said  he ;  "  do  not  be  alarmed,  I  pray 
you."  "  Sir,"  cried  I,  "  a  countenance  so  expressive  of  benevo- 
lence, and  the  kindness  which  you  have  evinced  towards  my  chil- 
dren, are  sufficient  to  dispel  all  ap|.rehension."  He  then  ushered 
me  into  the  tent  of  General  Gates,  whom  I  found  engaged  in  friend- 
ly conversation  with  Generals  Burgoyne  and  Phillips.  General 
Burgoyne  said  to  me  :  '« You  can  now  be  quiet,  and  free  from  all 
apprehension  of  danger."  I  replied  that  I  sliould  indeed  be  repre- 
hensible if  I  felt  any  anxiety  when  our  General  felt  none,  »nd  was 
on  such  friendly  terms  with  General  Gates. 

All  the  Generals  remained  to  dine  with  General  Gates.  The 
gentleman  who  had  received  me  with  so  much  kinduess,  came  and 
said  to  me,  "  You  may  find  it  embarrassing  to  be  the  only  lady  in 
such  a  large  company  of  gentlemen  ;  will  you  come  with  your  chil- 
dren to  my  tent,  and  partake  of  a  frugal  dinner,  t)ffered  with  the 
best  will  ?"  "  By  the  kindness  you  show  to  me,"  returned  I,  "  you 
induce  me  to  believe  that  you  have  a  wife  and  children."  He  in- 
tbrmed  me  that  he  was  General  Schuyler.  He  regaled  me  with 
smoked  tongues,  which  were  excellent,  with  beefsteaks,  potatoes, 
fresh  butter,  and  bread.  Never  did  a  dinner  give  so  much  pleasure 
as  this.  I  was  easy,  atller  many  months  of  anxiety  ;  and  I  read  the 
same  happy  change  in  those  around  me.  That  my  husband  was 
out  of  danger,  was  a  still  greater  cause  of  joy.  After  our  dinner, 
General  Schuyler  begged  me  to  pay  him  a  visit  at  his  house  near 
Albany,  where  he  expected  that  General  Burgoyne  would  also  be 
his  guest.  I  sent  to  ask  my  husband's  directions,  who  advised  me 
to  accept  the  invitation.  As  we  were  two  days'  journey  from  Al- 
bany,  and  it  was  now  near  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  he  wished 
me  to  endeavor  to  reach,  on  that  day,  a  place  distant  about  three 
hours  ride.     General  Schuyler  carried  his  civilities  so  far  as  to  so. 


APPENDIX. 


xlix 


licit  a  WfcU-bred  French  officer  to  uccompany  mc  on  that  first  pnrt 
of  my  journey. 

On  the  next  day,  we  reached  Albany,  where  we  had  so  often 
wished  ourselves ;  nut  we  did  not  enter  that  city,  as  we  hoped 
we  should,  with  a  victorious  army.  The  reception,  however, 
which  we  met  witli  from  General  Schuyler,  his  wife  and  daughters, 
was  not  like  the  reception  of  enemies,  but  of  the  most  intimate 
friends.  They  loaded  us  with  kindness  ;  and  they  behaved  in  the 
same  manner  towards  General  Burgoyne,  though  he  had  ordered 
their  splendid  establishment  to  be  burnt,  and  without  any  necessity 
as  it  was  «aid.  But  all  tlicir  actions  proved,  that  at  the  sight  of 
the  misfortunes  of  otiters  they  quickly  forgot  their  own.  General 
Burgoyne  was  so  much  aOected  by  this  generous  deportment,  that 
ho  said  to  General  Schuyler,  »'  You  are  too  kind  to  me,  who  have 
done  you  so  much  injury."  *'  Such  is  the  fate  of  war,"  replied  he  ; 
"let  us  not  dwell  on  this  sulyect."  We  remained  three  days  with 
that  excellent  family,  and  tiiey  seemed  to  regret  our  departure. 


I  I 


The  following  account  of  a  visit  to  the  field  of  Saratoga,  on  the 
fiftieth  Anniversary  of  that  bnttlo,  viz  :  October  17,  1827,  was 
written  immediately  afterward  for  the  use  of  the  author  of  the  pre- 
sent work.  The  writer,  the  venerable  Samuel  Woodruff*,  Esq.  of 
Windsor,  (Conn.)  it  need  not  be  added,  was  a  participator  in  the 
battle  :— 


i'la 


Windsor,  Conn.  Oct.  31,  1827. 

My  Dear  Sir, — 

You  may  remember  when  I  had  the  pleasure  to  dine  with  you 
at  New-Yorki  on  the  14th  inst.  I  had  set  out  on  a  tour  to  Saratoga, 
to  gratify  a  desire  I  felt,  and  which  had  long  been  increasing,  to 
view  the  battle-grounds  at  that  place,  and  the  spot  on  which  the 
royal  army  under  the  command  of  General  Burgoyne  surrender- 
ed to  General  Gates  on  the  17th  of  October,  1777. 

I  thought  it  would  add  something  to  the  interest  of  that  view  to 
me,  to  be  there  on  the  17th,  exactly  half  a  century  after  that  me- 
morable event  took  place.  You  will  excuse  me  for  entering  a  little 
into  the  feelings  of  Uncle  Toby  respecting  Dendermond,  in  the 
compressed  and  hastily  written  journal  I  kept  of  my  tour,  especially 
as  you  will  take  into  consideration  that  I  had  the  honor  to  serve 


APPENDIX. 


I  I,- 


:f" 


I? 


^   r  J 


ns  a  volunteer  under  General  Gates  part  of  that  campaign,  and  was 
in  tine  battle  of  the  7th  of  October. 

I  take  the  liberty  to  inclose  to  you  an  extract  of  that  part  of  my 
journal  which  embraces  the  principal  object  of  my  tour. 

Oct.  17th. — After  a  short  stop  in  Troy,  took  another  stage  for  Sa- 
ratoga ; — at  Lansingburgh,a  neat  and  handsiune  village,  about  three 
miles  from  Troy,  crossed  the  Hudson  on  a  covered  Itridgc  of  ex. 
cellent  workmansiiip,  over  to  Waterford,  (Old  Half  Moon  Point,) 
another  rich  and  flourishing  village.  Arrived  at  Fish  creek  in  Sa. 
ratoga  at  half  past  2  P.  M.  through  a  beautiful,  well-cultivated  in- 
terval of  alluvial  land  on  tlie  west  side  of  the  Hudson — every  thing 
from  Albany  to  this  place  wears  the  appearance  of  wealth  and 
comfort.  Put  up  at  Mr.  Barker's  tavern.  After  dinner  viewed  the 
ruins  of  the  British  fortifications  and  head-quarters  of  Gen.  Burgoyne. 
He  kept  his  quarters  for  several  days  at  a  house,  now  standing  and 
in  good  repair,  abciit  a  mile  north  of  Fish  creek,  on  the  west  side 
of  the  road,  own^d  by  Mr.  Busher,  an  intelligent  farmer  about 
seventy-five  years  of  age.  While  Burgoyne  held  iiis  head-quarters 
at  this  house,  Baron  Reidesel,  of  the  royal  army,  obtained  leave  of 
the  Commander-in-chief  to  place  his  lady  the  Baroness  and  their 
three  small  children  under  the  same  protection  ; — these  wore  also 
accompanied  by  lady  Ackland  and  some  other  ladies,  wives  of 
British  officers.  At  that  time  some  of  the  Amorican  troops  were 
stationed  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Hudson,  opposite  the  house, 
in  fair  view  of  it,  and  within  cannon-shot  distance.  Oliserv. 
ing  considerable  moving  of  persons  about  the  house,  the  Ameri- 
cans supposed  it  the  rendezvous  of  the  Britisii  oflicers,  and  com- 
menced a  brisk  cannonade  upon  it.  Several  shot  struck  and  sha(. 
tered  the  house.  The  Baroness  with  her  children  fled  into  the 
cellar  for  safety,  and  placed  herself  and  thenj  at  the  north-east 
corner,  where  they  were  well  protected  by  the  cellar  wall.  A  Bri- 
tish  surgeon  by  the  name  of  Jones,  having  his  leg  broken  by  u  can- 
non  ball,  was  at  this  time  brought  in,  and  laid  on  the  floor  of  the 
room  which  the  Baroness  and  the  other  ladies  had  just  left.  A 
cannon  ball  entered  the  house  near  the  north-cast  corner  of  the 
room,  a  few  inches  above  the  floor,  and  passing  through,  broke  and 
mangled  the  other  leg  of  the  poor  surgeon.  Soon  after  this  he  ex- 
pired.  Mr.  Busher  very  civilly  conducted  me  into  the  room,  cellar, 
and  other  parts  of  the  house,  pointing  out  the  places  where  the  balls 
entered,  d:c.  From  hence  I  proceeded  to,  and  viewed  with  very 
great  interest,  the  spot  where  Gen.  Burgoyne,  attended  by  his  stafl> 
presented  his  sword  to  (ilen.  Gates  ;  also,  the  ground  on  which  tlie 


ArPETfDIX. 


pnlgn,  and  was 


arms,  Ate,  of  the  roynl  army  wore  stacked  nnd  pilnd.  This  mom<K 
ruble  place  is  situated  on  tlie  flat,  north  sido  of  Fish  crock,  nbout 
forty  rod.s  west  of  its  entrance  into  the  Hudson,  and  through  which 
the  CIminplain  canal  now  passes. 

Contiguous  to  this  spot  is  tho  N.  W.  angle  of  old  Fort  Hardy,  a 
military  work  thrown  up  and  occupied  hy  the  French,  under  Gen. 
Difskuu,  in  the  year  IT^M.  The  lines  of  intrcnchtnent  eml)raee, 
as  I  sliould  judge,  about  fifteen  acres  of  ground.  The  outer  works 
yet  retain  tiie  apptsaranco  of  a  strong  fortification,  bounded  south 
on  the  north  side  of  Fish  creek,  and  cast  on  tho  west  bank  of  tho 
Hud.-jon.  Hiiinan  bones,  fragments  of  fire-arms,  swords,  balls,  tools, 
impleuioiita,  broken  crockery,  &c.  Ate,  arc  fuqucntly  picked  up  on 
this  ground. 

In  excavating  the  earth  for  the  Chanipiain  canal,  which  passes  a 
few  rods  west  of  this  fort,  hucIi  numbers  of  human  skeletons  were 
found  as  render  it  highly  probable  this  was  the  cemetery  of  the 
French  garrison. 

AI)out  twenty  or  thirty  rods  west  of  the  aqueduct  for  tho  canal 
over  Fish  creek,  stood  (Jen.  Schuyler's  mills,  which  were  burned  hy 
order  of  Gen.  Burgoyne. 

Gen.  Schuyler's  dwelling-house  also,  and  his  other  buildings, 
standing  on  a  beautifid  area  a  little  south-east  of  tho  mills  on  the 
south  side  of  the  creek,  sufl'ered  tho  same  fate.  The  mills  have  been 
rebuilt  and  are  now  in  operation,  at  the  same  place  where  tho 
former  stood.  The  grandson  of  Gen.  Schuyler  now  lives  in  a  house 
erected  on  tho  scite  of  the  former  dwelling  of  his  father — a  covereii 
bridge  across  the  creek  adjoining  the  mills. 

I  cannot,  in  this  place,  omit  some  short  notices  of  Gen.  P.  Schuy- 
ler.  It  seems  he  was  commander-in-chief  of  the  northern  army 
until  the  latter  part  of  August,  1777,  at  which  time  he  was  super- 
seded by  Gen.  Gates. 

I  remember  at  tliat  time  there  was  some  cxcit  ment  in  tho  public 
mind,  and  much  dissatisfaction  expressed  on  account  of  that  mea- 
sure ;  and  with  my  limited  means  of  knowledge,  I  have  never  been 
able  to  learn  what  good  reason  induced  his  removal.  Few  men  in 
our  country  at  that  time  ranked  higher  than  Gen.  Schuyler  in  all  the 
essential  qualities  of  the  patriot,  the  gentleman,  the  soldier,  and  scho- 
lar.  True  to  the  cause  ol  .iberty,  he  made  sacrifices  which  few 
were  either  able  or  willing  to  bear.  The  nobility  of  soul  he  possess. 
ed,  distinguished  him  from  ordinary  men,  and  pointed  him  out  as 
one  deserving  of  public  confidence. 

At  the  surrender  of  the  royal  army,  he  generously  invited  Gen, 


.11 


AFFCNDIX. 


i\  ' 


I'  y 


Durgoync,  his  suite,  and  several  of  the  principal  ofTicerfl,  with  then 
ladies,  to  his  house  at  Alhany  ;  where,  at  his  own  expense,  he  fed 
and  lodged  them  fur  two  or  three  weeks  with  the  kindest  hospitality. 

This  is  the  man,  who,  a  fisw  days  hoforc,  had  suffered  immense 
loss  in  his  mills  and  other  Iniildings  at  Fish  creek,  hurncd  hy  order 
of  the  same  Burgoyno  who  had  now  hecomo  his  guest. 

Respi-cting  Gen.  Gules,  I  will  only  say,  Jinis  coronet  opus, 

Oct.  19th. — At  7  A.  M.  started  on  foot  to  view  some  other  and 
equally  interesting  places  ctmnected  with  the  campaign  of  1777. 
Three  miles  nnd  a  half  south  of  Fish  creek,  called  at  the  house  of  a 
Mr.  Smith,  in  which  Gen.  Fraser  died  of  wounds  received  in  the 
battle  of  tiio  7th  October,  and  near  wl.'ch  house,  in  one  of  the  Rri. 
tish  redoubts,  that  ofliccr  was  buried.  This  house  then  stood  by 
the  road  on  the  west  margin  of  the  intervale,  at  the  foot  of  the 
rising  ground.  A  turnpike  roud  having  since  been  constructed, 
running  twenty  or  thirty  rods  cast  of  the  old  road,  the  latter  has 
been  discontinued,  and  Mr.  Smith  has  drawn  the  house  and  .placed 
it  on  the  west  side  of  the  turnpike. 

Waiving,  for  the  present,  any  farther  notices  of  this  spot,  I  shall 
attempt  a  concise  narrative  of  the  two  hostile  armies  for  a  short 
period  anterior  to  the  groat  battle  of  the  7th  of  October. 

The  object  of  the  British  General  was  to  penetrate  as  far  as  Al- 
bany,  at  which  place,  by  concert,  he  was  to  meet  Sir  Henry  Clinton, 
then  with  a  fleet  and  army  lying  at  New-York.  In  the  early  part  of 
September,  Gen.  Burgoyne  had  advanced  with  his  army  from  Fort 
Edward,  and  crossed  the  Hudson  with  his  artillery,  baggage  wag. 
gons,  dic,  on  a  bridge  of  boats,  and  intrenched  the  troops  on  the 
highlands  in  Saratoga.  On  the  19th  of  September  they  left  their 
intrenchments,  and  moved  south  by  a  slow  and  cautious  march  to- 
ward the  American  camp,  which  was  secured  by  a  line  of  intrench, 
ments  and  redoubts  on  Behmus's  heights,  running  from  west  to  east 
about  half  a  mile  in  length,  terminating  at  the  east  end  on  the  west 
side  of  the  intervale. 

Upon  the  approach  of  the  royal  army,  the  American  forces  sal- 
lied  forth  from  their  camp,  and  met  the  British  about  a  mile  north 
of  the  American  lines.  A  severe  conflict  ensued,  and  many  brave 
oflicers  and  men  fell  on  both  sides.  The  ground  on  which  this  bat. 
tie  was  fought  was  principally  covered  with  standing  wood.  This 
circumstance  somewhat  embarrassed  the  British  troops  in  the  use 
of  their  field  artillery,  and  afforded  some  advantage  to  the  Ameri> 
cans,  particularly  the  riflemen  under  the  command  of  the  brave  Col. 
Morgan,  who  did  great  execution.     Night,  which  has  so  often  and 


AI'PKNUIX. 


im 


),  with  then 
cnse,  ho  fed 
hospitnUty. 
red  imiucnso 
ned  by  order 

opus. 

ifi  other  and 
ign  of  1777. 
he  house  of  a 
coivcd  in  the 
nc  of  the  Bri. 
hen  stood  by 
|je  foot  of  the 
1  constructed, 
the  latter  has 
se  and  .placed 

lis  spot,  I  shall 
ies  for  a  short 
jer. 

;  as  far  as  Al- 
Henry  Clinton, 
;he  early  part  ot 
rmy  from  Fort 
baggage  wag. 
troops  on  the 
they  left  their 
jious  march  to- 
me of  intrench- 
m  west  to  east 
jnd  on  the  west 

lean  forces  sal- 
^ut  a  mile  north 
id  many  brave 
Iwhich  this  bat- 
Lg  wood.    This 
lops  in  the  use 
le  to  the  Ameri- 
If  the  brave  Col. 
las  so  often  and 


so  kindly  interposed  to  stop  the  carnage  of  conflicting  hosts,  put  an 
end  to  the  l)attle.  Neither  party  churned  a  victory.  The  roya 
army  withdrew  in  the  night,  leaving  tiie  field  and  their  slain,  with 
some  of  tlieir  wounded,  in  possession  of  the  Americans.  The  loss 
of  kdled  and  wounded,  as  near  as  could  be  ascertained,  was,  on  the 
part  of  the  Rritish,  600  ;  and  on  that  of  the  Americans,  about  '\7)0. 
The  bravery  and  firmness  of  the  American  forces  displayed  this 
day,  convinced  the  British  officers  of  the  difficulty,  if  not  utter  im- 
[V'.'sihility  of  continuing  their  marcli  to  Albany.  The  season  for 
closing  the  campaign  in  that  northern  region  was  advancing — the 
American  army  was  daily  augmenting  by  militia,  volimteers,  and 
the  '•  two  months  men,"  as  they  were  then  called.  The  fear  that 
the  two  royal  armies  might  effect  their  junction  at  Albany,  aroused 
the  neighboring  states  of  New  England,  and  drew  from  New  Harnp- 
shire,  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  and  Vermont,  a  large  body  of 
determined  soldiers.  Baum's  defent  at  Bennington  had  inspired 
them  with  new  hopes  and  invigorad  d  their  spi-.its. 

Under  these  circumstances,  inauspicious  to  .he  hostile  army,  the 
British  commander-in-chief  summoned  a  council  of  war ;  the  re« 
suit  of  which  was  to  attempt  a  retreat  across  the  Hudson  to  Fort 
Edward,  (ien.  Gates,  apprehending  the  probability  of  this  mea. 
sure,  seasonably  detached  a  portion  of  his  force  to  intercept  and  cut 
off*  the  retreat,  should  that  be  attempted. 

Many  new  and  unexpected  difficulties  now  presented  themselves. 
The  boats  which  had  served  the  British  army  for  a  bridge,  being 
considered  by  them  as  of  no  further  use,  had  been  cut  loose,  and 
most  of  them  floated  down  the  river.  The  construction  of  rafts 
sufficient  for  conveying  over  their  artillery  and  heavy  baggage, 
would  be  attended  with  gre-t  danger  as  well  as  loss  of  time.  The 
bridges  over  the  creeks  had  been  destroyed ;  great  quantities  of 
trees  had  been  felled  across  the  roads  by  order  of  the  American 
General ;  and  another  thing,  not  of  the  most  trifling  nature,  Fort 
Edward  was  already  in  possession  of  the  Americans.  In  this  per. 
plexing  dilemma  the  royal  army  found  themselves  completely  check* 
mated.  A  retreat,  however,  was  attempted,  but  soon  abandoned. 
Situated  as  they  now  were,  between  two  fires,  every  motion  they 
made  was  fraught  with  danger  and  loss.  They  retired  to  their  old 
entrenched  camp. 

Several  days  elapsed  without  any  very  active  operations  on  either 
aide.  This  interval  of  time  was,  however,  improved  by  the  royal 
army  in  preparations  to  make  one  desperate  effort  to  force  the  line 
of  the  American  camp,  and  cut  their  way  through  on  their  march 

33 


Hv 


Al'PENDIX. 


m 


to  \lbany.  The  American  army  improved  the  meantime  m 
strengthening  their  outer  works,  arranging  their  forces,  and  placing 
the  Continentals  on  th:  north  side  of  the  intrcnchments,  where  va- 
liant  men  were  expected ;  thus  preparing  to  defend  every  point  of 
attack ;  Morgan,  with  his  riflemen,  to  form  the  left  flank  in  the 
woods. 

During  these  few  days  of  ••dreadful  preparation,"  infoimation 
daily  arrived  in  our  camp,  by  deserters  and  otherwise,  that  an  at- 
tack  would  soon  be  made  upon  the  line  of  our  intrenchn.'.  nts  at 
Behmus's  heights,  near  the  head-quarters  of  Gen.  Gates. 

The  expected  conflict  awakened  great  anxiety  among  the  Ame- 
rican  troops,  b'Jt  abated  nothing  of  that  sterling  intrepidity  and 
firmness  which  they  had  uniformly  displayed  in  the  hour  of  da.nger ; 
all  considered  that  the  exported  conflict  would  be  decisive  of  the 
campaign  at  least,  if  not  of  the  war  in  which  we  had  been  so  long 
engaged.  Immense  interests  were  at  stak.^.  Should  Gen.  Bur- 
goyne  succeed  in  marching  his  army  to  Albany,  Gen.  Clinton,  without 
any  considerable  difficulty,  would  there  join  him  with  another  pow- 
erful  English  army,  and  a  fleet  sufficient  to  command  the  Hudson 
from  thence  to  New.^ork.  Should  this  junction  of  force  take 
place,  all  the  r.tates  east  of  the  Hudson  would  be  cut  off"  from  all 
efficient  communicati  m  with  the  western  and  southern  states. 

In  addition  to  this  tlwrc  were  c'iier  considerations  of  the  deepest 
concern.  The  war  had  already  been  protracted  to  a  greater  length 
of  time  than  was  expected  on  either  side  at  the  commencement.  The 
resources  of  tho  country,  which  were  at  first  but  comparatively  small 
in  respect  to  tlose  things  necessary  for  war,  began  to  fail ;  the 
term  of  enlistment  of  many  of  the  soldiers  had  expired. 

We  had  no  public  money,  and  no  government  to  guarantee  the 
payment  of  wages  to  the  oflicors  and  soldiers,  nor  to  those  who 
furnished  supplies  for  the  troops.  Under  these  discouraging  circum- 
stances  it  became  extremely  difficult  to  raise  recruits  for  the  army. 
During  the  year  1776  and  the  fore  part  of '77,  the  Americans  suflTer- 
ed  greatly  by  sickness,  and  were  unsuccessful  in  almost  every  ren- 
contre  with  the  enemy.  Men's  hearts,  even  the  stoutest,  began  to 
fail.  This  was  indeed  the  most  gloomy  period  of  the  war  of  the 
revolution. 

On  the  7th  of  October,  about  10  o'clock,  A.  M.  the  royal  army 
commenced  their  march,  and  formed  their  line  of  battle  on  our 
left,  Kear  Behmus's  heights,  with  Gen.  Fraser  at  their  head.  Our 
pickets  were  driven  in  about  one  o'clock  P.  M.  and  wore  follo'.vnl 
by  the  British  troops  on  u  quick  march  to  within   fair  in!i«'<'  t  "v'  -  '. 


APPENDIX. 


Iv 


meantime   in 
es,  and  placing 
nts,  where  va- 
every  point  of 
ft  flank  in  the 

n,"  infoiniation 
vise,  that  an  at- 
utrcnchiij'.  nts  at 

lates. 

mong  the  Ame- 
intrepidiiy  and 
3  hour  of  danger ; 
!  decisive  of  the 
ad  been  so  long 
iiould  Gen.  Bur- 
,.  Clinton,  without 

vith  another  pow- 
land  the  Hudson 
ton  of  force  take 
I  cut  off  from  all 
ithcrn  states, 
ions  of  the  deepest 
to  a  great(?r  length 
unenccment.    The 
omparative'.y  small 
,egan  to  flul ;  the 

pired. 
to  giiarantcc  the 
nor  to  those  who 
scouraging  circum- 
iruits  for  the  army. 
»e  Americans  suffer- 
almost  every  ren- 
stoutest,  began  to 
of  the  war  of  the 

|m.  the  royal  army 

of  battle   on   our 

lat  their  head.     Our 

and  wore    followed 

kn   fair  musUrt  ^'•'■•. 


distance  of  the  line  of  our  entrenchments.  At  this  moment  com- 
menced a  tremendous  discharge  of  cannon  and  musketry,  which 
was  returned  with  equal  spirit  by  the  Americans. 

For  thirty  or  forty  minutes  the  struggle  at  the  breastworks  was 
maintained  with  great  obstinacy.  Several  charges  with  fixed  bayo- 
nets  were  made  by  the  English  grenadiers  with  but  little  effect. 
Great  numbers  fell  on  both  sides.  The  ardor  of  this  bloody  con- 
flict  continued  fur  some  time  without  any  apparent  advantage 
gained  by  either  [tarty.  At  length,  however,  the  assailants  began 
to  give  way,  prestrving  good  order  in  a  regular  but  slow  retreat — 
loading,  wheeling,  and  firing,  with  considerable  effect.  The  Ame- 
ricans followed  up  the  advantage  they  had  gained,  by  a  brisk  and 
well-directed  fire  of  field.pieces  and  musketry.  Col.  Morgan  with 
his  riflemen  hung  upon  the  left  wing  of  the  retreating  enemy,  and 
galled  them  by  a  most  destructive  fire.  The  line  of  battle  now  be- 
came extensive,  and  most  of  the  troops  of  both  armies  were  brought 
into  action.  The  principal  part  of  the  ground  on  which  this  hard 
day's  work  was  done,  is  known  by  the  name  of  "  Freeman's  farms." 
It  Wi.d  then  covered  by  a  thin  growth  of  pitch-pine  wood  without 
under  brush,  excepting  one  lot  of  about  six  or  eight  acres,  which 
liad  been  cleared  and  fenced.  On  this  spot  the  British  grenadiers, 
under  the  command  of  the  brave  Major  Ackland,  made  a  stand,  and 
bronght  together  some  of  their  field  artillery;  this  little  field  soon 
became  literally  "the  field  of  blood."  These  grenadiers,  the  flower 
of  the  royal  army,  unaccustomed  to  yield  to  any  opposing  force  in 
fair  field,  fought  with  that  obstinate  spirit  which  borders  on  madness. 
Ackland  received  a  ball  through  both  legs,  which  rendered  him  unable 
to  walk  or  stand.  This  occurrence  hastened  the  retreat  of  the  grena- 
diers, leaving  the  ground  thickly  strewed  with  theirdead  and  wounded. 

The  battle  was  continued  by  a  brisk  running  fire  until  dark.  The 
victory  was  complete  ;  leaving  tije  Americans  masters  of  the  field. 
Thus  ended  a  battle  of  the  highest  importance  in  its  consequences, 
and  which  added  great  lustre  to  the  American  arms.  I  have  seen 
no  official  account  of  the  numbers  killed  and  wounded  ;  but  the  loss 
on  the  part  of  the  British  must  have  been  great,  and  that  on  the  part 
of  the  Americans  not  inconsiderable.  The  loss  of  general  officers  suf. 
fereJ  by  the  royal  army  was  peculiarly  severe.  But  to  return  to 
the  Smith  house.  I  made  known  to  the  Smith  family  the  object  of 
my  calling  upon  them ;  found  them  polite  and  intelligent,  and 
learned  from  them  many  interesting  particulars  respecting  the  bat- 
tle of  the  7th  of  October.  For  several  days  previous  to  that  time 
G(tn.  Burgoyne  had  made  that  house  his  head-quarters,  accompa- 


V^ 


:^.k 


hi 


APPENDIX. 


If  •'II. 


nied  by  several  general  officers  and  their  ladies,  among  M'hom  were 
Gen.  Fraser,  the  Baron  and  Baroness  Reidesel,  and  their  children. 

The  circumstances  attending  the  fall  of  this  gallant  officer  have 
presented  a  question  about  which  military  men  are  divided  in  opi. 
nion.  The  facts  seem  to  be  agreed,  that  soon  after  the  commence- 
ment of  the  action,  Gen.  Arnold,  knowing  the  military  character 
and  efficiency  of  Gen.  Fraser,  and  observing  his  motions  in  leading 
and  conducting  the  attack,  said  to  Col.  Morgan,  "  that  officer  upon 
a  grey  horse  is  of  himself  a  host,  and  must  be  disposed  of.  Direct 
the  attention  of  some  of  the  sharp-shooters  among  your  riflemen  to 
him."  Morgan,  nodding  his  assent  to  Arnold,  repaired  to  his  rifle- 
men, and  made  known  to  them  the  hint  given  by  Arnold.  Imme- 
diately  upon  this,  the  crupper  of  the  grey  horse  was  cut  off  by  a 
rifle  bullet,  and  within  the  next  minute  another  passed  through  the 
horse's  mane,  a  little  back  of  his  cars.  An  aid  of  Fraser  noticing 
this,  observed  to  him,  "  Sir,  it  is  evident  that  you  are  marked  out 
for  particular  aim  ;  would  it  not  be  prudent  for  yviu  to  retire  from 
this  place  ?"  Fraser  replied,  "  my  duty  forbids  me  to  fly  from  dan- 
ger ;"  and  immediately  received  a  bullet  through  his  body.  A  few 
grenadiers  were  detached  to  carry  him  to  the  Sr.iith  house. 

Having  introduced  the  name  of  Arnold,  it  may  be  proper  to  note 
here,  that  although  he  had  no  regular  command  that  day,  he  volun- 
teered his  service,  was  early  on  the  ground,  and  in  the  hottest  part 
of  the  struggle  at  the  redoubts.  He  behaved,  (as  I  then  thought,) 
more  like  a  madman  than  a  cool  and  discreet  officer.  Mounted  on 
a  brown  horse,  he  moved  incessantly  at  a  full  gallop  back  and  forth, 
until  he  received  a  wound  in  his  leg,  and  his  horse  was  shot  under 
him.  I  happened  to  be  near  him  when  he  fell,  and  assisted  in  get. 
ting  him  into  a  litter  to  be  carried  to  head-quarters. 

Late  in  the  evening  Gen.  Burgoyne  came  in,  and  n  tender  scene 
took  place  between  him  and  Fraser.  Gen.  Fraser  was  the  idol  of 
the  British  army,  and  the  officer  on  whom,  of  all  others,  Burgoyne 
placed  the  greatest  reliance.  He  languished  through  the  night,  and 
expired  at  8  o'clock  the  next  morning.  While  on  his  death-bed  he 
advised  Burgoyne,  without  delay,  to  propose  to  Gen.  Gates  terms 
of  capitulation,  and  prevent  the  further  eflusion  of  blood  ;  that  the 
situation  of  his  army  was  now  hopeless  ;  they  could  neither  advance 
nor  retreat.  He  also  requested  that  he  might  be  buried  in  the  ^reat 
redoubt — his  body  to  be  borne  thither  between  sunset  and  dark,  by 
a  body  of  the  grenadiers,  without  parade  or  ceremony.  This  re- 
quest was  strictly  complied  with. 

After  viewing  the  house  to  my  satisfaction,  I  walked  up  to  the 


APPENDIX. 


Ivii 


g  whom  were 
[leir  children, 
t  officer  have 
livided  in  opi- 
\\e  commence, 
ary  character 
ions  in  leading 
at  officer  upon 
led  of.     Direct 
our  riflemen  to 
red  to  his  rifle- 
Arnold.     Imme- 
ras  cut  off"  hy  a 
ed  through  the 
Fraser  noticing 
are  marked  out 
^\x  to  retire  from 
to  fly  from  dan- 
is  body.     A  few 
h  house. 

le  proper  to  note 
it  day,  he  volun- 
the  hottest  part 
1  I  then  thought,) 
er.  Mounted  on 
)  back  and  forth, 
!  was  shot  under 
i  assisted  in  get- 

s. 

id  a  tender  scene 
was  the  idol  of 

others,  Burgoyne 

igh  the  night,  and 
his  death-bed  he 
[en.  Gates  terms 
blood;  that  the 

Id  neither  advance 
juried  in  the  great 
inset  and  dark,  by 
imony.    This  re- 
walked  up  to  the 


place  of  interment.  It  is  situated  on  an  elevated  piece  of  ground, 
commanding  an  extensive  view  of  the  Hudson,  and  a  great  length 
of  the  beautiful  interval  on  each  side  of  it.  I  was  alone ;  the 
weather  was  calm  and  serene.  Reflections  were  awakened  in  my 
mind  which  I  am  wholly  unable  to  describe.  Instead  of  the  bustle 
and  hum  of  the  camp,  and  confused  noise  of  the  battle  of  the  war- 
rior, and  the  shouts  of  victory  which  I  here  witnessed  fifty  years 
ago,  all  was  now  silent  as  the  abodes  of  the  dead.  And  indeed  far, 
far  the  greatest  part  of  both  those  armies  who  were  then  in  active  life 
at  and  near  this  spot,  are  now  mouldering  in  their  graves,  like  that 
valiant  officer  whose  remains  are  under  my  feet, — "  their  memories 
and  their  names  lost," — while  God,  in  his  merciful  Providence,  has 
preserved  my  life,  and  after  the  lapse  of  half  a  century  has  afforded 
me  an  opportunity  of  once  more  viewing  those  places  which  force 
upon  my  mind  many  interesting  recollections  of  my  youthful  days. 

Oct.  19th. — On  my  return  down  the  river  from  Albany  to  New- 
York,  in  the  steamboat  "  North  America,"  I  had  leisure  and  oppor- 
tunity for  reflecting  upon  the  immense  wealth  and  resources  of  the 
state  of  New-York — greater  I  believe,  at  this  time  than  that  of  any 
other  two  states  in  the  Union.  It  would  be  hazarding  nothing  to 
say,  that  tijis  single  state  possesses  more  physical  power,  and  more 
of  the  "  sinews  of  war,"  than  were  employed  by  the  whole  thirteen 
states  through  the  war  of  the  revolution.  This,  among  other  con. 
siderations,  led  me  to  the  reflection  how  honorable  it  would  be  to 
the  state,  and  how  deserving  of  the  occasion,  that  a  monument  be 
erected  at  or  near  the  place  where  the  royal  army  surrendered  by 
capitulation  on  the  17th  of  October,  1777,  in  commemoratioi?  of  an 
event  so  important  in  our  national  history.  The  battle  of  the  7th 
of  October  may  be  considered,  in  its  effects  and  consequences,  as  the 
termination  of  the  war,  with  as  much  propriety  as  that  of  Bunker's 
Hill  was  the  commencement  of  it. 

I  am.  Sir, 

Very  respectfully  yours, 

SAMUEL  WOODRUFF. 

Willia:«  L.  Stone,  Esa. 


NOTES  TO  THE  FOURTH  EDITION. 


STORY  or  HEINRICH  STARING. 


IS 


[Among  the  brave  German  natives  of  the  Mohawk  Valley,  wno 
distinguished  themselves  in  the  border  conflicts  of  the  revolution,  was 
Colonel  Heinrich  Staring.  His  residence  was  on  the  remote,  or 
Western  verge,  of  the  settlement  of  German  Flatts,  about  midway 
between  Fort  Dayton  and  the  Fort  S(;huyler  of  the  French  war,  now 
the  site  of  Utica.  At  the  commencement  of  the  war,  Mr.  Staring  was 
an  officer  of  the  militia,  and  in  the  autinnn  of  1778  was  made  a  cap- 
tive by  i.n  Ind'i.m  scout,  hanging  upon  the  skirts  of  the  settlement. 
The  adventures  of  his  captivity  being  full  of  peril,  the  author  made 
several  efforts  to  obtain  a  narrative  of  the  circumstances  while  the 
present  work  was  in  preparation  for  the  piess,  but  without  success. 
Since  the  publication  of  the  third  edition,  however,  tiie  writer  has 
been  favored  with  copies  of  a  couple  of  Lectures,  containing  notices 
of  men  and  events  connected  with  the  early  history  ot  u  portion  of 
the  Mohawk  country,  delivered  before  a  learned  society  in  the  city  of 
Utica  by  William  G.  Tracy,  Esq.,  from  which  the  following  account 
of  Mr.  Staring's  life  and  adventures  is  extracted  :] — 

"Litde  is  ka:  wn  of  the  early  history  of  Heinrich  Staring.  At  the 
commencement  of  the  Revolutionary  War  we  find  him  a  militia  offi- 
cer, and  regarded  by  the  royal  party  as  a  most  important  and  influen- 
tial personage  in  his  neighborhood.  He  was  present  at  the  battle  of 
Oriskany,  and  from  that  period  held  the  office  of  colonel  of  the  Tryon 
county  militia  during  the  remainder  of  the  war.  Possessing  great 
shrewdness,  strong  common-sense,  and  unflinching  intrepidity,  he 
enjoyed  the  unlimited  confidence  of  tlie  German  and  Dutch  setders 
on  the  Mohawk,  and  became  a  prominent  object  for  seizure  by  the 
enemy.  A  great  number  of  anecdotes,  illustrative  of  the  extraordinary 
means  that  were  used  by  the  enemy  he  had  to  deal  with  to  procure  his 
person  or  destroy  him,  might  be  related.  My  plan  for  this  evening, 
however,  will  permit  me  to  give  you  but  a  single  one.  The  story 
was  told  my  informant  from  the  lips  of  the  old  man  several  years  after 
the  war.  The  event  took  place  some  time  late  in  November,  and 
about  the  year  1778  or  1779.  He  had,  for  some  purpose,  gone  into  the 
woods  at  some  distance  from  his  home,  and  while  there,  by  chance, 
came  suddenly  upon  a  party  of  hostile  Indians,  who  were  prowling 


•A 


APPENDIX. 


lu 


N. 


:  "Valley,  wno 
; volution,  was 
he  remote,  or 
about  midway 
inch  war,  now 
x.  Staring  was 
is  made  a  cap- 
tie  settlement. 
,e  author  made 
ices  while  the 
ithout  success, 
tlie  writer  has 
fining  notices 
•t  a  portion  of 
kr  in  the  city  of 
owing  account 


taring. 


At  the 
a  militia  offi- 
nt  and  influen- 
it  the  battle  of 
el  of  the  Tryon 
ssessing  great 
intrepidity,  he 
Dutch  settlers 
seizure  by  the 
0  extraordinary 
to  procure  his 
>r  this  evening, 
lie.     The  story 
'eral  years  after 
S^ovember,  and 
gone  into  the 
ere,  by  chance, 
were  prowling 


about  the  settlement.  Before  he  became  fully  aware  of  their  presence, 
he  had  got  so  completely  in  their  power,  that  flight  or  resistance  were 
out   of  tlie  question.     He  was  seized  with  every  demonstration  of 
hellish  delight,  and  rapidly  hurried  away  in  a  contrary  direction  from 
his  home,  and  southward  of  the  Mohawk,  until  his  captors  supposed 
themselves  out  of  the  reach  of  pursuit,  when  they  directed  their  marcn 
westward,  and  at  night  reached  a  small  uninhabited  Avigwam  at  a  little 
more  than   a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  the  right  bank  of  the  Oriskany 
Creek,  above  Clinton,  in   what  is  now  called  Brothertown.     This 
wigwam  consisted  of  two  rooms,  separated  from  each  other  by  a  par- 
tition of  logs.     Into  ''lo  liir.Ter  of  these  there  opened  an  outside  door, 
wliich  furnished  the  ouij  ciiliance  to  the  hc'usc.     Another  door  com- 
municated from  tlie  larger  to  the  smaller  room.     The  latter  had  one 
window,  a  small  square  hole  of  less  than  a  foot  high  by  about  two  feet 
wide,  placed  nciu"ly  six  feet  above  the  floor.     The  whole  structure  was 
of  logs,  substantially  built.     The  Indians  examined  the  smaller  room, 
and  concludiHl  that  by  securely  I'-stcningtlieir  prisoner  hand  and  fooi, 
they   could   safely   keep  him  there  until  morning.     They  therefore 
bound  his  hands  behind  him  witli  withes,  and  then  fastened  his  ancles 
together  in  tlie  siuno  manner,  and  laid  him,  thus  bound,  in  the  small 
room,  while  they  built  a  fire  in  tlio  larger  one,  and  commenced  a 
consultation  concerning   the   disposition  of  him.     Staring,    tliough 
unublo  to  speak  the  Indian  language,  was  sufficiently  acquainted  witn 
it  to  understand  their  deliberations,  rnd  he  lay  listening  intently  to 
their  conversation.     The  whole  party  w»  re  unanimous  in  the  decision 
tluit  he  must  be  put  to  death,  but  the  mai  ner  of  doing  this  in  tlie  way 
best  calculated  to  malic  the  white  warricr  cry  like  a  cowardly  squaw, 
was  a  question  of  high  itnportanco,  and  one  which  it  required  a  good 
deal  of  deliberation  to  settle  satisfactorily  to  all  his  captors.    At  length, 
however,  it  was  agreed  tliat  he  should  be  burned  alive  on  the  follow- 
ing morning,  and  preparations  were  accordingly  made  for  the  dia- 
bolical sports  of  a  savage  auto  da  fe.     During  the  deliberation,  the 
horrible  fate  that  awaited  him  suggested  to  Colonel  Staring  tlie  ques- 
tion of  the  possibility  of  an  escape.     As  he  lay  on  the  ground  in  the 
•  wigwam,  ho  could  see  the  window  I  have  spoken  of,  and  he  deter- 
mined  to  make  an  effort  to  release  himself  from  the  withes  which 
bound  him,  and  endeavor  to  effect  a  passage  through  it  without  alarm- 
ing his  savage  keepers.     Before  they  had  sunk  to  rest,  he  had  so  far 
succeeded  as  to  release  one  of  his  hands  from  its  fastenings  sufficiently 
to  enable  him  to  slip  his  wrist  from  it.     On  finding  that  he  could  do 
this,  ho  feigned  sleep  ;  and  when  the  Indians  came  in  to  examine  and 
se-^  if  all  was  safe,  they  retired,  exulting  with  a  fiend-like  sneer,  that 


i 


1:1 


h 


4n 


APPENDIX. 


li^l      '' 


ii"l 


their  victim  was  sleeping  his  last  sleep.  They  then  all  laid  clown  on 
the  ground  in  the  larger  room,  to  go  to  sleep.  Staring  waited  until 
all  had  for  a  long  time  become  quiet,  when,  slipping  his  hands  from 
his  withes,  he  was  enabled  sdently  to  release  his  ancles,  and  by  climb- 
ing up  the  side  of  the  house  by  the  aid  of  tlie  logs,  to  escape  from  the 
window  without  creating  an  alarm.  In  the  attempt,  and  while  releas- 
ing his  ancles  from  the  withes,  he  had  necessarily  taken  off  his  shoes, 
and  had  forgotten  to  secure  them  with  him.  He  was  now  outside  of 
the  wigwam,  barefoot,  at  a  distance  of  five  i.:id  twenty  miles  from  his 
home,  without  a  guide  or  a  path,  hungry,  and  in  a  frosty  night  in 
November,  and  with  a  band  of  enemies  seeking  his  heart's  blood 
lying  ready  to  spring  upon  him.  But  he  was  once  more  free  from 
tfieir  clench,  and  this  one  thought  was  nerve,  and  strength,  and  food 
— was  all  he  needed  to  call  into  action  his  every  power.  lie  stole 
with  cautious  silence  from  the  wigwam,  directing  his  course  toward 
tne  creek,  and  increasing  his  gait  as  he  left  his  captors  and  got 
beyond  the  danger  of  alarming  them.  He  had  got  about  halfway  to 
the  creek,  and  had  begun  to  flatter  himself  that  his  whole  escape  was 
accomplished,  when  he  heard  a  shout  from  the  wigwam,  and  im- 
mediately the  bark  of  the  Indian  dogs  in  pursuit.  He  then  plunged 
on  at  tlie  top  of  his  speed,  ami  knowing  that,  while  on  the  land,  the 
dogs  would  follow  on  his  track,  in  order  to  baffle  their  pursuit,  as  soon 
as  he  reached  the  creek,  he  jumped  in,  and  ran  down  stream  in  the 
channel.  For  some  time  he  heard  the  shouts  of  his  late  masters,  and 
the  baying  of  their  hounds  in  the  pursuit ;  and  now  that  he  had  reached 
the  water  where  their  dogs  could  not  track  him,  he  laughed  outright 
as  he  ran,  in  thinking  of  the  disappointment  they  would  feel  when 
they  arrived  at  the  bank.  The  fear  of  the  faggot  and  all  its  accom- 
panying tortures,  furnished  a  stimulus  to  every  muscle,  and  he  urged 
on  his  flight  until  he  heard  no  more  of  his  enemies,  and  became 
satisfied  that  they  had  given  up  their  pursuit.  He  deemed  it  prudent, 
however,  to  continue  his  course  in  the  bed  of  the  creek  until  he  should 
reach  a  path  which  led  from  Oneida  to  old  Fort  Schuyler — a  mud  fort, 
built  on  the  present  site  of  this  city  during  the  French  war,  and 
which  was  situated  between  Main-street  and  the  banks  of  the  river,  a 
little  eastward  of  Second-street.  The  path  crossed  the  Oriskuny  about 
half  a  mile  westward  of  where  the  village  of  Clinton  now  stands.  He 
then  took  his  path,  and  pursued  his  course.  I  have  mentioned  that,  in 
haste  to  escape,  he  forgot  his  shoes.  He  had  on  a  pair  of  wool  stock- 
ings, but  on  running  on  the  gravel  in  the  creek,  they  soon  became 
worn  out,  and  the  sharp  pebbles  cut  his  feet.  In  this  difficulty  he 
bethought  him  of  a  substitute  for  shoes  in  the  coat  he  wore,  which, 


APPENDIX. 


hi 


fortunately,  was  made  of  thick,  heavy  serge.  He  cut  off  the  sleeves  of 
this  at  his  elbows,  and  drew  them  upon  his  feet,  and  thus  protected 
them  from  injury.  But  he  used  to  say  he  soon  found  this  was  robbing 
Peter  to  pay  Paul ;  for,  in  the  severity  of  the  night,  his  arms  became 
chilled  and  almost  frozen.  He  reached  the  landing  at  this  place  just 
in  the  gray  dawn  of  the  morning,  and  cautiously  rcconnoitering,  in 
order  to  ascertain  whether  any  one  was  in  the  fort,  which  was  fre- 
quently used  as  a  camp  ground,  he  satisfied  himself  that  no  one  was 
in  the  noighl)orhood.  In  doing  this,  he  fortunately  discovered  a  canoe 
which  had  floated  down  the  stream  and  lodged  in  the  willows  which 
grew  on  the  edge  of  the  bank.  He  instantly  took  possession  of  it, 
and  by  a  vigorotis  use  of  ^the  paddles,  with  the  aid  of  the  current, 
succeeded  in  reaching  his  home  with  his  little  bark  in  the  middle  of 
the  forenoon.* 

"  In  my  former  lecture,  I  mentioned  the  fact  that  the  whole  of  the 
State  westward  of  a  line  drawn  through  the  western  boundary  of 
Schenectady  county,  previous  to  and  during  the  revolutionary  war, 
constituted  the  county  of  Tryon,  being  named  in  honor  of  Governor 
Tryon,  the  last  colonial  Governor  of  New- York.  The  name  of  a 
royalist,  however,  sounding  harsh  to  American  cars,  immediately 
alter  the  war,  the  legiskiture,  by  an  act  passed  in  April,  1784, 
changed  its  name  to  Montgomery,  in  honor  of  the  memory  of  Gen. 
Richanl  Montgomery,  who  fell  in  the  attack  on  Quebec.  The  county 
continued  to  retain  all  its  territory  until,  in  1789,  when  the  emigration 
from  the  older  parts  of  the  country  had  so  increased  the  population 
in  the  western  oortion  of  the  State,  that  the  county  of  Ontario  was 
erected,  compvchending  all  the  territory  lying  west  of  a  line  drawn 
from  the  south-east  corner  of  the  present  county  of  Seneca  northward 
to  the  Lake  Ontario. 

"On  the  16th  of  February,  1791,  the  county  of  Montgomery  was 
still  ftirther  divided,  and  the  counties  of  Tioga,  Otsego  and  Herkimer 
formed  ;  the  county  of  Herkimer,  comprising  all  the  territory  lying 
between  the  present  counties  of  3Iontgomery  and  Oswego  on  the  east, 
and  the  Cayuga  Lake  on  the  west,  and  bounded  nortlierly  and  south- 

♦  In  a  verbal  relation  once  given  to  the  author,  of  this  escape  of  Colonel  Staring, 
by  the  late  Hon.  Henry  R.  Storrs,  who  was  acquainted  with  him,  it  was  stated  that 
during  the  Colonel's  flight  he  was  once  compelled  to  take  to  a  tree,  so  close  were 
his  pursuers  upon  him.  The  tree  which  he  climbed  was  a  hemlock,  the  thick 
foliage  of  which  effectually  concealed  his  person.  The  Indians  came  in  numbers 
past  the  tree ;  but  although  their  dogs  had  lost  the  scent  of  his  track,  they  sua- 
spected  not  the  place  of  his  concealment.  It  was  af\cr  his  departure,  having  appa< 
rently  relinqi-'shod  Ithe pursuit,  that  the  Colonel  descended,  and  took  to  the  channel 
of  tlie  brook.  W.  L.  S. 


IxU 


APPENDIX. 


3i;  'ii 


:iil 


'  S  ~' 


erly  by  the  north  and  south  boundaries  of  the  State.  By  the  act 
erecting  the  county,  it  was  provided  that  a  court  of  common  pleas  and 
general  sessions  should  be  held  in  die  county  twice  in  each  year,  and 
at  the  Church  in  Herkimer,  until  other  legislative  provisions  should 
be  made  concerning  the  matter.  Another  provision  of  this  act  seems, 
to  tlie  observer  of  the  present  day,  very  remarkable,  and  shows,  as 
strikingly  as  any  other  fact,  the  rapidity  with  which  our  country  has 
sprung  from  its  first  beginnings  to  its  present  condition.  It  was  en- 
acted, that  it  should  not  be  the  duty  of  the  Justices  of  the  Supreme 
Court  to  hold  a  Circuit  Court  once  ia  each  year,  in  eidier  of  the  three 
new  counties  then  formed,  unless  in  their  judgment  they  should 
deem  it  proper  and  necessary.  No  court  in  u  territory  now  constitu- 
ting the  greater  portion  of  four  judicial  circuits,  and  furuisliiug  suffi- 
cient business  for  sixty  circuit  courts  in  each  year,  besides  nearly  one 
hundred  and  twenty  terms  of  courts  of  common  picas,  and  sixteen  of 
the  court  of  chancery ! 

"Ill  organizing  the  court  of  coiunion  pleas  for  Herkimer  county, 
Colonel  Staring  was  appointed  its  first  Judg;;.  It  is  not  sui)poscd, 
nor  j)retended,  that  any  peculiar  (pialiflcations  or  (itnoss  ibr  the  office 
recommended  him  for  die  appointment.  His  honest  and  strong,  but 
uncultivated  mind,  had  never  been  schooled  to  threading  the  mazes  of 
legal  science  ;  and,  indeed,  he  had  enjoyed  lew  of  e\c:i  the  most  com- 
mon advantiiges  of  education.  Rut  he  possessed  the  confidence  of 
his  fellow-citizens  for  his  sterling  integrity,  strong  common  sense, 
and  tried  and  approved  patriotism  ;  and  these  qualifications  were 
regarded  by  George  Clinton,  then  Governor  of  the  State,  as  sufficient 
to  warrant  his  appointment  to  the  office  ;  and  in  forming  our  opinion 
of  the  appointment,  we  should  take  into  consideration  the  fact,  that  at 
that  period  in  the  history  of  this  State  there  was  scarcely  to  be  found 
a  court  of  common  pleas  which  could  boast  a  Iaw}er  in  its  catalogue 
of  judges.  The  judges  of  Uiese  tribunals  were,  almost  without  excep- 
tion, taken  from  the  respectable  farmers  and  mechanics  of  the  land, 
and  were  men  who  made  no  pretensions  to  a  knowledge  of  the  artifi- 
cial rules  which  go  to  make  up  what  we  professional  genUemen  are 
wont  to  call  the  perfection  of  reason  ;  but  who  decided  the  question 
coming  before  them  by  the  plain  principles  of  common  sense,  and 
their  own  views  of  right  and  wjong.  And  it  is  no  disparager.ient  to 
the  fair  fame  of  the  courts  of  common  pleas  of  that  day  to  assert,  that 
that  in  which  Judge  Staring  presided  was  in  no  respect  inferior 
to  its  sister  tribunals.  And  I  have  the  authority  of  a  lav/yer  once 
holding  a  distinguished  rank  at  the  bar  of  this  State,  and  whose  par- 
tialities, all  who  remember  tiim  will  bear  me  witness,  betrayed,  at  least, 


APPENDIX. 


Ixiii 


ite.     By  the  act 
mmon  pleaa  and 
u  each  year,  and 
irovisions  should 
}f  this  act  seems, 
e,  and  shows,  as 
V  our  country  has 
tion.     It  was  en- 
s  of  the  Supreme 
[?ithcr  of  the  three 
iicnt   thoy  should 
ory  now  constitu- 
I  furnishing  su(H- 
scsldes  nearly  one 
las,  and  sixteen  of 

Herkimer  county, 
is  nut  supposed, 
tno>s  for  the  office 
■st  and  strong,  but 
ading  the  mazes  of 
:i  the  most  com- 
thc  confidoncc  of 
ig  common  sense, 
pialifications   were 
State,  as  sufficient 
jrming  our  opinion 
ion  the  llict,  that  at 
arcely  to  be  found 
ycr  in  its  catalogue 
iiost  without  cxcep- 
lunics  of  the  land, 
wledgc  of  the  artifi- 
nal  gentlemen   are 
ecided  the  question 
ommon  SJ>nse,  and 
lo  disparager.ient  to 
it  day  to  assert,  that 
10  respect    inferior 
of  a  lav/yer  once 
ute,  and  whose  par- 
3s,  betrayed,  at  least, 


no  especial  leaning  to  the  Dutch,  I  mean  the  late  Erastus  Clark,  in 
the  opinion,  that  for  strength  of  mind,  correctness  of  judgment,  and 
unflinching  integrity,  he  never  knew  a  man  who,  with  so  limited  an 
education,  in  the  station  which  he  held,  could  have  been  regarded  his 
superior.  A  great  many  anecdotes,  illustrative  of  his  simplicity  o{ 
character,  are  related.  I  will  merely  revert  to  one  well  known  to  many 
of  my  hearers.  Under  the  insolvent  laws  of  the  day,  a  debtor  could 
make  an  application  to  a  judge  of  the  county  courts  for  a  discharge 
from  his  debts  upon  making  an  assignment  of  all  his  property.  One 
day  an  unfortunate  debtor  applied  to  him  to  obtain  the  relief  aflbrded 
by  the  statute,  and  having  prepared  and  duly  executed  his  assignment, 
waited  the  signature  of  the  judge  to  perfect  his  discharge.  Well,  said 
he,  have  you  got  all  things  ready.  Yes,  replied  the  debtor ;  every 
thing  is  prepared — all  you  have  to  do  is  to  sign  my  discharge.  Very 
well,  said  the  judge,  have  you  paid  all  your  debts  ?  O  no,  said  the 
debtor;  if  I  had  I  should  not  apply  for  the  benefit  of  the  .'Statute.  But, 
replied  the  judge,  I  can't  sign  the  paper  till  you  have  paid  all  your 
debts  :  you  must  pay  your  debts  first.  Upon  this  point  he  was  inex- 
orable, and  the  applicant  was  forced  to  seek  elsewhere  the  relief  he 
desired. 

*'  On  the  19th  of  January,  1793,  an  act  was  passed  authorising  every 
alternate  term  of  the  court  of  common  pleas  of  Herkimer  county  to 
be  held  at  such  place  in  Whitestown,  as  should  by  the  courts  be 
directed  by  orders  to  be  entered  in  the  minutes.  The  first  court  held 
in  this  county  under  this  provision  was  held  in  a  barn  in  New- Hart- 
ford, belonging  to  the  late  Judge  Sanger,  (New  Hartford  then  form- 
ing a  part  of  the  town  of  "VMiitestown,)  in  the  month  of  October,  in 
the  year  1793,  Judge  Staring  presiding,  and  the  late  Judge  Piatt, 
then  clerk  of  the  county  of  Oneida,  officiating  as  clerk.  The  sheriff" 
of  Herkimer  county  at  that  day  Avas  a  Colonel  Colbraith — an  Irish- 
man, who,  in  the  war,  had  done  some  service  to  his  adopted  country, 
and  had  acqiiired  his  title  as  a  militia  officer  since  the  peace.  His 
education  had  not  been  conducted  witli  especial  reference  to  the 
usages  of  what  is  technically  called  good  society ;  and,  indeed,  his 
manners  bore  unequivocal  evidence  that  they  originated  from  a  na- 
tive mine  of  genuine  good  humor  and  a  raost  capacious  soul,  rather 
than  from  the  arbittury  rules  of  a  professor  of  polite  breeding.  A 
gentleman  who  attended  the  court  as  a  spectator,  informed  me  that 
the  day  was  one  of  the  damp,  chilly  days  we  frequently  have  in  Octo- 
ber, and  that  in  the  afternoon,  and  when  it  was  r^ early  night,  in  order 
to  comfort  themselves  in  their  by  no  means  very  wcll-appoinied 
court  room,  and  to  keep  their  vital  blood  at  a  temperature  at  which  it 


4,*j» 


» 


Ixiv 


APPENDIX. 


^.'^p! 


V    il 


would  continue  to  circulate,  some  of  the  gentlemen  of  the  bar  had  in- 
duced the  sheriff  to  procure,  from  a  neighboring  inn,  a  jug  of  spirits. 
This,  it  must  be  remembered,  was  before  the  invention  of  temperance 
societies,  and  we  may  not,  therefore,  pass  too  hasty  an  opinion  upon 
the  propriety  of  the  measure.  Upon  the  jng  appearing  in  court,  it  was 
passed  around  the  bar  table,  and  each  of  the  learned  counsellors  in 
his  turn  upraised  the  elegant  vessel  and  decanted  into  his  mouth,  by 
the  simplest  process  imaginable,  so  nmch  as  he  deemed  a  sufficient 
dose  of  the  delicious  fluid.  While  the  operation  Avas  going  on,  the 
dignitaries  on  the  bench,  who  wore,  no  doubt,  suflering  quite  as  much 
from  the  chilliness  of  the  weather  as  their  brethren  of  the  bar,  had  a 
little  consultation,  when  the  first  Judge  announced  to  the  audience 
that  (he  court  saw  no  reason  why  they  should  contiime  to  hold  open 
there  any  longer  and  freeze  to  death,  and  desired  the  crier  forthwith 
to  adjourn  the  court.  Before,  however,  this  functionary  cou'd  com- 
mence with  a  single — "  Hear  ye,"  Colonel  Colbraith  jumped  up, 
catching,  as  he  rose,  the  jug  from  the  lawyer  who  was  complimenting 
its  contents,  and  holding  it  up  towards  the  bench,  hastily  ejaculated — 
"  Oh  no,  no,  no.  Judge —  don't  adjourn  yet — take  a  little  gin,  Judge 
— that  will  keep  you  warm — 'tant  time  to  adjourn  yet ;"  and  suiting 
the  action  to  the  word,  he  handed  His  Honor  the  jug.  It  appeared 
that  there  was  force  in  the  Sheriff's  advice ;  for  the  order  to  adjourn 
was  revoked,  and  the  business  went  on. 

Judge  Staring  continued  in  ofTice  until  after  the  erection  of  Oneida 
county,  and  finally  resigned  his  office  shortly  after  that  event.  His 
death  took  place  alter  the  year  ISUU,  but  at  what  precise  period  I  have 
been  unable  to  learn."     Tmcifs  Lecluve. 

Judge  Staring  died  in  1810,  a  few  months  before  the  author  com- 
menced his  residence  in  that  portion  of  the  Mohawk  Valley,  and 
many  were  the  amusing  anecdotes  in  those  days  related  of  him. 
One  of  these  was  the  story,  now  familiar  to  every  body,  of  the  cele- 
brated "Yankee  Pass."  While  in  the  commission  of  the  peace,  the 
Judge  was  old-fashioned  enough  to  think  that  the  laws  ought  not  to 
remain  a  dead  letter  upon  the  statute-book  ;  and,  being  a  good  Chris- 
tian, he  was  zealous  in  preventing  a  violation  of  the  Sabbath.  It 
happened  that  of  a  Sunday  morning  the  Judge  saw  a  man,  in  the  garb 
of  a  traveller,  wending  his  way  from  the  direction  of  the  Genesee 
country  toward  "  the  land  of  steady  habits."  The  way-farer  was  indeed 
a  member  of  the  universal  Yankee  nation,  and  or>o  of  the  shrewdest  of 
his  cast,  as  will  b*»  ,Seen  in  the  sequel.  The  Judge  promptly  called 
him  to  an  account  for  breal-  ing  the  Sabbath,  and  summarily  imposed 
the  peoalty  of  the  law — seventy-five  cents.     The  Yankee  pleaded  the 


f  tho  bar  had  in- 
a  jug  of  spirits. 
»n  of  temperance 
an  opinion  upon 
g  in  co\irt,  it  was 
d  couusellors  in 
ito  his  mouth,  by 
emcd  a  sufficient 
as  going  on,  the 
ng  quite  as  much 
of  the  bar,  had  a 
1  to  the  audience 
nue  to  hold  open 
;he  crier  forthwith 
:)nary  cou'd  com- 
raith  jumped   up, 
as  complimenting 
Lstily  ejaculated — 
a  little  gin,  Judge 
l^ct ;"   and  suiting 
jug.     It  appeared 
order  to  adjourn 

nectlon  of  Oneida 

that  event.     His 

ciso  period  I  have 

re  the  author  cora- 
ohawk  Valley,  and 
related  of  him. 
)ody,  of  the  cele- 
n  of  the  peace,  the 
aws  ought  not  to 
ing  a  good  Chris- 
'  the  Sabbath.     It 
a  man,  in  the  garb 
on  of  the  Genesee 
ly-farerwas  indeed 
of  the  shrewdest  of 
Ige  promptly  called 
mmmarily  imposed 
fankee  pleaded  tho 


APPENDIX. 


Ixv 


urgency  of  his  business ;  and  suggested  that,  as  he  had  paid  the  penalty, 
he  had  an  unquestionable  right  to  travel  during  the  remainder  of  the  day. 
The  niiigistrato  saw  nothing  unreasonable  in  the  recpiest,  and  assented 
to  the  compromise.  Jonathan  then  suggested,  that,  to  avoid  any  far- 
ther difficulty  in  tho  premises,  the  Judge  ought  to  supply  him  with  a 
receipt  for  the  money,  and  a  passport  as  the  consideration.  This 
request  likewise  appeared  to  be  no  more  than  reasonable,  and  was 
granted  by  the  worthy  magistrate,  who,  not  being  able  to  write  himself, 
requested  the  stranger  to  prepare  tho  document  lor  his  signature,  by 
the  honest  sign  of  the  X-  Nothing  loath,  Jonathan  took  the  pen  in 
hand,  and  might  have  written  a  veritable  pass  perhaps,  had  it  not  been 
for  the  sudden  influence  of  an  invisible  agency.  Under  this  influ- 
ence, he  wrote  an  order  upon  Messrs.  James  and  Archibald  Kane,  tlw 
principal  frontier  merchants  at  Canajoharic,  for  goods  and  money  to 
the  amount  of  twenty  pounds.  Tho  credit  of  the  Judge  was  tho  best, 
and  tho  draft  was  honored  at  sight.  Some  months  afterward  tho 
Judge  took  his  wheat  to  the  Messrs.  Kanes  for  sale  as  usual,  when, 
to  hid  surprise,  a  claim  was  preferred  to  the  aforesaid  amount  of 
twenty  pounds.  The  Judge  protested  that  ho  owed  them  not,  having 
paid  every  dollar  at  their  last  annual  settlement.  Tho  merchants  per- 
sisted, and,  as  evidence  that  could  not  be  gainsayed,  produced  the 
order.  The  moment  tlie  eyes  of  the  Judge  rested  upon  the  document, 
his  countenance  fell,  as  ho  exclaimed,  "Dunder  and  blixum  !  Itsh  be 
dat  blaguey  Yankee  Pass!"     This  anecdote  is  believed  to  be  true. 

W.  L.  S. 


JAMES  DEAN,  THE  INDIAN  INTERPRETER. 

[The  name  of  James  Dean  occurs  frequently  in  the  course  of  the 
present  work  as  an  Indian  interpreter.  Ilis  sen'ices  were  of  great 
value  in  that  capacity  during  tho  war,  and  he  afterward  became  a  dis- 
tinguished citizen  of  the  Oneida  country.  The  events  of  his  life, 
especially  the  earlier  part  of  it,  being  closely  interwoven  with  the 
border  history,  the  following  biographical  sketch  will  not  be  deemed 
out  of  place  in  this  connexion.  It  is  taken  from  one  of  the  lectures 
of  Mi.  Tracy,  already  referred  to  in  the  preceding  article  : — ] 

Another  name,  distinguished  in  the  history  of  Oneida  county,  and 
occupying  no  obscure  place  in  the  catalogue  of  American  patriots, 
is  that  of  tho  late  James  Dean.     The  history  of  this  individual,  and 


Ixvi 


APPENDIX. 


y  .J 


M 


his  agency  in  many  of  the  cvciil;«  tninspiring  previous  to  and  during 
the  revolutionary  war,  would  form  a  voKunc  of  deeply  intereHtiug  and 
most  thrilling  incidents.  A  native  of  Now  England,  and  the  child 
of  religious  parents,  at  the  early  ago  of  eleven  yeara,  at  the  solici- 
tntion  of  a  connexion  of  his  father's  family,  vho,  as  clurgynian, 
had  heen  engaged  in  the  husincas  of  Indian  missions,  his  parcuits, 
like  the  riiother  of  Samuel,  devoted  him  to  the  service  of  the  tem- 
ple, aa  a  herald  of  the  Cross  to  the  sons  of  (he  fjrest.  In  order  to 
prepare  their  child  for  the  peculiar  duties  ho  would  be  called  upon 
to  perform,  by  the  advice  of  the  relative  I  have  mentioned,  they 
concluded  to  send  him,  even  then  in  his  eurly  youth,  to  become  ac- 
quainted with  the  Indian  language  and  habits,  and  ;nunners,  and  to 
grow  up  among  and  in  contact  with  those  among  whom  they  in- 
tended his  life  should  be  spent.  At  this  time  a  branch  of  the  Onei- 
dos  resided  nt  a  settlement  called  Onaquaga,  situated  on  the  Sus- 
quehanna, and  to  this  place  young  Dean  was  sent  to  become  a 
denizen  of  the  forest.  A  missionary  occasionally  visited  the  post, 
and  to  him  the  early  educption  of  the  subject  of  our  notice,  in  the 
arts  and  letters  of  civilized  life,  was  entru.sted,  while  he  was  acquir- 
ing, with  every  day's  growth,  the  accomplishments  which  go  to 
make  up  the  thorough-bred  native  of  the  wilderness.  Here  he  con- 
tinued until  he  arrived  at  a  suitable  age  to  enter  Dartmouth  College, 
with  which  institution,  very  shortly  after  it  received  its  charter,  he 
connected  himself.  Ho  here  completed  his  under-graduatc  course 
in  1773,  and  was  graduated  in  the  third  class  which  received  its 
honors  at  thai  institution.  Previous  to  tliis  graduation,  he  accom- 
panied a  friend,  the  Rev.  Sylvanus  Ripley,  afterwards  the  first  pro- 
fessor of  divinity  of  the  college,  on  a  mission  to  the  Indians 
residing  at  Penobscot  and  on  the  Bay  of  Fundy.  In  a  pul  iication 
of  the  first  president  '\^^lcclock,  printed  at  Hartford  in  1173,  he  in 
spoken  of  in  the  following  manner  : — 

"Mr.  Dean  has  now  finished  his  course  of  studies  here,  and 
"  upon  finding,  as  I  have  already  mentioned,  that  he  may,  with  little 
"expense,  be  able  to  preach  to  tlie  Ilurons  freely  in  their  own 
"tongue,  has  determined,  if  God  please,  when  he  has  perfected 
"  himself  in  the  French  tongue,  to  enter  on  a  mission,  and  with  a 
"  proper  companion,  preach  as  an  itinerant,  not  only  to  the  Six  Na- 
"  tions,  (with  whom  he  lived  many  years  from  his  youth,)  but  to 
"  the  tribes  that  can  understand  him  to  a  thousand  miles,  if  such 
"  there  are  at  that  distance." 

Such  were  the  views  and  intentions  with  which  he  received  his 
bachelor's  diploma,  and  he  accordingly  commenced  studies  in  the- 


APPENDIX. 


Ixvii 


US  to  and  during 
J  interesting  and 
id,  uud  tlie  child 
lira,  at  tlio  solici- 
,  as  clorgynian, 
L)nH,  hirt  paientH, 
rvicc  of  the  teni- 
•est.  In  order  to 
d  bo  called  upon 

uicntioiied,  they 
h,  to  become  ac- 

tiianiiers,  and  to 
g  whom  they  in- 
inch  of  the  Onei- 
atcd  on  the  Siis- 
ent  to  become  a 

viwited  the  post, 
our  notice,  in  tht^ 
lo  he  was  acqiiir- 
snta  which  go  to 
IS.  Here  he  coii- 
artmouth  College, 
ed  its  charter,  he 
r-graduatc  course 
vhich  received  its 
lation,  ho  accom- 
ords  the  first  pro- 
to  the  Indians 
In  a  pu'  iication 

rd  in  ;';73,  he  i» 


le 


studies  here,  and 
may,  with  little 
ely  in  their  own 

he  has  perfected 
ission,  and  with  a 
ily  to  the  Six  Na- 
lis  youth,)   but  to 

ud  miles,  if  such 

1  he  received  his 
3d  studies  in  the- 


ology, and  continued  them  for  several  months,  when  he  was  regu- 
larly licensed  as  a  preac!.erof  tlie  gospel,  though,  owing  to  the  cir- 
cumstances which  aUerwards  gave  u  change  to  his  pursuits,  ho  never 
was  ordained  to  the  sacred  oirico. 

It  will  be  recollected,  that  the  period  at  which  I  have  now  arrived 
was  that  of  the  comnit;neemont  of  tho  troubles  which  preceded  the 
war  of  the  Revolution.  The  odious  duty  upon  tea  was  exciting  in 
America  tho  deepest  feeling  of  onoosition  to  the  administration  of 
aflaira  in  tho  mother  country,  and  resolutions  of  resistance  to  its 
execution,  amounting  to  open  rebellion,  were  publicly  passed  in  tho 
popular  assemblies  held  in  every  colony.  Tho  opposition  to  the 
entrance  of  ships  bearing  cargoes  of  tea  into  New-York,  Phila- 
delphia, and  most  of  tho  ports  of  the  colonies,  the  destruction  of  the 
tea  in  Uostun  harbor  in  the  winter  of  '73 — '74,  and  tho  meastnes  of 
the  government  thereupon  in  the  passage  of  tlio  bill  shutting  up  tho 
port  of  Boston  as  a  punishment  for  the  insult  to  the  royal  authority  ; 
tho  act  of  parliament  altering  tho  whole  form  of  government  in 
Massachusetts,  and  authorising  the  removal  of  persons  accused  of 
murder  or  of  any  capital  ofTenco  in  aiding  the  enforcement  of  these 
laws  by  tho  magistracy,  to  the  mother  country  for  trial,  early  in  tho 
year  1774,  had  increased  the  feeling  of  excitement  which  pervaded  all 
the  colonies,  and  rendered  universal  the  belief  that  a  crisis  was 
approaching,  in  which  it  would  become  necessary  for  all  tho  colonies 
to  defend  their  rights  witli  strong  arm.  At  tliis  period,  when  the  first 
continental  Congress  was  assembling  at  Philadelphia,  and  the  lead- 
ing citizens  of  each  colony  were  endeavoring  to  ascertain  the  sen- 
timents of  all  classes  of  people  relative  to  the  contest  that  was.  por- 
tending, the  peculiar  talents  and  qualifications  which  his  education 
had  afTorded  him,  recommended  tho  subject  of  our  notice  to  tlic  con- 
tinental authorities  as  a  suitable  person  to  ascertain  tho  feeling  of 
the  Indians  in  New-York  and  Canada,  and  the  part  they  would  pro- 
bably take  in  tlie  event  of  a  war  with  the  mother  country.  In  order  to 
disguise  the  object  of  his  mission,  it  was  arranged  that  he  should  assume 
the  business  of  an  Indian  trader,  and  he  was  accordingly  furnished 
with  such  goods  as  were  then  carried  into  the  Indian  country  by  that 
class  of  persons,  and  with  letters,  bills  of  parcels,  and  other  documents 
from  a  well-known  house  at  Boston  at  tliat  time  engaged  in  the  traffic, 
in  order  to  authenticate  his  assumed  character.  Thus  prepared,  he 
set  out  upon  an  expedition  to  visit  the  Six  Nations,  and  the  vaiious 
branches  of  the  different  tribes  composing  them,  or  connected  with 
them  living  in  Canada.  In  tlie  course  of  his  travels  in  Lower  Canada, 
he  was  arrested  by  the  British  authorities  as  a  spy,  and  carried  to 


m 


Ixviii 


AFPENOIX. 


Quebec ;  but  by  a  prudent  and  careful  bearing  of  himself,  aided  by 
tlie  papers  which  he  carried,  he  was  discharj^i d,  iind  returned  home, 
having  successfully  accomplished  the  object  of  his  mission.  As  tho 
trouble  increased  in  the  colonies,  his  services  became  of  great  import- 
ance to  the  country,  in  order  to  conciliate  the  Indian  tribes,  and  us 
a  means  of  communication  with  them.  An  adopted  son  of  the 
Oneldas,  educated  in  their  habits  and  customs,  and  skilled,  moreover, 
in  all  the  white  man's  knowledge,  tho  nation  regarded  him  with  more 
than  parental  affection  ;  and  to  the  regard  which  they  entertained  for 
him  and  their  religious  teacher,  Mr.  Kirkland,  may  be  wholly  attri- 
buted their  friendship  for  the  colonists,  while  most  of  the  other  portions 
of  the  Six  Nations  adhered  to  the  arms  of  the  mother  country.  On 
the  final  outbreak  of  hostilities  in  1775,  and  the  assignment  of  the 
command  of  the  north-western  frontier  of  New- York  to  General 
Schuyler,  Mr.  Dean  was  appointed  to  the  office  of  Indian  Agent,  'v'th 
the  staff  rank  of  major  in  the  army,  and  during  the  whole  war  ot'  ine 
revolution  he  continued  his  services  to  the  country  iii  that  capacity. 
For  most  of  the  time  his  duties  were  performed  in  i.ie  neighborhood 
of  the  Oneidas.  A  very  considerable  portion  of  the  war  he  was  sta 
tioned  at  Fort  Stanwix,  the  site  of  the  present  village  of  Rome  ;  and 
by  virtue  of  his  office,  superintended  the  intercourse  with  the  Indians, 
and  the  obtaining  of  all  information  through  tliem.  By  means  of  an 
Indian  scout  in  his  employment,  known  to  the  early  settlers  of  the 
county,  and  indeed  remembered  by  tha  writer  as  Saucy  JVick,  he  ob 
tained  information  of  the  very  hour  that  the  attack  was  to  be  made 
upon  Cherry  Valley,  previous  to  the  massacre  at  that  ill-fated  settle- 
ment, and  in  sufficient  time  to  have  Colonel  Alden,  the  commander 
of  the  post,  app'ised  of  it.  The  intelligence  was  transmitted  to  him 
through  the  commandant  of  'he  garrison  at  Fort  Stanwix ;  but  the 
ill-fated  Alden,  disregarding  the  news,  and  sneering  at  it  as  an  Indian 
humbug,  permitted  the  inhabitants  of  the  settlement  peacefully,  and 
unalarmed  and  unprotected,  to  retire  to  rest  on  the  night  of  the  attack, 
and  before  the  morning,  paid  with  his  own  life  and  the  lives  of  those 
he  was  placed  to  protect,  the  price  of  his  rash  incredulity. 

The  siege  of  Fort  Stanwix  and  the  battle  of  Oriskany  occurred 
during  an  absence  of  Mr.  Dean  down  the  Mohawk.  On  his  return 
with  the  brigade  commanded  by  General  Arnold  intended  for  the 
relief  of  the  garrison,  he  passed  the  battle-ground,  still  strewn  with 
the  corses  of  those  who  had  fallen  in  the  conflict,  blackening  unburied 
where  they  fell.  Th^  brigade  paused,  and  performed  the  last  sad  office 
to  their  compatriots  ;  and  when  the  earth  had  received  their  remains, 
proceeded  to  its  destination.     The  subject  of  our  notice  subsequently 


APPENDIX. 


Ixix 


limself,  aided  by 
returned  home, 
lission.     As  the 
of  great  import- 
in  tribes,  and  us 
)ted   son   of  the 
killed,  moreover, 
;d  him  with  more 
ly  entertained  for 
y  be  wholly  attri- 
lie  other  portions 
ler  country.     On 
issignmcnt  of  the 
York  to  General 
ndian  Agent, ' .  Hh 
vhole  war  ot  tae 
'  in  that  capacity, 
me  neighborhood 
I  war  he  was  sta 
;e  of  Home  ;  and 
i  with  the  Indians, 
By  means  of  an 
arly  settlors  of  the 
lucy  JVick,  he  ob 
was  to  be  made 
lat  ill-fated  settle- 
in,  the  commander 
ransmittcd  to  him 
Stanwix ;   but  the 
at  it  as  an  Indian 
snt  peacefully,  and 
light  of  the  attack, 
the  lives  of  those 
lulity. 

)riskany  occurred 
;.  On  his  return 
intended  for  the 
1,  still  strewn  with 
ickening  unburied 
1  the  last  sad  office 
ived  their  remains, 
otice  subsequently 


was  attached  to  the  expedition  of  Gen.  Sullivan  in  the  western  part  of 
New- York,  and  was  present  at  the  battle  at  Newtown — now  Elmira. 
A  manuscript  journal  and  narrative  of  this  expedition,  prepared  by 
him  \\\{\\  great  care,  was  for  many  years  preserved  by  his  family,  but 
has  unfortiinaloly  been  destroyed.  The  information  it  contained 
woi'ld  have  boon  extremely  valuable,  and  serve  to  throw  much  light 
upon  the  mannc^rs  and  condition  of  the  Six  Nations  at  that  period. 
At  the  close  of  the  war  the  Oncidas  granted  him  a  tract  of  land  two 
miles  s'juare,  1_>  ing  on  the  Wood  Creek,  west  of  Rome,  to  which  he 
removed  in  1784,  and  commenced  its  improvement.  Here  he  con- 
tinued two  yravs,  when  he  efTccted  an  exchange  with  the  nation  for 
the  tract  of  'and  lying  in  Westmoreland,  known  as  Dean's  Patent, 
and  removed  to  his  late  residence  upon  it  in  17S6,  where  he  con- 
tinued to  reside  until  his  death.  Upon  the  cession  to  the  State,  in 
17SS,  of  the  lands  lying  outside  of  the  line  of  property  as  it  is  called, 
the  State,  in  view  of  his  meritorious  services  daring  the  war,  confirm- 
ed the  grant  to  him  by  patent,  under  which  a  portion  of  the  land  is 
held  l)v  his  family  at  the  present  day. 

Two  or  three    vicars   after  the  removal  of  Mr.  Dean  from  Wood 

ml 

Crook  to  the  latter  place,  an  incident  occurred  which  furnishes  a 
parallel  to  the  rescue  of  Captain  Smith  by  Pocahontas  in  the  early 
days  of  Virginia.  An  institution  existed  among  the  Indians  for  the 
punishment  of  a  murderer,  answering,  in  some  respects,  to  the  Jewish 
code.  It  became  the  duty  of  the  nearest  relative  of  the  deceased  to 
pursue  him,  and  avenge  his  brother's  death.  In  case  the  murder 
was  pcrpe* rated  by  a  member  of  a  different  tribe,  the  offence  de- 
manded that  the  tribe  of  the  murdered  man  should  require  the  blood  of 
some  member  of  the  ofTonding  tribe.  This  was  regarded  as  a  neces- 
sary atonement,  and  as  absolutely  requisite  to  the  ha[)[)incss  of  the 
deceased  in  the  world  of  spirits,  and  a  religious  duty,  and  not  as  a 
mere  matter  of  vengeful  gratification.  L  the  period  to  whicli  I  have 
referred,  an  Indian  had  beeu  murdered  by  some  unknown  white  man, 
who  had  escaped.  The  chiefs  thereupon  held  a  considtation  at  Oneida 
to  determine  what  was  to  he  done.  Their  deliberations  were  held  in 
secret,  but  through  the  friendship  of  one  of  the  number,  Mr.  Dean 
was  advised  of  what  was  jjoing  on.  From  the  office  that  he  had  hold, 
and  the  high  standing  he  niaintain(>d  among  the  white  men,  it  was 
urged  in  the  council  that  he  was  the  proper  person  to  sacrifice  in 
atonement  for  the  ofionce  committed.  The  (luestion  was,  however, 
a  very  difficult  one  to  dispose  of.  lie  had  been  adopted  into  the  tribe, 
and  was  held  to  be  a  son  ;  and  it  was  argued  by  many  of  the  chiefs  that 
he  could  now  be  no  more  responsible  for  the  offence  than  one  of  the 

34 


■^•ip 


]xx 


APPENDIX. 


:?,. 


[if.  5    ,  / 


natives  of  the  tribe,  and  that  his  sacrifice  would  not  furnish  the  proper 
atonement.  For  several  days  the  matter  was  debated,  and  no  decision 
was  arrived  at.  While  it  was  undetermined,  he  continued  to  hope  for 
the  best,  and  his  friendly  informant  kept  him  constantly  advised  of  all 
was  arrived  at.  At  first  he  reflected  upon  the  propriety  of  his  leaving 
tlie  country,  and  escaping  trom  the  danger.  But  his  circumstances, 
together  with  the  hope  of  a  favorable  issue  of  the  (question  in  the 
council,  induced  him  to  remain.  He  had  erected  a  small  house, 
which  he  was  occupying  with  his  wife  and  two  children,  one  an 
infant;  and  it  was  idle  to  think  of  removing  them  without  exciting 
observation,  and  perhaps  causing  a  sacrifice  of  all.  As  the  council 
continued  its  session  for  several  days,  his  hopes  of  a  favorable  deci- 
sion brightened.  He,  however,  kept  the  whole  matter  to  himself,  not 
even  mentioning  it  to  his  wife,  and  prepared  himself  for  any  emer- 
gency which  might  befall  him.  One  night,  after  he  had  retired  to  bed, 
he  was  awoke  by  the  sound  of  the  death  whoop  at  a  short  distance 
from  his  house.  He  then,  for  the  first  time,  communicated  to  his  wife 
his  fears  that  a  party  were  approaching  to  take  his  life.  He  enjoined 
it  upon  her  to  remain  (juiet  with  her  children  in  the  room  where  they 
slept,  while  he  would  receive  the  council  in  an  adjoining  one,  and 
endeavor  to  avert  their  determination,  trusting  to  Providence  for  the 
result.  He  met  the  Indians  at  the  door,  and  seated  them  in  the  outer 
room.  There  were  eighteen,  and  all  chief  or  head-men  of  the  nation. 
The  senior  chief  informed  him  that  they  had  come  to  sacrifice  him  for 
the  murder  of  their  brother,  and  that  he  must  now  prepare  to  die.  He 
replied  to  them  at  length,  claiming  that  he  was  an  adopted  son  of  the 
Oneidas  ;  that  it  was  unjust  to  require  his  blood  for  the  wrong  com- 
mitted by  a  wicked  white  man  ;  that  he  was  not  ready  to  die,  and  that 
he  could  not  leave  his  wife  and  children  unprovided  for.  The  coun- 
cil listened  to  him  with  profound  gravity  and  attention,  and  when  he 
sat  down,  one  of  the  chiefs  replied  to  him.  He  rejoined,  and  used 
every  argument  his  ingenuity  rould  devise  in  order  to  reverse  their 
sentence.  The  debate  continued  a  long  time,  and  the  hope  of  escape 
grew  fainter  and  fainter  as  it  proceeded.  At  length  he  had  nearly 
abandoned  himself  to  the  doom  they  had  resolved  upon,  when  he 
heard  the  pattering  of  a  footstep  without  the  door.  All  eyes  were  fixed 
upon  the  door.  It  opened,  and  a  squaw  entered.  She  was  the  wife  of 
the  senior  chief,  and  at  the  time  of  Mr.  Dean's  adoption  into  the  tribe 
in  his  boyhood,  she  had  taken  him  as  her  son.  The  entrance  of  a 
woman  into  a  solemn  council,  was,  by  Indian  etiquette,  at  war  with 
all  propriety.  She,  however,  took  her  place  near  the  door,  and  ail 
.ooked  on  in  silence.     A  moment  after,  another  footstep  was  heard. 


t 


AFFENDIX. 


Ixxi 


rnish  the  proper 
and  no  decision 
lued  to  hope  for 
;ly  advised  of  all 
:y  of  his  leaving 
i  circumstances, 
(luestion  in  the 

a  small  house, 
lildren,  one  an 
vithout  exciting 

As  the  council 
I  favorable  doci- 
;r  to  himself,  not 
elf  for  any  emer- 
iid  retired  to  bed, 
,  a  short  distance 
icated  to  his  wife 
e.     He  enjoined 
room  where  they 
Ijoining  one,  and 
'rovidence  for  the 
them  in  the  outer 
len  of  the  nation. 

sacrifice  him  for 
spare  to  die.  He 
dopted  son  of  the 

the  wrong  com- 
dy  to  die,  and  that 

for.  The  coun- 
ion,  and  when  he 
cjoined,  and  used 
cr  to  reverse  their 
he  hope  of  escape 
;th  he  had  nearly 
upon,  when  he 
\11  eyes  were  fixed 
he  was  the  wife  of 
)tion  into  the  tribe 

The  entrance  of  a 
quctte,  at  war  with 

the  door,  and  all 
botstep  was  heard, 


and  another  Indian  woman  entered  the  council.  This  was  a  sister  of 
the  former,  and  she,  too,  was  the  wife  of  a  chic^f  then  present.  Anotlier 
pause  ensued,  and  a  third  entered.  Each  of  the  three  stood  wrapped 
closely  in  her  blanket,  but  said  nothing.  At  length  the  presiding 
chief  addressed  them,  telling  them  to  begone,  and  leave  the  chiefs  to 
go  on  with  their  business.  The  wife  replied,  that  the  council  must 
change  their  determination,  and  let  the  good  white  man — their  friend — 
her  own  adopted  son,  alone.  The  command  to  be  gone  was  repeated, 
when  each  of  the  Indian  women  threw  off  her  blanket,  and  showed  a 
knife  in  her  extended  hand  ;  and  declared  that  if  one  hair  of  the  white 
man's  head  was  touched,  they  would  each  bury  tlieir  knives  in  their 
own  heart's  blood.  The  strangeness  of  the  whole  scene  ovorwhclmed 
witli  amazement  each  member  of  the  council,  and  reg.uding  the 
unheard-of  resolution  of  tlie  women  to  interfere  in  the  matter  as  a  sort 
of  mauiiestutiou  of  the  will  of  the  Great  Spirit  that  the  white  man's 
life  should  not  be  taken,  their  previous  decree  was  reversed  on  the 
spot,  and  the  lite  o''  their  victim  preserved. 

Shortly  af'ter  tlie  erection  of  the  county  of  Herkimer  in  1791,  Mr. 
Dean  was  appointed  a  judge  of  the  county  courts,  in  which  office  he 
was  continued  uutil  the  erection  of  the  county  of  Oneida,  when  he 
was  appointed  to  a  similar  station  in  this  county,  and  retained  the 
office  by  successive  appointments,  and  occasionally  served  as  a  mem- 
ber of  the  state  legislature,  until  the  year  1813,  when  he  retired  tVom 
public  life,  and  devoted  his  remaining  days  to  the  enjoyment  of  do- 
mestic quiet,  and  a  preparation  for  the  time  of  his  departure.  This 
event  took  place  in  September,  1832. 

The  lives  of  few  men  present  more  claims  to  the  affection,  respect, 
and  veneration  of  their  countrymen  than  that  of  Judge  Uean.  From 
the  circumstances  of  his  youth  and  education,  calculated  to  exercise 
a  most  useful  and  important  part  in  his  country's  service,  he  was  early 
called  to  act  in  emergencies  requiring  the  display  of  great  wisdom, 
strong  fortitude,  and  sincere  and  devoted  patriotism,  in  all  of  which 
he  showed  himself  equid  to  the  demaud.  As  a  citizen,  his  amiable 
deportment,  his  benevolence,  and  his  unwavering  integrity,  endeared 
him  to  all  who  knew  him.  As  a  magistrate  and  legislator,  his  strong 
and  well-balanced  mind,  well  stored  with  sound  learning  and  the 
wisdom  which  is  begotten  of  experience  and  extensive  ol)servation, 
commanded  universal  respect  within  the  sphere  in  which  he  moved. 


# 


buii 


APPENDIX. 


FAMILY  NAME  OF  BRANT. 


'4 


Since  the  first  edition  of  this  work  was  published,  that  indefatigo"  j 
antiquary,  Giles  F.  Yates,  Esq.,  of  Schenectady,  has  discovered  a 
document  which  confirms  the  opinion  advanced  by  the  author  in  the 
first  chapter,  that  the  name  of  Brant  was  inherited  by  the  chief.  The 
following  is  a  copy  of  the  document  referred  to  : — 

"To  all  Christian  people  to  whom  these  presents  shall  come, 
Hcndrick,  Cornelis,  and  Esras,  native  Indian  Proprietors  and  owners 
of  the  Maquas  country,  in  the  Province  of  New-York,  in  America, 
send  greeting.  Know  yee  that  we  the  said  Hcndrick,  Cornelis,  and 
Esras,  as  well  for  and  in  consideration  of  ye  Lore,  respect,  and  ((ffec- 
lion,  u'h.  we  bear  to  JVlrs.  JMnrn-nyelt  Collins,  youngest  child  of  Mrs. 
Margaret  Schuyler,  late  of  Albany,  deed,  from  ivhom  in  her  life-time 
v'c  rccil.  great  friendship]!  and  perticidar  good  services,  and  also  before 
and  since  her  death  from  the  said  Margarett  Collins,  her  daughter, 
now  wife  of  John  Collins,  of  the  city  of  Albany  afores'd.  Gentleman, 
and  aiy^  for  divers  other  good  causes  and  considerations,  us  thereunto 
moveing,  have  given  and  granted,  and  by  these  presents,  do  give,  grant, 
and  confirm,  uiito  the  said  Margarett  Collins,  and  her  sonu  Edward 
Collins,  to  whom  also  (as  her  sonn)  we  bear  great  liove  and  aflection, 
all  that  certain  Tract  or  parcell  of  arable  or  Meaddow  •  Land,  situate, 
lying  and  being  on  the  west  side  of  the  Maquas  River,  beginning 
from  a  Kill  or  Creek,  called,  by  the  Indians  Yon-dut-e-no  skar-ra, 
(boundaries  omitted.) 

In  testimony  whereof,  we  the  said  Ilendrick,  Cornelis,  and  Esras, 
have  hereunto  &ott  our  hands,  and  affixed  our  seals,  in  the  Matpias 
country  this  tenth  day  of  July,  in  the  Thirteenth  year  of  the  Roign  of 
our  Sovereign  Lady  Anne,  over  Great  Briltain,  France  and  Ireland, 
Queen,  &c.  defender  of  the  faith  annoq.  dom.  1714. 

Here  follow  the  signatures  to  the  deed,  with  the  name  of  the  animal, 
a  rude  Sketch  of  which  is  attached  to  each  name.  Thests  animals,  it 
is  supj)osed,  represent  the  different  tribes  to  which  >    5  signers  be- 


longed. 


Hendrick,  wolf,  his  mark, 
Cornelis,  tortoise,  his  mark. 
Esras,  elk,  his  mark. 
Aurie,  his  x  mark. 
Togwayenant,  serpent,  his  mark. 
Schavcghneguese,  turtle,  his  mark. 
Ezras,  snake,  his  mark. 
Johauuus,  turtle,  his  mark. 


'■f;i  .  ilti 


1,  that  indefatigD'  j 
,  has  discovered  a 
y  the  author  in  the 
by  the  chief.     The 

jsents  shall  come, 
rietors  and  owners 
•York,  in  America, 
ick,  Cornelis,  and 
,  respect,  and  nffec- 
igest  child  of  Mrs. 
m  ill  hev  life-time 
"cts,  and  also  before 
lins,  her  daughter, 
ores' d.  Gentleman, 
ations,  us  thereunto 
nits,  do  give,  grant, 
her  sonn  Edward 
[iove  and  affection, 
.low  •  Tjand,  situate, 
s  River,  beginning 
i-dut-e-no  skar-ra, 

)rnelis,  and  Esras, 
als,  iu  the  Mutiuas 
ar  of  the  Roigu  of 
ance  and  Ireland, 
4. 

lame  of  the  animal, 
These  animals,  it 
cb  '    i  signers  be- 


•k. 
irk. 


APPENDIX. 


Ixxiii 


Ctine,  tortoise,  his  mark. 

Lucas,  bear,  his  mark. 

Sett,  tortoise,  his  mark. 

Yolihawhczah,  deer,  his  mark. 

Anthony,  bear,  his  mark. 

Sander,  hedge  hog,  his  mark. 

Symou,  fox,  his  mark. 

Esras,  his  x  mark. 

BRANT,  wolf,  his  mark. 

Gydeon,  deer,  his  mark. 

Aulida,  tortoise,  her  mark. 

Rebecca,  tortoise,  her  mark. 

Eusena,  her  x  mark. 

Jacob,  deer  or  elk,  his  mark. 

Signed  sealed  and  delivered 

in  the  presence  of  us 

William  Pruntup,  his  x  mark. 

William  W.  Loik, 

Lauukns  Classen, 

New- York,  16th  Nov.  1714. 

Recorded  in  the  Secretaries  Office  of  ye  Province  of  New- York, 

iu  ye  book  for  Indian  deeds.      IJogunn  in  May  1691.  Vol.  148,  pa. 

152. 

Comp.  &  Exam. 

Pr.  J.  V.  Westmark,  1>.  Secretarij. 
I,  Lawrence  Clause,  sworn  Interpreter  for  the  Indian  affairs,  do 
certify  that  not  only  Ilendrick,  Cornelius,  and  Ezras,  but  also  the 
other  Indians  and  Indian  women,  native  owners  and  propryetors  of 
the  Maquas  Country,  who  have  sett  their  hands  and  seals  to  the  within 
written  deed  of  {^uiji,  have  rohmtavHy  given  tlie  within  mentioned 
Lands  and  premises,  unto  Mrs.  Margaret  Collins,  and  her  sonu 
Edward  Collins,  within  named,  according  to  the  playn  meaning,  In- 
tent and  ellect  of  the  within  written  deed,  and  for  and  on  the  con- 
siderations therein  mentioned,  and  that  they  all  consented  to,  approved 
and  conlir^ned,  tlio  said  deed  of  gnitl,  and  sett  all  their  hands  and  seals 
thereto,  as  a  further  testimony  thereof,  (as  they  otlen  repeated,)  all 
equally  guided  by  the  same  considerations  of  Love,  respect  and  affec- 
tion to  the  withii!  named  Margarctt  Collins,  and  Edward  Collins,  her 
sonn,  and  all  delivered  tlie  within  written  deed.  Given  under  my 
hand  this  thirteenth  day  of  July  anno  dom.  1714. 

LAURENS  CLASEN, 

SiDorn  Iriierpreter, 


■»J 


Jxxir 


APPENDIX. 


Thus,  it  appears,  in  addition  to  the  evidence  afforded  by  the  Diary 
of  Sir  William  Johnson,  that  there  was  a  Mohawk  chief,  bearing  the 
name  of  Brant  so  early  as  anno  domini  1714.  Hence  there  is  no 
necessity  for  the  theory  of  l)r.  Stewart,  that  the  chieftain's  name  was 
a  corruption  of  that  of  his  supposed  step-father,  Barnet,  (page  2, 
vol.  I.)  Indeed,  there  is  an  English  name  "  Brant,"  of  long  standing, 
still  to  be  found  in  this  country  as  well  as  in  England,  which  may 
have  been  adopted  by  the  ancestors  of  Joseph  Brant  at  the  time  of 
their  first  intercourse  with  the  English.  A  Dutchman,  by  the  name  of 
Schuyler,  married  into  one  of  the  branches  of  this  English  Brant 
family.  Hence  the  name  of  "  Brant  Schuyler,"  of  which,  if  we  re- 
member right,  mention  is  made  in  Mrs.  Grant's  memoirs.  Joseph 
Brant  was  unquestionably  the  son  of  a  Mohawk  sachem  of  that  name. 


»r( 


rdcd  by  the  Diary 
chief,  bearing  the 
fie  nee  there  is  no 
jftain's  name  was 
Barnet,  (page  2, 
of  long  standing, 
gland,  which  may 
int  at  the  time  of 
,n,  by  the  name  of 
is  English  Brant 
•f  which,  if  we  rc- 
fiemoirs.  Joseph 
liem  of  that  name. 


